UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA   SAN  DIEGO 


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LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

SAN  DIEGO 


JNIVERSITY  OF 


3  1822026702738 


Social  Sciences  &  Humanities  Library 

University  of  California,  San  Diego 
Please  Note:  This  item  is  subject  to  recall. 

Date  Due 


Cl  39  (5/97) 


UCSD  Lib. 


A  HISTORY  OF 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  THE 
END  OF  THE  MEIJI  ERA 


BY 

CAPT.  F.  BRINKLEY,  R.  A. 

EDITOB  or  THE  "JAPAN  MAIL" 
WITH  THE  COLLABORATION  OF 

BARON  KIKUCHI 

FORMER  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  UNIVERSITY  AT  KYOTO 


WITH  150  ILLUSTRATIONS  ENGRAVED  ON  WOOD  BY  JAPANESE 
ARTISTS;  HALF-TONE  PLATES,  AND  MAPS 


THE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA  BRITANNICA  Co., 
NEW  YORK 

THE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA  BRITANNICA  Co.,  LIMITED, 
LONDON 


i  c  *  JL  x 

y"  >  r  i 


COPYBIGHT,  IN  THB  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  1915 
BY 

THE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA  BRITANNICA  COMPANY 


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DEDICATED    M 
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TO  "'Tt  m? 

fi/S  MAJESTY  MEIJITENNO. 
THE  LATE 

>ar,9  ftd  EMPEROR  OF  JAPAN* 


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.SI61  .OTOYl'I 


vr 


FOREWORD 


It  is  trite  to  remark  that  if  you  wish  to  know  really  any  people,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  have  a  thorough  knowledge  of  their  history,  including  their  mythology, 
legends  and  folk-lore:  customs,  habits  and  traits  of  character,  which  to  a 
superficial  observer  of  a  different  nationality  or  race  may  seem  odd  and  strange, 
sometimes  even  utterly  subversive  of  ordinary  ideas  of  morality,  but  which  can 
be  explained  and  will  appear  quite  reasonable  when  they  are  traced  back  to 
their  origin.  The  sudden  rise  of  the  Japanese  nation  from  an  insignificant 
position  to  a  foremost  rank  in  the  comity  of  nations  has  startled  the  world. 
Except  in  the  case  of  very  few  who  had  studied  us  intimately,  we  were  a  people 
but  little  raised  above  barbarism  trying  to  imitate  Western  civilisation  without 
any  capacity  for  really  assimilating  or  adapting  it.  .  At  first,  it  was  supposed 
that  we  had  somehow  undergone  a  sudden  transformation,  but  it  was  gradually 
perceived  that  such  could  not  be  and  was  not  the  case;  and  a  crop  of  books 
on  Japan  and  the  Japanese,  deep  and  superficial,  serious  and  fantastic,  interest- 
ing and  otherwise,  has  been  put  forth  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  were  curious 
to  know  the  reason  of  this  strange  phenomenon.  But  among  so  many  books, 
there  has  not  yet  been,  so  far  as  I  know,  a  history  of  Japan,  although  a  study 
of  its  history  was  most  essential  for  the  proper  understanding  of  many  of  the 
problems  relating  to  the  Japanese  people,  such  as  the  relation  of  the  Imperial 
dynasty  to  the  people,  the  family  system,  the  position  of  Buddhism,  the  influence 
of  the  Chinese  philosophy,  etc.  A  history  of  Japan  of  moderate  size  has  indeed 
long  been  a  desideratum;  that  it  was  not  forthcoming  was  no  doubt  due  to  the 
want  of  a  proper  person  to  undertake  such  a  work.  Now  just  the  right  man 
has  been  found  in  the  author  of  the  present  work,  who,  an  Englishman  by  birth, 
is  almost  Japanese  in  his  understanding  of,  and  sympathy  with,  the  Japanese 
people.  It  would  indeed  be  difficult  to  find  any  one  better  fitted  for  the  task  —  by 
no  means  an  easy  one  —  of  presenting  the  general  features  of  Japanese  history 
to  Western  readers,  in  a  compact  and  intelligible  form,  and  at  the  same  time  in 
general  harmony  with  the  Japanese  feeling.  The  Western  public  and  Japan 
are  alike  to  be  congratulated  on  the  production  of  the  present  work.  I  may  say 
this  without  any  fear  of  reproach  for  self-praise,  for  although  my  name  is  men- 
tioned in  the  title-page,  my  share  is  very  slight,  consisting  merely  in  general 
advice  and  in  a  few  suggestions  on  some  special  points. 

DAIROKU  KIKUCHI. 
KYOTO,  1912. 


IV 


Art,  Religion,  Literatim/,  Customs.  an< 
Kamakura  Period 

Fali'of  the  Hoioand  K,  -;•  of  the  Ashikat 


i,  i>!O  ni  qfnsohoteiH  sdT  •  .1 

.    \     ...     ..-•;-.   ,.    •.  \r§oIodJ-v,M  o89imq,Bl    .11 

AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

jiV  J!l  j.'ifl.;;      .        JKHi-BSilBHOitefl  •    ."71     • 

••"'  • '-'MiiK'jj ',  ;jj*{j : 'to  nijjnO     .V 

During  the  past  three  decades  Japanese  students  have  devoted  much  in- 
telligent labour  to  collecting  and  collating  the  somewhat  disjointed  fragments 
of  their  country's  history.  The  task  would  have  been  practically  impossible 
for  foreign  historiographers  alone,  but  now  that  the  materials  have  been  brought 
to  light  there  is  no  insuperable  difficulty  in  making  them  available  for  purposes 
of  joint  interpretation.  That  is  all  I  have  attempted  to  do  in  these  pages,  and 
I  beg  to  solicit  pardon  for  any  defect  they  may  be  found  to  contain. 

.  BRINKLEY. 


TOKYO,  1912. 


sdT  -  .HX  - 
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v 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.     The  Historiographer's  Art  in  Old  Japan 1 

II.    Japanese  Mythology 8 

III.  Japanese  Mythology  (Continued)  •'..). 16 

IV.  Rationalization      .  '   .     JL__L 28 

V.     Origin  of  the  Japanese  Nation:  Historical  Evidences      .      .  34 

VI.     Origin   of   the  Nation:    Geographical    and    Archaeological 

Relics  4^ 

.r-riOfjfiii  v4u;')fTTrrnT  fi9t)d  SyjBn  lAvo^r  jfejsl'adi     '.'•'••j:-  •*!  -  *  • 

VII.     Language  and  Physical  Characteristics     ^.P-V;    .      ...  56 

VIII.     Manners  and  Customs  in  Remote  Antiquity 61 

iL'.  J     fll    *)&    OT                         -                                                               :  1J>     ?-L     -,'  :U-    ~i                  •  :       '     J 

IX.     The  Prehistoric  Sovereigns  •  j:-ii.!)  vr ti. lot  n.* r    .      .     .      .76 

X.     The  Prehistoric  Sovereigns  (Continued)      .     .     .  ^     .     .  92 

XI.     The  Prehistoric  Sovereigns  (Continued) 99 

XII.     The  Protohistoric  Sovereigns "f.m^     .  108 

XIII.  The  Protohistoric  Sovereigns  (Continued) 117 

XIV.  From  the  29th  to  the  35th  Sovereign 131 

XV.     The  Daika  Reforms    .      .      .     ;     .     .     .     .     .     .     .      .  159 

XVI.     The  Daiho  Laws  and  the  Yoro  Laws 176 

XVII.    The  Nara  Epoch   .     .  ;  ;.~   .     .     .     .     .     ...     .     .  185 

XVIII.     The  Heian  Epoch     1^,^;,.^-     ....     .:     ...  224 

XIX.     The  Heian  Epoch  (Continued)    .      .     .     .     .     .;     .  ':.     .  235 

XX.     The  Heian  Epoch  (Continued) 245 

XXI.     The  Capital  and  the  Provinces  .      .      .      .     ;•>  v-'v;"  iT-Ps  V  257 

XXII.     Recovery  of  Administrative  Authority  by  the  Throne     .     .  269 

XXIII.  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Heian  Epoch      .     .     .      .  '  .  275 

XXIV.  The  Epoch  of  the  Gen  (Minamoto)  and  the  Hei  (Taira)       .  284 
XXV.     The  Epoch  of  the  Gen  and  the  Hei  (Continued)    ....  302 

XXVI.     The  Kamakura  Bakufu 335 

XXVII.    TheHojo 347 

vi 


CONTENTS 


vu 


XXVIII.     Art,  Religion,  Literature,  Customs,  and  Commerce  in  the 
Kamakura  Period          

XXIX.     Fall  of  the  Hojo  and  Rise  of  the  Ashikaga 

XXX.     The  War  of  the  Dynasties     .    :..    .     .  ; 

XXXI.     The  Fall  of  the  Ashikaga       .      .      .„,,     .     .     .j?  . 

XXXII.     Foreign  Intercourse,   Literature,   Art,   Religion,   Manners, 
and  Customs  in  the  Muromachi  Epoch  . 

XXXIII.  The  Epoch  of  Wars  (Sengoku  Jidai) 

^'    •     •     ~T£.    ,/v_    cfa 

XXXIV.  Nobunaga,  Hideyoshi,  and  leyasu   .      .      .  (grwjY/'.  !o  *i3L  m.ii 

XXXV.  The  Invasion  of  Korea     .      ..... rrKo 

XXXVI.  The  Momo-Yama  Epoch       .     .   ;  ^.elnieM  odi  isn»  &nej£  ,n 

XXXVII.  Christianity  in  Japan 

XXXVIII.  The  Tokugawa  Shogunate  •—. — r-  .      .      ....... 

XXXIX.     First  Period  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu;  from  the  First  Toku- 
gawa Shogun,  leyasu,  to  the  Fourth,  letsuna  (1603-1680) 

XL.  Middle  Period  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu;  from  the  Fifth 
Shogun ,  Tsunayoshi,  to  the  Tenth  Shogun,  leharu  (1680- 
1786)  ,.£  .  .  .  .  ...  ,  .  ....  .A  .fl  t^blrai8[  /5  .; 

XLI.     The  Late  Period  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu.    The  Eleventh 
Shogun,  lenari  (1786-1838) 

XLII.     Organization,  Central  and  Local;  Currency  and  the  Laws  of 

.LI.      rn    i  r>    T     f 

the  Tokugawa  Bakufu       .     .....     .     .'    .   ^-T 

XLIII.    Revival  of  the  Shintd  Cult    JtiiasS^8,    ''?li  .... 

XLIV.     Foreign  Relations  and  the  Decline  of  the  Tokugawa 

XLV.     Foreign  Relations  and  the  Decline  of  the  Tokugawa  (Con- 
tinued)    .      .      .      .   .  .(nho.  .      .      .      ..'•O.ei^laipy..-     . 

XLVI.     The  Meiji  Government 

XLVII.    Wars  with  China  and  Russia 

$• 
APPENDIX 

1.  Constitution  of  Japan,  1889    

2.  Anglo- Japanese  Agreement,  1905  .   .  . 

3.  Treaty  of  Portsmouth,  1905    . 

INDEX          


365 
376 
396 
413 

442 
460 
473 
509 
521 
530 
556 

573 

596 


. 
632 

644 
651 

661 
679 
697 


741 


8TX/1TKOO 

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HISTORICAL  MAPS 

i 


.  fht.-.-M  /i)'jf-.ai!'".  '  "  ''ffj  ni  feiiu>  l^-if'  )  haxj 

Japan  about  1337:  Northern  and  Southern  Courts  .  J  v'  •   J^-  ;"*'£  -j      .     403 

Japan  in  Era  of  Wars,  1577:  Distribution  of  Fiefs    /*  ,ns/;nudoK.  ..      j     456 

Japan  in  1615:  Feudatories       ....  J^ioX  lo.noiaisvffl  arfT  •/.     _     579 

Japan,  Korea  and  the  Mainland  of  Asia  **><&  Mut-urnoU.  ?dT.  .j     .     706 

Ofco      .      .      .      .     -.      .      ...   .....        ruiqut  ni  Y.Jin;;iiaiiilD  . 

-  irfa-«7/*jit       ^»d^  •' 
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FULL  PAGE  HALF-TONES 


-U^01%i  uiJJll'il  vms\K)j^  if.tfioT  oHj  <.rt  JtlciCr 
Capt.  F.  Brinkley,  R.  A.       .      .      ...      .      .      .      .     i^T^-   .  Frontispiece 

The  Emperor  Jimmu    k^oa'^wagj/^oT  orij/io^omcf  otfiJ  pdT     j  34 

™    ou  •        t  T 

The  Shrme  of  Ise       .....     ...........       42 

„,.,..„        .         _.,  ,!TUf"""!      ^oJ'btie  fBl?/i->'>  ^oiiriAinfi^iO- 
Prehistonc  Remains:  Plate  A    .      .      .     .  A  1(.  ,«(..,.,    ,  ,  ^    *\    .      .      .       59 

Prehistoric  Remains:  Plate  B    .  67 

-       '  fr.7iV'3H     .1 


Prince  Shotoku     ...,frsro^Vjri0  v  .T-v/.T  r.rf<t  bh«  fiGo^.Bfdll  :^rHo1.  .'  '  13° 

Kaigen  Ceremony  of  the  Nara  Daibutsuih  i)].Ij.  .^j.j^cj  ftgi(J10^  .  .  194 

Thirty-six  Versifiers  (Painting  by  Korin)  ....      .  {tauntf   .  .  .  210 

Cherry-Viewing  Festival  at  Mukojima    .  .  .tiiafriaT.r*»O.Y\;  M  iniT  J  .  274 

Kamakura  Daibutsu     .......    B^>:JL>I  ti;:n.;.  a.*  ).iiti.,  .-r:7i  J=  .  326 

Kinkaku-ji  (Golden  Pavilion)     .............  418 

Court  Costumes    ............  xiaKa 

Tokugawa  Shrine  at  Nikko  .     P^,n^«t  Ip  nplJiiiiiaaoO     .1 

The  Emperor  Meiji  (Mutsuhito)     .  a1^^/;  ^R^n^qiil-olaff  A     .S    ^  ^  ^  6gg 

Sinking  of  the  Russian  Battleship  Osliabya  '  f  IOT  lo.  ^f^.     f   .  .  .  722 

Admiral  Togo       .......  730 

IK  .  YA 


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isqxo  MT.-.FTOI.  SEEN  PBOM  THE  FUJI-GAWA  isqoiq  saB^oiq  fi  riouS 
^HT  ;oirno1  erf*  xrwob  d9^  <)*  'boa'  ','o^.ifil  srl*  bus  omi 

./•>if*o  i)fle.89pnj^q  ^O^diai/fl  fi  •jH^M8arBUHoar>^otil- 

CHAPTER  I 

LI/JJBMI  iKJ  •  a  adj:£H 

THE  HISTORIOGRAPHER'S  ART  IN  OLD  JAPAN 

' 

'••J.B  't9vtoj5i.fld;>  oidfillvavloq 

MATERIALS  FOR  HISTORY 

IN  the  earliest  eras  of  historic  Japan  there  existed  a  hereditary  corporation 
of  raconteurs  (Katari-be)  who,  from  generation  to  generation,  performed  the 
function  of  reciting  the  exploits  of  the  sovereigns  and  the  deeds  of  heroes.  They 
accompanied  themselves  on  musical  instruments,  and  naturally,  as  time  went 
by,  each  set  of  raconteurs  embellished  the  language  of  their  predecessors,  adding 
supernatural  elements,  and  introducing  details  which  belonged  to  the  realm 
of  romance  rather  than  to  that  of  ordinary  history.  These  Katari-be  would 
seem  to  have  been  the  sole  repository  of  their  country  's  annals  until  the  sixth 
century  of  the  Christian  era.  Their  repertories  of  recitation  included  records 
of  the  great  families  as  well  as  of  the  sovereigns,  and  it  is  easy  to  conceive  that 
the  favour  and  patronage  of  these  high  personages  were  earned  by  ornamenting 
the  traditions  of  their  households  and  exalting  their  pedigrees.  But  when  the 
art  of  writing  was  introduced  towards  the  close  of  the  fourth  century,  or  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth,  and  it  was  seen  that  in  China,  then  the  centre  of  learning 
and  civilization,  the  art  had  been  applied  to  the  compilation  of  a  national 
history  as  well  as  of  other  volumes  possessing  great  ethical  value,  the  Japanese 
conceived  the  ambition  of  similarly  utilizing  their  new  attainment.  For  reasons 
which  will  be  understood  by  and  by,  the  application  of  the  ideographic  script 
to  the  language  of  Japan  was  a  task  of  immense  difficulty,  and  long  years  must 
have  passed  before  the  attainment  of  any  degree  of  proficiency. 

Thus  it  was  not  until  the  time  of  the  Empress  Suiko  (593-628)  that  the 
historical  project  took  practical  shape.  Her  Majesty,  at  the  instance,  doubt- 
less, of  Prince  Shotoku,  one  of  the  greatest  names  in  all  Japan's  annals, 
instructed  the  prince  himself  and  her  chief  minister,  Soga  no  Umako,  to  undertake 


2  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  task  of  compiling  historical  documents,  and  there  resulted  a  Record  of  the  Em- 
perors (Tennoki),  a  Record  of  the  Country  (Koki),  and  Original  Records  (Hongi)  of 
the  Free  People  (i.e.,  the  Japanese  proper  as  distinguished  from  aliens,  captives, 
and  aborigines),  of  the  great  families  and  of  the  180  Hereditary  Corporations  (Be). 
This  work  was  commenced  in  the  year  620,  but  nothing  is  known  as  to  the  date 
of  its  completion.  It  represents  the  first  Japanese  history.  A  shortlived 
compilation  it  proved,  for  in  the  year  645,  the  Soga  chiefs,  custodians  of  the 
documents,  threw  them  into  the  fire  on  the  eve  of  their  own  execution  for  trea- 
son. One  only,  the  Record  of  the  Country,  was  plucked  from  the  flames,  and 
is  believed  to  have  been  subsequently  incorporated  in  the  Kojiki  '(Records  of 
Ancient  Things).'  No  immediate  attempt  seems  to  have  been  made  to  remedy 
the  loss  of  these  invaluable  writings.  Thirty-seven  years  later  the  Emperor 
Temmu  took  the  matter  in  hand.  One  of  his  reasons  for  doing  so  has  been 
historically  transmitted.  Learning  that  "the  chronicles  of  the  sovereigns  and 
the  original  words  in  the  possession  of  the  various  families  deviated  from  the 
truth  and  were  largely  amplified  with  empty  falsehoods,"  his  Majesty  con- 
ceived that  unless  speedy  steps  were  taken  to  correct  the  confusion  and  eliminate 
the  errors,  an  irremediable  state  of  affairs  would  result. 

Such  a  preface  prepares  us  to  learn  that  a  body  of  experts  was  appointed  to 
distinguish  the  true  and  the  false,  and  to  set  down  the  former  alone.  The 
Emperor  did,  in  fact,  commission  a  number  of  princes  and  officials  to  compile 
an  authentic  history,  and  we  shall  presently  see  how  their  labours  resulted. 
But  in  the  first  place  a  special  feature  of  the  situation  has  to  be  noted.  The 
Japanese  language  was  then  undergoing  a  transition.  In  order  to  fit  it  to  the 
Chinese  ideographs  for  literary  purposes,  it  was  being  deprived  of  its  mellifluous 
polysyllabic  character  and  reduced  to  monosyllabic  terseness.  The  older 
words  were  disappearing,  and  with  them  many  of  the  old  traditions.  Temmu 
saw  that  if  the  work  of  compilation  was  abandoned  solely  to  princely  and  official 
litterateurs,  they  would  probably  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  the  ideograph  much 
that  was  venerable  and  worthy  to  be  preserved.  He  therefore  himself  undertook 
the  collateral  task  of  having  the  antique  traditions  collected  and  expurgated, 
and  causing  them  to  be  memorized  by  a  chamberlain,  Hiyeda  no  Are,  a  man 
then  in  his  twenty-eighth  year,  who  was  gifted  with  ability  to  repeat  accurately 
everything  heard  once  by  him.  Are's  mind  was  soon  stored  with  a  mass  of 
ancient  facts  and  obsolescent  phraseology,  but  before  either  the  task  of  official 
compilation  or  that  of  private  restoration  had  been  carried  to  completion  the 
Emperor  died  (686),  and  an  interval  of  twenty-five  years  elapsed  before  _the 
Empress  Gemmyo,  on  the  18th  of  September,  711,  ordered  a  scholar,  Ono 
Yasumaro,  to  transcribe  the  records  stored  in  Are's  memory.  Four  months 
sufficed  for  the  work,  and  on  the  28th  of  January,  712,  Yasumaro  submitted  to 
the  Throne  the  Kojiki  (Records  of  Ancient  Things)  which  ranked  as  the  first 
history  of  Japan,  and  which  will  be  here  referred  to  as  the  Records. 

•irfla  IBTIJJ  sniassefcorf  ^nwlov  Tiri)o  lo  *«  Ihvr  > 

THE  NIHONG1  AND  THE  NIHON  SHO'ti* 


It  is  necessary  to  revert  now  to  the  unfinished  work  of  the  classical  com- 
pilers, as  they  may  be  called,  whom  the  Emperor  Temmu  nominated  in  682, 
but  whose  labours  had  not  been  concluded  when  his  Majesty  died  in  686.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  their  task  was  immediately  continued  in  an  organized  form, 
but  it  is  related  that  during  the  reign  of  Empress  Jito  (690-696)  further  steps 
were  taken  to  collect  historical  materials,  and  that  the  Empress  Gemmyo  (708- 


THE  HISTORIOGRAPHER'S  ART   IN  OLD  JAPAN  3 

715) — whom  we  have  seen  carrying  out,  in  712,  her  predecessor  Temmu's 
plan  with  regard  to  Hiyeda  no  Are  —  added,  in  714,  two  skilled  litterateurs  to 
Temmu  's  classical  compilers,  and  thus  enabled  them  to  complete  their  task, 
which  took  the  shape  of  a  book  called  the  Nihongi  (Chronicle  of  Japan). 

This  work,  however,  did  not  prove  altogether  satisfactory.  It  was  written, 
for  the  most  part,  with  a  script  called  the  Manyo  syllabary;  that  is  to  say,  with 
Chinese  ideographs  employed  phonetically,  and  it  did  not  at  all  attain  the 
literary  standard  of  its  Chinese  prototype.  Therefore,  the  Empress  entrusted 
to  Prince  Toneri  and  Ono  Yasumaro  the  task  of  revising  it,  and  their  amended 
manuscript,  concluded  in  720,  received  the  name  of  Nihon  Shoki  (Written 
Chronicles  of  Japan) ,  the  original  being  distinguished  as  Kana  Nihongi ,  or  Syl- 
labic Chronicles.  The  Nihon  Shoki  consisted  originally  of  thirty-one  volumes, 
but  of  these  one,  containing  the  genealogies  of  the  sovereigns,  has  been  lost. 
It  covers  the  whole  of  the  prehistoric  period  and  that  part  of  the  historic  which 
extends  from  the  accession  of  the  Emperor  Jimmu  (660  B.C.)  to  the  abdication 
of  the  Empress  Jito  (A.D.  697).  The  Kojiki  extends  back  equally  far,  but  ter- 
minates at  the  death  of  the  Empress  Suiko  (A.D.  628). 

THE  FUDOKI 

In  the  year  713,  when  the  Empress  Gemmyo  was  on  the  throne,  all  the 
provinces  of  the  empire  received  orders  to  submit  to  the  Court  statements 
setting  forth  the  natural  features  of  the  various  localities,  together  with  tradi- 
tions and  remarkable  occurrences.  These  documents  were  called  Fudoki 
(Records  of  Natural  Features).  Many  of  them  have  been  lost,  but  a  few  survive, 
as  those  of  Izumo,  Harima,  and  Hitachi. 

CHARACTER  OF  THE  RECORDS  AND  THE  CHRONICLES 

. 
The  task  of  applying  ideographic  script  to  phonetic  purposes  is  exceedingly 

difficult.  In  the  ideographic  script  each  character  has  a  distinct  sound  and  a 
complete  meaning.  Thus,  in  China  shan  signifies  "mountain,"  and  ming 
"light."  But  in  Japanese  "mountain"  becomes  yama  and  "light"  akari.  It 
is  evident,  then,  that  one  of  two  things  has  to  be  done.  Either  the  sounds  of 
the  Japanese  words  must  be  changed  to  those  of  the  Chinese  ideographs;  or  the 
sounds  of  the  Chinese  ideographs  must  alone  be  taken  (irrespective  of  their 
meaning),  and  with  them  a  phonetic  syllabary  must  be  formed.  Both  of  these 
devices  were  employed  by  a  Japanese  scholar  of  early  times.  Sometimes  dis- 
regarding the  significance  of  the  ideographs  altogether,  he  used  them  simply 
as  representing  sounds,  and  with  them  built  up  pure  Japanese  words;  at  other 
times,  he  altered  the  sounds  of  Japanese  words  to  those  of  their  Chinese  equiva- 
lents and  then  wrote  them  frankly  with  their  ideographic  symbols. 

In  this  way  each  Japanese  word  came  to  have  two  pronunciations:  first,  its 
own  original  sound  for  colloquial  purposes;  and  second,  its  borrowed  sound 
for  purposes  of  writing.  At  the  outset  the  spoken  and  the  written  languages 
were  doubtless  kept  tolerably  distinct.  But  by  degrees,  as  respect  for  Chinese 
literature  developed,  it  became  a  learned  accomplishment  to  pronounce  Japanese 
words  after  the  Chinese  manner,  and  the  habit  ultimately  acquired  such  a  vogue 
that  the  language  of  men  —  who  wrote  and  spoke  ideographically  —  grew  to 
be  different  from  the  language  of  women  —  who  wrote  and  spoke  phonetically. 
When  Hiyeda  no  Are  was  required  to  memorize  the  annals  and  traditions  collect- 


4  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ed  and  revised  at  the  Imperial  Court,  the  language  in  which  he  committed  them 
to  heart  was  pure  Japanese,  and  in  that  language  he  dictated  them,  twenty- 
nine  years  later,  to  the  scribe  Yasumaro.  The  latter,  in  setting  down  the  pro- 
ducts of  Are's  memory,  wrote  for  the  most  part  phonetically;  but  sometimes, 
finding  that  method  too  cumbersome,  he  had  recourse  to  the  ideographic  lan- 
guage, with  which  he  was  familiar.  At  all  events,  adding  nothing  nor  taking 
away  anything,  he  produced  a  truthful  record  of  the  myths,  traditions,  and 
salient  historical  incidents  credited  by  the  Japanese  of  the  seventh  century. 

It  may  well  be  supposed,  nevertheless,  that  Are's  memory,  however  tena- 
cious, failed  in  many  respects,  and  that  his  historical  details  were  comparatively 
meagre.  An  altogether  different  spirit  presided  at  the  work  subsequently 
undertaken  by  this  same  Yasumaro,  when,  in  conjunction  with  other  scholars, 
he  was  required  to  collate  the  historical  materials  obtained  abundantly  from 
various  sources  since  the  vandalism  of  the  Soga  nobles.  The  prime  object  of 
these  collaborators  was  to  produce  a  Japanese  history  worthy  to  stand  side  by 
side  with  the  classic  models  of  China.  Therefore,  they  used  the  Chinese  lan- 
guage almost  entirely,  the  chief  exception  being  in  the  case  of  the  old  poems, 
a  great  number  of  which  appear  in  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles  alike.  The 
actual  words  of  these  poems  had  to  be  preserved  as  well  as  the  metre,  and  there- 
fore it  was  necessary  to  indite  them  phonetically.  For  the  rest,  the  Nikon 
Shoki,  which  resulted  from  the  labours  of  these  annalists  and  literati,  was  so 
Chinese  that  its  authors  did  not  hesitate  to  draw  largely  upon  the  cosmogonic 
myths  of  the  Middle  Kingdom,  and  to  put  into  the  mouths  of  Japanese  mon- 
archs,  or  into  their  decrees,  quotations  from  Chinese  literature.  "  As  a  repertory 
of  ancient  Japanese  myth  and  legend  there  is  little  to  choose  between  the  Rec- 
ords and  the  Chronicles.  The  former  is,  on  the  whole,  the  fuller  of  the  two, 
and  contains  legends  which  the  latter  passes  over  in  silence;  but  the  Chronicles, 
as  we  now  have  them,  are  enriched  by  variants  of  the  early  myths,  the  value  of 
which,  for  purposes  of  comparison,  is  recognized  by  scientific  inquirers.  But 
there  can  be  no  comparison  between  the  two  works  when  viewed  as  history. 
Hiyeda  no  Are 's  memory  cannot  be  expected  to  compete  in  fullness  and  accuracy 
with  the  abundant  documentary  literature  accessible  to  the  writers  of  the 
Chronicles,  and  an  examination  of  the  two  works  shows  that,  in  respect  to  the 
record  of  actual  events,  the  Chronicles  are  far  the  more  useful  authority".1 

It  will  readily  be  supposed,  too,  that  the  authors  of  both  works  confused  the 
present  with  the  past,  and,  in  describing  the  manners  and  customs  of  by-gone 
eras,  unconsciously  limned  their  pictures  with  colours  taken  from  the  palette 
of  their  own  times,  "when  the  national  thought  and  institutions  had  become 
deeply  modified  by  Chinese  influences."  Valuable  as  the  two  books  are,  there- 
fore, they  cannot  be  accepted  without  large  limitations.  The  Nihon  Shoki 
occupied  a  high  place  in  national  esteem  from  the  outset.  In  the  year  follow- 
ing its  compilation,  the  Empress  Gensho  summoned  eminent  scholars  to  the 
Court  and  caused  them  to  deliver  lectures  on  the  contents  of  the  book,  a  custom 
which  was  followed  regularly  by  subsequent  sovereigns  and  still  finds  a  place 
among  the  New  Year  ceremonials.  This  book  proved  to  be  the  precursor  of 
five  others  with  which  it  is  commonly  associated  by  Japanese  scholars.  They 
are  the  Zoku  Nihongi  (Supplementary  Chronicles  of  Japan),  in  forty  volumes, 
which  covers  the  period  from  697  to  791  and  was  finished  in  798;  the  Nihon 
Koki  (Later  Chronicles  of  Japan),  in  forty  volumes  —  ten  only  survive  — 
which  covers  the  period  from  792  to  833;  the  Zoku  Nihon  Koki  (Supplementary 

n   A    ilii*;:  WL         -i 

[l  Aston  s  Nihongi.] 


THE  HISTORIOGRAPHER'S  ART  IN  OLD  JAPAN  5 

Later  Chronicles},  in  twenty  volumes,  which  covers  the  single  reign  of  the  Emper- 
or Nimmyo  (834-850)  and  was  compiled  in  869;  the  Montoku  Jitsu-roku  (True 
Annals  of  Montoku),  in  ten  volumes,  covering  the  reign  of  Montoku  (851-858), 
and  compiled  in  879,  and  the  Sandai  Jitsu-roku  (True  Annals  of  Three  Reigns) 
in  fifty  volumes,  covering  the  period  from  859  to  887  and  compiled  in  901. 
These  five  compilations  together  with  the  Nihon  Shoki  are  honoured  as  the 
Six  National  Histories.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  writers  were  men  of  the  highest 
rank,  from  prime  ministers  downwards.  In  such  honour  was  the  historiog- 
rapher's art  held  in  Japan  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries. 

CHRONOLOGY 

Before  beginning  to  read  Japanese  history  it  is  necessary  to  know  something 
of  the  chronology  followed  in  its  pages.  There  have  been  in  Japan  four  systems 
for  counting  the  passage  of  time.  The  first  is  by  the  reigns  of  the  Emperors. 
That  is  to  say,  the  first  year  of  a  sovereign 's  reign  —  reckoning  from  the  New 
Year's  day  following  his  accession  —  became  the  1  of  the  series,  and  the  years 
were  thenceforth  numbered  consecutively  until  his  death  or  abdication.  This 
method  might  be  sufficiently  accurate  if  the  exact  duration  of  each  reign  were 
known  as  well  as  the  exact  sequence  of  the  reigns.  But  no  such  precision  could 
be  expected  in  the  case  of  unwritten  history,  transmitted  orally  from  generation 
to  generation.  Thus,  while  Japanese  annalists,  by  accepting  the  aggregate  dura- 
tion of  all  the  reigns  known  to  them,  arrive  at  the  conclusion  that  the  first  Em- 
peror, Jimmu,  ascended  the  throne  in  the  year  660  B.C.,  it  is  found  on  analysis  that 
their  figures  assign  to  the  first  seventeen  sovereigns  an.  average  age  of  109  years. 

The  second  system  was  by  means  of  periods  deriving  their  name  (nengo) 
from  some  remarkable  incident.  Thus,  the  discovery  of  copper  in  Japan  was 
commemorated  by  calling  the  year  Wado  (Japanese  copper),  and  the  era  so  called 
lasted  seven  years.  Such  a  plan  was  even  more  liable  to  error  than  the 
device  of  reckoning  by  reigns,  and  a  specially  confusing  feature  was  that  the 
first  year  of  the  period  dated  retrospectively  from  the  previous  New  Year's 
day,  so  that  events  were  often  recorded  as  having  occurred  in  the  final  year  of 
one  period  and  in  the  opening  year  of  another.  This  system  was  originally  im- 
ported from  China  in  the  year  A.D.  645,  and  is  at  present  in  use,  the  year  1910 
being  the  forty-third  of  the  Meiji  (Enlightenment  and  Peace)  period. 

The  third  system  was  that  of  the  sexagenary  cycle.  This  was  operated  after 
the  manner  of  a  clock  having  two  concentric  dials,  the  circumference  of  the 
larger  dial  being  divided  into  ten  equal  parts,  each  marked  with  one  of  the  ten 
"celestial  signs,"  and  the  circumference  of  the  smaller  dial  being  divided  into 
twelve  equal  parts  each  marked  with  one  of  the  twelve  signs  of  the  zodiac.  The 
long  hand  of  the  clock,  pointing  to  the  larger  dial,  was  supposed  to  make  one 
revolution  in  ten  years,  and  the  shorter  hand,  pointing  to  the  small  dial,  re- 
volved once  in  twelve  years.  Thus,  starting  from  the  point  where  the  marks 
on  the  two  dials  coincide,  the  long  hand  gained  upon  the  short  hand  by  one- 
sixtieth  each  year,  and  once  in  every  sixty  years  the  two  hands  were  found  at 
the  point  of  conjunction.  Years  were  indicated  by  naming  the  "celestial  stem " 
and  the  zodiacal  sign  to  which  the  imaginary  hands  happen  to  be  pointing,  just 
as  clock-time  is  indicated  by  the  minutes  read  from  the  long  hand  and  the  hours 
from  the  short.  The  sexagenary  cycle  came  into  use  in  China  in  623  B.C. 
The  exact  date  of  its  importation  into  Japan  is  unknown,  but  it 
was  probably  about  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  A.D.  It  is  a  sufficiently  aqcu- 


6  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

rate  manner  of  counting  so  long  as  the  tale  of  cycles  is  carefully  kept,  but  any 
nogloi't  in  that  respect  exposes  the  calculator  to  an  error  of  sixty  years  or  some 
multiple  of  sixty.  Keen  scrutiny  and  collation  of  the  histories  of  China,  Korea, 
and  Japan  have  exposed  a  mistake  of  at  least  120  years  connected  with  the 
earliest  employment  of  the  sexagenary  cycle  in  Japan. 

The  fourth  method  corresponds  to  that  adopted  in  Europe  where  the  number 
of  a  year  is  referred  to  the  birth 'of  Christ.  In  Japan,  the  accession  of  the 
Emperor  Jimmu  —  660  B.C. —  is  taken  for  a  basis,  and  thus  the  Occidental  year 
1910  becomes  the  2570th  year  of  the  Japanese  dynasty.  With  such  methods 
of  reckoning  some  collateral  evidence  is  needed  before  accepting  any  of  the  dates 
given  in  Japanese  annals.  Kaempfer  and  even  Rein  were  content  to  endorse 
the  chronology  of  the  Chronicles  —  the  Records  avoid  dates  altogether  —  but 
other  Occidental  scholars  *  have  with  justice  been  more  sceptical,  and  their 
doubts  have  been  confirmed  by  several  eminent  Japanese  historians  in  recent 
times.  Where,  then,  is  collateral  evidence  to  be  found? 

In  the  pages  of  Chinese  and  Korean  history.  There  is,  of  course,  no  inherent 
reason  for  attributing  to  Korean  history  accuracy  superior  to  that  of  Japanese 
history.  But  in  China  the  habit  of  continuously  compiling  written  annals  had 
been  practised  for  many  centuries  before  Japanese  events  began  even  to  fur- 
nish materials  for  romantic  recitations,  and  no  serious  errors  have  been  proved 
against  Chinese  historiographers  during  the  periods  when  comparison  with 
Japanese  annals  is  feasible.  In  Korea's  case,  too,  verification  is  partially  possi- 
ble. Thus,  during  the  first  five  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  Chinese  annals 
contain  sixteen  notices  of  events  in  Korea.  If  Korean  history  be  examined  as 
to  these  events,  it  is  found  to  agree  in  ten  instances,  to  disagree  in  two,  and  to 
be  silent  in  four.2  This  record  tends  strongly  to  confirm  the  accuracy  of  the 
Korean  annals,  and  it  is  further  to  be  remembered  that  the  Korean  peninsula 
was  divided  during  many  centuries  into  three  principalities  whose  records  serve 
as  mutual  checks.  Finally,  Korean  historians  do  not  make  any  such  demand 
upon  our  credulity  as  the  Japanese  do  in  the  matter  of  length  of  sovereigns' 
reigns.  For  example,  while  the  number  of  successions  to  the  throne  of  Japan 
during  the  first  four  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  is  set  down  as  seven  only, 
making  fifty-six  years  the  average  duration  of  a  reign,  the  corresponding  num- 
bers for  the  three  Korean  principalities  are  sixteen,  seventeen,  and  sixteen,, 
respectively,  making  the  average  length  of  a  reign  from  twenty-four  to  twenty- 
five  years.  It  is,  indeed,  a  very  remarkable  fact  that  whereas  the  average  age 
of  the  first  seventeen  Emperors  of  Japan,  who  are  supposed  to  have  reigned  from 
660  B.C.  down  to  A.D.  399,  was  109  years,  this  incredible  ha5it  of  longevity  ceased 
abruptly  from  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  the  average  age  of  the  next 
seventeen  having  been  only  sixty-one  and  a  half  years;  and;it  is  a  most  suggestive 
coincidence  that  the  year  A.D.  461  is  the  first  date  of  the  accepted  Japanese 
chronology  which  is  confirmed  by  Korean  authorities.  • 

In  fact,  the  conclusion  is  almost  compulsory  that  Japanese  authentic  history, 
so  far  as  dates  are  concerned,  begins  from  the  fifth  century.  Chinese  annals, 
it  is  true,  furnish  one  noteworthy  and  much  earlier  confirmation  of  Japanese 
records.  They  show  that  Japan  was  ruled  by  a  very  renowned  queen  during 
the  first  half  of  the  third  century  of  the  Christian  era,  and  it  was  precisely  at 
that  epoch  that  the  Empress  Jingo  is  related  by  Japanese  history  to  have  made 
herself  celebrated  at  home  'and  abroad.  Chinese  historiographers,  however, 

fl  Notably  Bramsen,  Aston,  Satow,  and  Chamberlain.] 
[*  Aston 's  essay  onEatly  Japanese  History,] 


THE  HISTORIOGRAPHER'S  ART  IN  OLD  JAPAN 


put  Jingo  's  death  in  the  year  A.D.  247,  whereas  Japanese  annalists  give  the  date 
as  269.  Indeed  there  is  reason  to  think  that  just  at  this  time  —  second  half  of 
the  third  century  •  —  some  special  causes  operated  to-ilisturb  historical  coherence 
in  Japan,  for  not  only  does  Chinese  history  refer  to  several  signal  events  in  Japan 
which  find  no  place  in  the  latter  's  records,  bu't  also  Korean  history  indicates 
that  the  Japanese  dates  of  certain  cardinal  incidents  err  by  exactly  120  years. 
T^o  cycles  in  the  sexagenary  system  of  reckoning  constitute  120  years,  and  the 
explanation  already  given  makes  it  easy  to  conceive  the  dropping  of  that  length 
of  time  by  recorders  having  only  tradition  to  guide  them. 

On  the  whole,  whatever  may  be  said  as  to  the  events  of  early  Japanese  his- 
tdry^  its  dates  can  not  be  considered  trustworthy  before  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth  century.  There  is  evidently  one  other  point  to  be  considered  in  this  con- 
text; namely,  the  introduction  of  writing.  Should  it  appear  that  the  time  when 
the  Japanese  first  began  to  possess  written  records  coincides  with  the  time  when, 
according  to  independent  research,  the  dates  given  in  their  annals  begin  to 
synchronize  with  those  of  Chinese  and  Korean  history,  another  very  important 
landmark  will  be  furnished.  There,  is  such  synchronism,  but  it  is  obtained  at 
the  cost  of  considerations  which  cannot  be  lightly  dismissed.  For,  although  it 
is  pretty  clearly  established  that  an  event  which  occured  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth  century  preluded  the  general  study  of  the  Chinese  language  in  Japan  and 
may  not  unreasonably  be  supposed  to  have  led  to  the  use  of  the  Chinese  script 
in  compiling  historical  records,  still  it  is  even  more  clearly  established  that  from 
a  much  remoter  era  Japan  had  been  on  terms  of  some  intimacy  with  her  neigh- 
bours, China  and  Korea,  and  had  exchanged  written  communications  with 
them,  so  that  the  art  of  writing  was  assuredly  known  to  her  long  before  the 
fifth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  to  whatever  services  she  applied  it.  This 
subject  will  present  itself  again  for  examination  in  more  convenient  circum- 
stances. 

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YUKIMIDAP.3 

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; 

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jiifcrKKiori  %noy  led-tofffi  .ty.ioJfeu{  n^juj/Ji'uu  y-.-'uiuO  lo 

CHAPTER  II 
ji  ri^ifoiIHii  /io1     .bo^iniaiJ)  \;i-Jrl^ii  sd  JonjusD  rfotrfw  anoiJ^i'.-bi' 

JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY 

bos  HijqijL  iii . o^JJi-'SUul  Ofc-jiujFj  aili  lo  y.hu-lc!  u;- 

KAMI     ^OH 

rio-rt^i;]:  cyW^T£|-uwJooioiiia>v.jv«:ji  liii-      ---  :-. 

THE  mythological  page  of  a  country 's  history  has  an  interest  of  its  own  apart 
from  legendary  relations;  it  affords  indications  of  the  people 's  creeds  and  fur- 
nishes traces  of  the  nation's  genesis.  In  Japan's  mythology  there  is  a  special 
difficulty  for  the  interpreter  —  a  difficulty  of  nomenclature.  It  has  been  the 
constant  habit  of  foreign  writers  of  Japan's  story  to  speak  of  an  "Age  of  Gods" 
(Kami  no  yo).  But  the  Japanese  word  Kami  l  does  not  necessarily  convey 
any  such  meaning.  It  has  no  divine  import.  We  shall  presently  find  that  of 
the  hundreds  of  families  into  which  Japanese  society  came  to  be  divided,  each 
had  its  Kami,  and  that  he  was  nothing  more  than  the  head  of  the  household. 
Fifty  years  ago,  the  Government  was  commonly  spoken  of  as  6  Kami  (the 
Honourable  Head),  and  a  feudatory  frequently  had  the  title  of  Kami  of  such  and 
such  a  locality.  Thus  to  translate  Kami  by  "deity"  or  "god"  is  misleading, 
and  as  the  English  language  furnishes  no  exact  equivalent,  the  best  plan  is  to 
adhere  to  the  original  expression.  That,  plan  is  adopted  in  the  following  brief 
summary  of  Japanese  mythology. 


COSMOGONY 

Japanese  mythology  opens  at  the  beginning  of  "the  heaven  and  the  earth. " 
But  it  makes  no  attempt  to  account  for  the  origin  of  things.  It  introduces  us 
at  once  to  a  "plain  of  high  heaven, "  the  dwelling  place  of  these  invisible2 
Kami,  one  of  whom  is  the  great  central  being,  and  the  other  two  derive  their 
titles  from  their  productive  attributes.  But  as  to  what  they  produced  or  how 
they  produced  it,  no  special  indication  is  given.  Thereafter  two  more  Kami 
are  born  from  an  elementary  reedlike  substance  that  sprouts  on  an  inchoate 
earth.  This  is  the  first  reference  to  9rganic  matter.  The  two  newly  born  Kami 

['  Much  stress  is  laid  upon  the  point  by  that  most  accurate  scholar,  Mr.  B.  H.  Chamber- 
lain.] 

[*The  expression  here  translated  "invisible"  has  been  interpreted  in  the  sense  that  the 
Kami  "hid  their  persons,"  i.e.,  died,  but  the  true  meaning  seems  to  be  that  they  were  invisible.] 


JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY  9 

are  invisible  like  their  predecessors,  and  like  them  are  not  represented  as  taking 
any  part  in  the  creation.  They  are  solitary,  unseeable,  and  functionless,  but 
the  evident  idea  is  that  they  have  a  more  intimate  connexion  with  cosmos  than 
the  Kami  who  came  previously  into  existence,  for  one  of  them  is  named  after 
the  reed-shoot  from  which  he  emanated,  and  to  the  other  is  attributed  the  proper- 
ty of  standing  eternally  in  the  heavens. 

Up  to  this  point  there  has  not  been  any  suggestion  of  measuring  time.  But 
now  the  record  begins  to  speak  of  "generations."  Two  more  solitary  and  in- 
visible beings  are  born,  one  called  the  Kami  who  stands  eternally  on  earth,  the 
other  the  "abundant  integrator."  Each  of  these  represents  a  generation,  and 
it  will  be  observed  that  up  to  this  time  no  direct  mention  whatever  is  made  of 
sex.  Now,  however,  five  generations  ensue,  each  consisting  of  two  Kami,  a  male 
and  a  female,  and  thus  the  epithet  "solitary"  as  applied  to  the  first  seven  Kami 
becomes  intelligible.  All  these  generations  are  represented  as  gradually  approx- 
imating to  the  exercise  of  creative  functions,  for  the  names  l  become  more  and 
more  suggestive  of  earthly  relations.  The  last  couple,  forming  the  fifth  genera- 
tion, are  Izanagi  and  Izanami,  appellations  signifying  the  male  Kami  of  desire 
and  the  female  Kami  of  desire.  By  all  the  other  Kami  these  two  are  commis- 
sioned to  "make,  consolidate,  and  give  birth  to  the  drifting  land,"  a  jewelled 
spear  being  given  to  them  as  a  token  of  authority,  and  a  floating  bridge  being 
provided  to  carry  them  to  earth.  Izanagi  and  Izanami  thrust  the  spear  down- 
wards and  stir  the  "brine"  beneath,  with  the  result  that  it  coagulates,  and, 
dropping  from  the  spear 's  point,  forms  the  first  of  the  Japanese  islands,  Onogoro. 
This  island  they  take  as  the  basis  of  their  future  operations,  and  here  they  be- 
get, by  ordinary  human  processes  —  which  are  described  without  any  reserva- 
(tions  —  first,  "a  great  number  of  islands,  and  next,  a  great  number  of  Kami." 
It  is  related  that  the  first  effort  of  procreation  was  not  successful,  the  outcome 
being  a  leechlike  abortion  and  an  island  of  foam,  the  former  of  which  was  sent 
adrift  in  a  boat  of  reeds.  The  islands  afterwards  created  form  a  large  part  of 
Japan,  but  between  these  islands  and  the  Kami,  begotten  in  succession  to  them, 
no  connexion  is  traceable.  In  several  cases  the  names  of  the  Kami  seem  to  be 
personifications  of  natural  objects.  Thus  we  have  the  Kami  of  the  "wind's 
breath,"  of  the  sea,  of  the  rivers,  of  the  "water-gates"  (estuaries  and  ports), 
of  autumn,  of  "foam-calm,"  of  "bubbling  waves,"  of  "water-divisions,"  of 
trees,  of  mountains,  of  moors,  of  valleys,  etc.  But  with  very  rare  exceptions, 
all  these  Kami  have  no  subsequent  share  in  the  scheme  of  things  and  cannot  be 
regarded  as  evidence  that  the  Japanese  were  nature  worshippers. 

A  change  of  method  is  now  noticeable.  Hitherto  the  process  of  production 
has  been  creative;  henceforth  the  method  is  transformation  preceded  by  de- 
struction. Izanami  dies  in  giving  birth  to  the  Kami  of  fire,  and  her  body  is 
disintegrated  into  several  beings,  as  the  male  and  female  Kami  of  metal  moun- 
tains, the  male  and  female  Kami  of  viscid  clay,  the  female  Kami  of  abundant 
food,  and  the  Kami  of  youth;  while  from  the  tears  of  Izanagi  as  he  laments  her 
decease  is  born  the  female  Kami  of  lamentation.  Izanagi  then  turns  upon  the 
child,  the  Kami  of  fire,  which  has  cost  Lzanami  her  life,  and  cuts  off  its  head; 
whereupon  are  born  from  the  blood  that  stains  his  sword  and  spatters  the  rocks 
eight  Kami,  whose  names  are  all  suggestive  of  the  violence  that  called  them  into 
existence.  An  equal  number  of  Kami,  all  having  sway  over  mountains,  are  born 
from  the  head  and  body  of  the  slaughtered  child. 

[l  The  Kami  of  mud-earth;  the  Kami  of  germ-integration;  the  Kami  of  the  great  place; 
the  Kami  of  the  perfect  exterior,  etc.] 


10  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

At  this  point  an  interesting  episode  is  recorded.  Izanagi  visits  the  "land 
of  night,"  with  the  hope  of  recovering  his  spouse.1  He  urges  her  to  return,  as 
the  work  in  which  they  were  engaged  is  not  yet  completed.  She  replies  that, 
unhappily  having  already  eaten  within  the  portals  of  the  land  of  night,  she  may 
not  emerge  without  the  permission  of  the  Kami  2  of  the  underworld,  and  she 
conjures  him,  while  she  is  seeking  that  permission,  not  to  attempt  to  look  on  her 
face.  He,  however,  weary  of  waiting,  breaks  off  one  of  the  large  teeth  of  the 
comb  that  holds  his  hair  3  and,  lighting  it,  uses  it  as  a  torch.  He  finds  Izanami 's 
body  in  a  state  of  putrefaction,  and  amid  the  decaying  remains  eight  Kami  of 
thunder  have  been  born  and  are  dwelling.  Izanagi,  horrified,  turns  and  flees, 
but  Izanami,  enraged  that  she  has  been  "put  to  shame,"  sends  the  "hideous 
hag  of  hades"  to  pursue  him.1  He  obtains  respite  twice;  first  by  throwing 
down  his  head-dress,  which  is  converted  into  grapes,  and  then  casting  away  his 
comb,  which  is  transformed  into  bamboo  sprouts,  and  while  the  hag  stops  to 
eat  these  delicacies,  he  flees.  Then  Izanami  sends  in  his  pursuit  the  eight 
Kami  of  thunder  with  fifteen  hundred  warriors  of  the  underworld.4  He  holds 
them  off  for  a  time  by  brandishing  his  sword  behind  him,  and  finally,  on  reach- 
ing the  pass  from  the  nether  to  the  upper  world,  he  finds  three  peaches  growing 
there  with  which  he  pelts  his  pursuers  and  drives  them  back.  The  peaches  are 
rewarded  with  the  title  of  "divine  fruit,"  and  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  there- 
after helping  all  living  people  5  in  the  central  land  of  "reed  plains"6  as  they 
have  helped  Izanagi. 

.<r  This  curious  legend  does  not  end  here.  Finding  that  the  hag  of  hades,  the 
eight  Kami  of  thunder,  and  the  fifteen  hundred  warriors  have  all  been  repulsed, 
Izanami  herself  goes  in  pursuit.  But  her  way  is  blocked  by  a  huge  rock  which 
Izanagi  places  in  the  "even  pass  of  hades,"  and  from  the  confines  of  the  two 
worlds  the  angry  pair  exchange  messages  of  final  separation,  she  threatening 
to  kill  a  thousand  folk  daily  in  his  land  if  he  repeats  his  acts  of  violence,  and  he 
declaring  that,  in  such  event,  he  wijl  retaliate  by  causing  fifteen  hundred  to  be 
born. 

In  all  this,  no  mention  whatever  is  found  of  the  manner  in  which  human 
beings  come  into  existence:  they  make  their  appearance  upon  the  scene  as  though 
they  were  a  primeval  part  of  it.  Izanagi,  whose  return  to  the  upper  world  takes 
place  in  southwestern  Japan,7  now  cleanses  himself  from  the  pollution  he  has 
incurred  by  contact  with  the  dead,  and  thus  inaugurates  the  rite  of  purification 
practised  to  this  day  in  Japan.  The  Records  describe  minutely  the  process  of 
his  unrobing  before  entering  a  river,  and  we  learn  incidentally  that  he  wore  a 
girdle,  a  skirt,  an  upper  garment,  trousers,  a  hat,  bracelets  on  each  arm,  and  a 
necklace,  but  no  mention  is  made  of  footgear.  Twelve  Kami  are  born  from 
these  various  articles  as  he  discards  them,  but  without  exception  these  addi- 
tions to  Japanese  mythology  seem  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  scheme  of  the 
universe:  their  titles  appear  to  be  wholly  capricious,  and  apart  from  figuring 

1M:  ('  It  is  unnecessary  to  comment  upon  the  identity  of  this  incident  with  the  legend  of 

Orpheus  and  Eurydice.J   ^.5,1, 

..£    (2  It  will  be  observed  that  we  hear  of  these  Kami  now  for  the  first  time.] 

[J  This  is  an  obvious  example  of  a  charge  often  preferred  against  the  compilers  of  the 
Records  —  that  they  inferred  the  manners  and  customs  of  remote  antiquity  from  those  of  their 
own  time.] 

[4  Again  we  have  here  evidence  that  the  story  of  creation,  as  told  in  the  Records,  is  not 
supposed  to  be  complete.  It  says  nothing  as  to  how  the  denizens  of  the  underworld  came  in- 
to existence.! 

Tsukushi.] 


•<  ''JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY  11 

once  upon  the  pages  of  the  Records  they  have  no  claim  to  notice.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  eleven  among  fourteen  Kami  thereafter  born  from  the  pollution 
which  Izanagi  washes  off  in  a  river. 

But  the  last  three  of  these  newly  created  beings  act  a  prominent  part  in  the 
sequel  of  the  story.  They  are  the  "heaven-shining  Kami"  (Amaterasu-o-mi- 
Kami),  commonly  spoken  of  as  the  "goddess  of  the  Sun;"  the  Kami  of  the 
Moon,  and  the  Kami  of  force.1  Izanagi  expresses  much  satisfaction  at  the 
begetting  of  these  three.  He  hands  his  necklace  to  the  Kami  of  the  Sun  and 
commissions  her  to  rule  the  "plain  of  heaven;"  he  confers  upon  the  Kami  of  the 
Moon  the  dominion  of  night,  and  he  appoints  the  Kami  of  force  (Susanoo)  to 
rule  the  sea-plain.  The  Kami  of  the  Sun  and  the  Kami  of  the  Moon  proceed 
at  once  to  their  appointed  task,  but  the  Kami  of  force,  though  of  mature  age 
and  wearing  a  long  beard,  neglects  his  duty  and  falls  to  weeping,  wailing,  and 
fuming.  Izanagi  inquires  the  cause  of  his  discontent,  and  the  disobedient 
Kami  replies  that  he  prefers  death  to  the  office  assigned  him;  whereupon  he  is 
forbidden  to  dwell  in  the  same  land  with  Izanagi  and  has  to  make  his  abode  in 
Omi  province.  Then  he  forms  the  idea  of  visiting  the  "plain  of  high  heaven" 
to  bid  farewell  to  his  sister,  the  goddess  of  the  Sun. 

But  his  journey  is  attended  with  such  a  shaking  of  mountains  and  seething 
of  rivers  that  the  goddess,  informed  of  his  recalcitrancy  and  distrusting  his 
purpose,  makes  preparations  to  receive  him  in  warlike  guise,  by  dressing  her 
hair  in  male  fashion  (i.e.  binding  it  into  knots),  by  tying  up  her  skirt  into  the 
shape  of  trousers,  by  winding  a  string  of  five  hundred  curved  jewels  round  her 
head  and  wrists,  by  slinging  on  her  back  two  quivers  containing  a  thousand 
arrows  and  five  hundred  arrows  respectively,  by  drawing  a  guard  on  her  left 
forearm,  and  by  providing  herself  with  a  bow  and  a  sword. 

The  Records  and  the  Chronicles  agree  in  ascribing  to  her  such  an  exercise  of 
resolute  force  that  she  stamps  her  feet  into  the  ground  as  though  it  had  been 
soft  snow  and  scatters  the  earth  about.  Susanoo,  however,  disavows  all  evil 
intentions,  and  agrees  to  prove  his  sincerity  by  taking  an  oath  and  engaging  in 
a  Kami-producing  competition,  the  condition  being  that  if  his  offspring  be 
female,  the  fact  shall  bear  condemnatory  import,  but  if  male,  the  verdict  shall 
be  in  his  favour.  For  the  purpose  of  this  trial,  they  stand  on  opposite  sides  of 
a  river  (the  Milky  Way).  Susanoo  hands  his  sword  to  Amaterasu-o-mi-Kami, 
who  breaks  it  into  three  pieces,  chews  the  fragments,  and  blowing  them  from 
her  mouth,  produces  three  female  Kami.  She  then  lends  her  string  of  five 
hundred  jewels  to  Susanoo  and,  he,  in  turn,  crunches  them  in  his  mouth  and 
blows  out  the  fragments  which  are  transformed  into  five  male  Kami.  The 
beings  thus  strangely  produced  have  comparatively  close  connexions  with  the 
mundane  scheme,  for  the  three  female  Kami  —  euphoniously  designated  Kami 
of  the  torrent  mist,  Kami  of  the  beautiful  island,  and  Kami  of  the  cascade  — 
become  tutelary  goddesses  of  the  shrines  in  Chikuzen  province  (or  the  sacred 
island  Itsuku-shima) ,  and  two  of  the  male  Kami  become  ancestors  of  seven 
and  twelve  families,  respectively,  of  hereditary  nobles. 

On  the  "high  plain  of  heaven,"  however,  trouble  is  not  allayed.     The  Sun 

goddess  judges  that  since  female  Kami  were  produced  from  the  fragments  of 

V  Susanoo 's  sword  and  male  Kami  from  her  own  string  of  jewels,  the  test  which 

he  himself  proposed  has  resulted  in  his  conviction;  but  he,  repudiating  that 

verdict,  proceeds  to  break  down  the  divisions  of  the  rice-fields  laid  out  by  the 

[l  Mr.  Chamberlain  translates  the  title  of  this  Kami  "  brave,  swift,  impetuous,  male,  august- 
ness."] 


12  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

goddess,  to  fill  up  the  ditches,  and  to  defile  the  palace — details  which  suggest 
either  that,  according  to  Japanese  tradition,  heaven  has  its  agriculture  and 
architecture  just  as  earth  has,  or  that  the  "plain  of  high  heaven"  was  really 
the  name  of  a  place  in  the  Far  East.  The  Sun  goddess  makes  various  excuses 
for  her  brother 's  lawless  conduct,  but  he  is  not  to  be  placated.  His  next  exploit 
is  to  flay  a  piebald  horse  and  throw  it  through  a  hole  which  he  breaks  in  the 
roof  of  the  hall  where  the  goddess  is  weaving  garments  for  the  Kami.  In  the 
alarm  thus  created,  the  goddess  1  is  wounded  by  her  shuttle,  whereupon  she 
retires  into  a  cave  and  places  a  rock  at  the  entrance,  so  that  darkness  falls  upon 
the  "plain  of  high  heaven"  and  upon  the  islands  of  Japan,2  to  the  consternation 
of  the  Kami  of  evil,  whose  voices  are  heard  like  the  buzzing  of  swarms  of  flies. 

Then  follows  a  scene  perhaps  the  most  celebrated  in  all  the  mythological 
legends;  a  scene  which  was  the  origin  of  the  sacred  dance  in  Japan  and  which 
furnished  to  artists  in  later  ages  a  frequent  motive.  The  "eight  hundred 
myriads"  of  Kami  —  so  numerous  have  the  denizens  of  the  "plain  of  high 
heaven"  unaccountably  become  —  assemble  in  the  bed  of  the  "tranquil  river"3 
to  confer  about  a  means  of  enticing  the  goddess  from  her  retirement.  They 
entrust  the  duty  of  forming  a  plan  to  the  Kami  of  "thought  combination,"  now 
heard  of  for  the  first  time  as  a  son  of  one  of  the  two  producing  Kami,  who,  with 
the  "great  central"  Kami,  constituted  the  original  trinity  of  heavenly  denizens. 
This  deity  gathers  together  a  number  of  barn-yard  fowl  to  signal  sunrise,  places 
the  Kami  of  the  "  strong  arm  "  at  the  entrance  of  the  cave  into  which  the  goddess 
has  retired,  obtains  iron  from  the  "mines  of  heaven"  and  causes  it  to  be  forged 
into  an  "eight-foot"  mirror,  appoints  two  Kami  to  procure  from  Mount  Kagu 
a  "  five-hundred  branched"safcaJh'  tree  (cleyera  Japonicd),  from  whose  branches 
the  mirror  together  with  a  "five-hundred  beaded"  string  of  curved  jewels  and 
blue  and  white  streamers  of  hempen  cloth  and  paper-mulberry  cloth  are 
suspended,  and  causes  divination  to  be  performed  with  the  shoulder  blade  of  a 
stag. 

Then,  while  a  grand  liturgy  is  recited,  the  "heaven-startling"  Kami,  having 
girdled  herself  with  moss,  crowned  her  head  with  a  wreath  of  spindle-tree  leaves 
and  gathered  a  bouquet  of  bamboo  grass,  mounts  upon  a  hollow  wooden  vessel 
and  dances,  stamping  so  that  the  wood  resounds  and  reciting  the  ten  numerals 
repeatedly.  Then  the  "eight-hundred  myriad"  Kami  laugh  in  unison,  so  that 
the  "plain  of  high  heaven"  shakes  with  the  sound,  and  the  Sun  goddess,  sur- 
prised that  such  gaiety  should  prevail  in  her  absence,  looks  out  from  the  cave 
to  ascertain  the  cause.  She  is  taunted  by  the  dancer,  who  tells  her  that  a  great- 
er than  she  is  present,  and  the  mirror  being  thrust  before  her,  she  gradually 
comes  forward,  gazing  into  it  with  astonishment;  whereupon  the  Kami  of  the 
"strong  arm"  grasps  her  hand  and  drags  her  out,  while  two  other  Kami* 
stretch  behind  her  a  rope  made  of  straw,  pulled  up  by  the  roots,8  to  prevent  her 
return,  and  sunshine  once  more  floods  the  "plain  of  high  heaven." 

1  According  to  the  Records,  it  is  the  attendants  of  the  goddess  that  suffer  injury.] 
!  Referring  to  this  episode,  Aston  writes  in  his  Nihongi : "  Amaterasu-o-mi-Kami  is  through- 
out the  greater  part  of  this  narrative  an  anthropomorphic  deity,  with  little  that  is  specially 
characteristic  of  her  solar  functions.  Here,  however,  it  is  plainly  the  sun  itself  which  witholds 
its  light  and  leaves  the  world  to  darkness.  This  inconsistency,  which  has  greatly  exercised 
the  native  theologians,  is  not  peculiar  to  Japanese  myth."] 

I»  The  Milky  Way.] 

(4  These  two  are  the  ancestors  of  the  Kami  of  the  Nakatomi  and  the  Imibe  hereditary 
corporations,,  who  may  be  described  as  the  high  priests  of  the  indigenous  cult  of  Japan.] 

I  This  kind  of  rope  —  called  shime-nawa,  an  abbreviation  of  skiri-kume^nawa  —  may  be 
seen  festooning  the  portals  of  any  Shinto  shrine.] 


JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY!'  >'I -  13 

The  details  of  this  curious  legend  deserve  attention  for  the  sake  of  their  close 
relation  to  the  observances  of  the  Shinto  cult.  Moreover,  the  mythology  now 
takes  a  new  departure.  At  the  time  of  Izanagi's  return  from  hades,  vague  ref- 
erence is  made  to  human  beings,  but  after  Susanoo  's  departure  from  the  "  plain 
of  high  heaven,"  he  is  represented  as  holding  direct  converse  with  them.  There 
is  an  interlude  which  deals  with  the  foodstuffs  of  mortals.  Punished  with  a 
fine  of  a  great  number  of  tables  1  of  votive  offerings,  his  beard  cut  off,  and  the 
nails  of  his  fingers  and  toes  pulled  out,  Susanoo  is  sentenced  to  expulsion  from 
heaven.  He  seeks  sustenance  from  the  Kami  of  food,  and  she  responds  by 
taking  from  the  orifices  of  her  body  various  kinds  of  viands  which  she  offers  to 
him.  But  he,  deeming  himself  insulted,  kills  her,  whereupon  from  her  corpse 
are  born  rice,  millet,  small  and  large  beans,  and  barley.  These  are  taken  by 
one  of  the  two  Kami  of  production,  and  by  him  they  are  caused  to  be  used  as 
seeds. 

Thereafter  Susanoo  descends  to  a  place  at  the  headwaters  of  the  river  Hi 
(Izumo  province).  Seeing  a  chop-stick  float  down  the  stream,  he  infers  the' 
existence  of  people  higher  up  the  river,  and  going  in  search  of  them,  finds  an 
old  man  and  an  old  woman  lamenting  over  and  caressing  a  girl.  The  old  man 
says  that  he  is  an  earthly  Kami,  son  of  the  Kami  of  mountains,  who-  was  one 
of  the  thirty-five  Kami  borne  by  Izanami  before  her  departure  for  hades.  He 
explains  that  he  had  originally  eight  daughters,  but  that  every  year  an  eight- 
forked  serpent  has  come  from  the  country  of  Koshi  and  devoured  one  of  the 
maidens,  so  that  there  remains  only  Lady  Wonderful,  whose  time  to  share 
her  sisters '  fate  is  now  at  hand.  It  is  a  huge  monster,  extending  over  eight 
valleys  and  eight  hills,  its  eyes  red  like  winter  cherries,  its  belly  bloody  and 
inflamed,  and  its  back  overgrown  with  moss  and  conifers.  Susanoo,  having 
announced  himself  as  the  brother  of  the  Sun  goddess,  receives  Lady  Wonder- 
ful and  at  once  transforms  her  into  a  comb  which  he  places  in  his  hair.  He  then 
instructs  the  old  man  and  his  wife  to  build  a  fence  with  eight  gates,  placing  in 
every  gate  a  vat  of  rice  wine. 

Presently  the  serpent  arrives,  drinks  the  wine,  and  laying  down  its  heads 
to  sleep,  is  cut  to  pieces  by  Susanoo  with  his  ten-span  sabre.  In  the  body  of 
the  serpent  the  hero  finds  a  sword,  "great  and  sharp,"  which  he  sends  to  the 
Sun  goddess,  at  whose  shrine  in  Ise  it  is  subsequently  found  and  given  to  the 
famous  warrior,  Yamato-dake,  when  he  is  setting  out  on  his  expedition  against 
the  Kumaso  of  the  north.  The  sword  is  known  as  the  "  Herb-queller."  Susanoo 
then  builds  for  himself  and  Lady  Wonderful  a  palace  at  Suga  in  Izumo,  and 
composes  a  celebrated  verse  of  Japanese  poetry.2  Sixth  in  descent  from  the 
offspring  of  this  union  is  the  "Kami  of  the  great  land,"  called  also  the  "Great- 
Name  Possessor,"  or  the  "Kami  of  the  reed  plains, "  or  the  "Kami  of  the  eight 
thousand  spears, "  or  the  "Kami  of  the  great  land  of  the  living, "  the  last  name 
being  antithetical  to  Susanoo 's  title  of  "Ruler  of  Hades." 

Several  legends  are  attached  to  the  name  of  this  multinominal  being  — 
legends  in  part  romantic,  in  part  supernatural,  and  in  part  fabulous.  His 
eighty  brethren  compel  him  to  act  as  their  servant  when  they  go  to  seek  the 
hand  of  Princess  Yakami  of  Inaba.  But  on  the  way  he  succours  a  hare  which 

I1  The  offerings  of  food  in  religious  services  were  always  placed  upon  small,  low  tables.] 
[2  '  Many  clouds  arise, 

'  On  all  sides  a  manifold  fence, 
'  To  receive  within  it  the  spouse, 
'  They  form  a  manifold  fence  — 
'Ah!  that  manifold  fence."] 


14  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

they  have  treated  brutally,  and  ;the  little  animal  promises  that  he,  not  they, 
shall  win  the  princess,  though  he  is  only  their  baggage-bearer.  Enraged  at  the 
favour  she  shows  him,  they  seek  in  various  ways  to  destroy  him:  first  by  rolling 
down  on  him  from  a  mountain  a  heated  rock;  then  by  wedging  him  into  the 
cleft  of  a  tree,  and  finally  by  shooting  him.  But  he  is  saved  by  his  mother,  and 
takes  refuge  in  the  province  of  Kii  (the  Land  of  Trees)  at  the  palace  of  the  "Kami 
of  the  great  house."1  Acting  on  the  latter 's  advice,  he  visits  his  ancestor, 
Susanoo,  who  is  now  in  hades,  and  seeks  counsel  as  to  some  means  of  overcom- 
ing his  eighty  enemies.  But  instead  of  helping  him,  that  unruly  Kami  endeav- 
ours to  compass  his  death  by  thrusting  him  into  a  snake-house;  by  putting  him 
into  a  nest  of  centipedes  and  wasps,  and  finally  by  shooting  an  arrow  into  a 
moor,  sending  him  to  seek  it  and  then  setting  fire  to  the  grass.  He  is  saved 
from  the  first  two  perils  through  the  agency  of  miraculous  scarves  given  to  him 
by  Princess  Forward,  Susanoo 's  daughter,  who  has  fallen  in  love  with  him;  and 
from  the  last  dilemma  a  mouse  instructs  him  how  to  emerge. 

A  curious  episode  concludes  this  recital :  Susanoo  requires  that  the  parasites 
shall  be  removed  from  his  head  by  his  visitor.  These  parasites  are  centipedes, 
but  the  Great-Name  Possessor,  again  acting  under  the  instruction  of  Princess 
Forward,  pretends  to  be  removing  the  centipedes,  whereas  he  is  in  reality  spitting 
out  a  mixture  of  berries  and  red  earth.  Susanoo  falls  asleep  during  the  process, 
and  the  Great-Name  Possessor  binds  the  sleeping  Kami's  hair  to  the  rafters  of 
the  house,  places  a  huge  rock  at  the  entrance,  seizes  Susanoo 's  life-preserving 
sword  and  life-preserving  bow  and  arrows  as  also  his  sacred  lute,2  and  taking 
Princess  Forward  on  his  back,  flees.  The  lute  brushes  against  a  tree,  and  its 
sound  rouses  Susanoo.  But  before  he  can  disentangle  his  hair  from  the  rafters, 
the  fugitives  reach  the  confines  of  the  underworld,  and  the  enraged  Kami,  while 
execrating  this  visitor  who  has  outwitted  him,  is  constrained  to  direct  him  how 
to  overcome  his  brethren  and  to  establish  his  rule  firmly.  In  all  this  he  succeeds, 
and  having  married  Princess  Yakami,  to  whom  he  was  previously  engaged,3 
he  resumes  the  work  left  unfinished  by  Izanagi  and  Izanami,  the  work  of  "mak- 
ing the  land." 

The  exact  import  of  this  process,  "making  the  land,"  is  not  discernible.  In 
the  hands  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami  it  resolves  itself  into  begetting,  first,  a  num- 
ber of  islands  and,  then,  a  number  of  Kami.  At  the  outset  it  seems  to  have  no 
more  profound  significance  for  the  Great-Name  Possessor.  Several  generations 
of  Kami  are  begotten  by  him,  but  their  names  give  no  indication  of  the  parts 
they  are  supposed  to  have  taken  in  the  "making  of  the  land."  They  are  all 
born  in  Japan,  however,  and  it  is  perhaps  significant  that  among  them  the  one 
child  —  the  Kami  of  wells  —  brought  forth  by  Princess  Yakami,  is  not  in- 
cluded. Princess  Forward  has  no  children,  a  fact  which  doubtless  augments 
her  jealousy  of  her  husband's  amours;  jealousy  expressed  in  verses  that  show 
no  mean  poetic  skill.  Thus,  the  Great-Name  Possessor  on  the  eve  of  a  journey 
from  Izumo  to  Yamato,  sings  as  he  stands  with  one  hand  on  his  saddle  and  one 
foot  in  the  stirrup^r- 

Though  thou  sayest  thou  wiilst  not  weep 
If  like  the  flocking  birds,  I  flock  and  depart, 

I1  A  son  of  Susanoo.  Under  the  name  of  Iso-Takeru  hie  is  recorded  to  have  brought  with 
him  a  quantity  of  seeds  of  trees  and  shrubs,  which  he  planted,  not  in  Korea,  but  in  Tsukushi 
(Kyushu)  and  the  eight  islands  of  Japan.  These  words  "not  in  Korea"  are  worthy  of  note, 
as  will  presently  be  appreciated.] 

''Sacred'  because  divine  revelations  were  supposed  to  be  made  through  a  lute-player.] 
In  the  story  of  this  Kami,  we  find  the  first  record  of  conjugal  jealousy  in  Japan.     Princess 
Forward  strongly  objects  to  her  husband 's  excursions  into  novel  fields.] 


JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY  15 

If  like  the  led  birds,  I  am  led  away  and 
Depart;  thou  wilt  hang  down  thine  head  like 

A  single  Eulalia  upon  the  mountain  and 
Thy  weeping  shall  indeed  rise  as  the  mist  of 
The  morning  shower. 

Then  the  Empress,  taking  a  wine-cup,  approaches  and  offers  it  to  him,  say- 
ing:— 

Oh!  Thine  Augustness,  the  Dei ty-of -Eight-Thousand-Spears!  Thou,  my  dear  Mas- 
ter-of-the-Great-Land  indeed, 

Being  a  man,  probably  hast  on  the  various  island  headlands  thou  seest, 
And  on  every  beach-headland  that  thou  lookest  on, 
A  wife  like  the  young  herbs.     But  as  for  me,  alas! 

Being  a  woman,  I  have  no  man  except  thee;  I  have  no  spouse  except  thee. 
Beneath  the  fluttering  of  the  ornamented  fence, 
Beneath  the  softness  of  the  warm  coverlet, 
Beneath  the  rustling  of  the  cloth  coverlet, 

Thine  arms,  white  as  rope  of  paper-mulberry  bark  softly  patting  my  breast  soft  as  the 
melting  snow, 

And  patting  each  other  interlaced,  stretching  out  and  pillowing  ourselves  on  each  other's 
arms, 

True  jewel  arms,  and  with  outstretched  legs,  will  we  sleep.1 

''Having  thus  sung,  they  at  once  pledged  each  other  by  the  cup  with  their 
hands  on  each  other's  necks."  It  is,  nevertheless,  from  among  the  children 
born  on  the  occasion  of  the  contest  between  the  Sun  goddess  and  Susanoo  that 
the  Great-Name  Possessor  first  seeks  a  spouse  —  the  Princess  of  the  Torrent 
Mist  —  to  lay  the  foundation  of  fifteen  generations  of  Kami,  whose  birth  seems 
to  have  been  essential  to  the  "making  of  the  land,"  though  their  names  afford 
no  clue  to  the  functions  discharged  by  them.  From  over  sea,  seated  in  a  gourd 
and  wearing  a  robe  of  wren's  feathers,  there  comes  a  pigmy,  Sukuna  Hikona, 
who  proves  to  be  one  of  fifteen  hundred  children  begotten  by  the  Kami  of  the 
original  trinity.  Skilled  in  the  arts  of  healing  sickness  and  averting  calamities 
from  men  or  animals,  this  pigmy  renders  invaluable  aid  to  the  Great-Name 
Possessor.  But  the  useful  little  Kami  does  not  wait  to  witness  the  conclusion  of 
the  work  of  "making  and  consolidating  the  country."  Before  its  completion 
he  takes  his  departure  from  Cape  Kumano  in  Izumo  to  the  "everlasting  land" 
—  a  region  commonly  spoken  of  in  ancient  Japanese  annals  but  not  yet  definite- 
ly located.  He  is  replaced  by  a  spirit  whose  coming  is  thus  described  by  the 
Chronicles : — 

After  this  (i.e.  the  departure  of  Sukuna),  wherever  there  was  in  the  land  a  part  which 
was  imperfect,  the  Great-Name  Possessor  visited  it  by  himself  and  succeeded  in  repairing  it. 
Coming  at  last  to  the  province  of  Izumo,  he  spake  and  said :  ' '  This  central  land  of  reed  plains 
had  always  been  waste  and  wild.  The  very  rocks,  trees,  and  huts  were  all  given  to  violence... 
But  I  have  now  reduced  it  to  submission,  and  there  is  none  that  is  not  compliant."  There- 
fore he  said  finally:  "It  is  I,  and  I  alone,  who  now  govern  this  land.  Is  there,  perchance, 
anyone  who  could  join  with  me  in  governing  the  world?"  Upon  this  a  divine  radiance  illuminat- 
ed the  sea,  and  of  a  sudden  there  was  something  which  floated  towards  him  and  said:  "Were 
I  not  here,  how  couldst  thou  subdue  this  land?  It  is  because  I  am  here  that  thou  hast  been 
enabled  to  accomplish  this  mighty  undertaking."  Then  the  Great-Name  Possessor  inquired, 
saying,  "Then  who  art  thou?"  It  replied  and  said:  "I  am  thy  guardian  spirit,  the  wonder- 
ous  spirit."  Then  said  the  Great-Name  Possessor:  "True, I  know  therefore  that  thou  art 
my  guardian  spirit,  the  wonderous  spirit.  Where  dost  thou  now  wish  to  dwell?"  The  spirit 
answered  and  said,  "I  wish  to  dwell  on  Mount  Mimoro  in  the  province  of  Yamato."  Accord- 
ingly he  built  a  shrine  in  that  place  and  made  the  spirit  go  and  dwell  there.  This  is  the  Kami 
of  Omiwa.2 

After  the  above  incident,  another  begetting  of  Kami  takes  place  on  a  large 
scale,  but  only  a  very  few  of  them  —  such  as  the  guardian  of  the  kitchen,  the 
protector  of  house-entrances,  the  Kami  of  agriculture,  and  so  forth — have  any 
intelligible  place  in  the  scheme  of  things. 

t1  B.  H.  Chamberlain. 1  [2  Aston 's  Translation  of  the  Nihongi.] 

or 


(11 


YOalOHTYM 


CRESTS 
jj  6£  rtoa  JaJBOid  vie  %iui)f.  [ '  vitl«e  Afcd  '{Tnadiuf. 

CHAPTER  III 


VIM  "  •  •:••;••• 


JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY   (Continued) 

If.nt   {HI  [;  :'I    '"-   *}fil    flOf)'/iTf:}(l    TgS 

THE  SUBJUGATION  OP  JAPAN 

THE  dividing  line  between  mythological  tradition  and  historical  legend  is 
now  reached.  It  will  have  been  observed  that,  after  the  descent  of  Susanoo, 
the  Kami  on  the  "plain  of  high  heaven"  took  no  further  part  in  "making"  or 
"ruling"  the  "ever  fruitful  land  of  reed-covered  moors,  and  luxuriant  rice- 
fields,"  as  Japan  was  called.  Everything  was  left  in  the  hands  of  Susanoo,  the 
insubordinate  Kami,  who  had  been  expelled  from  heaven  for  his  destructive 
violence.  His  descendant  in  the  sixth  generation,  the  Great-Name  Possessor, 
now  held  supreme  sway  over  the  islands,  in  conjunction  with  a  number  of  his 
own  relations,  his  seat  of  power  being  in  the  province  of  Izumo.  At  this  juncture 
the  goddess  of  the  Sun  decided  that  a  sovereign  should  be  sent  down  to  govern 
the  land  of  many  islands,  and  she  chose  for  this  purpose  the  son  of  the  eldest  l 
of  the  five  Kami  born  from  her  necklace  during  the  procreation  competition 
with  Susanoo. 

In  the  first  place,  however,  it  was  considered  necessary  to  reduce  the  country 
to  order,  observation  having  shown  it  to  be  in  a  state  of  tumult.  For  that 
purpose  the  second  of  the  five  necklace  Kami  —  considered  "the  most  heroic" 
of  all  the  beings  on  the  "plain  of  high  heaven"  —  was  despatched.  But  he 
"curried  favour"  with  the  Great-Name  Possessor  and  took  up  his  abode  in 
Japan.  At  the  end  of  three  years,2  seeing  that  he  had  not  returned,  it  was 
divided  by  the  Kami  in  council  to  send  another  envoy,  the  Heavenly  Young 
Prince.  But  he  proved  even  more  disloyal,  for  he  married  the  daughter  of  the 
Great-Name  Possessor,  famous  for  her  beauty,3  and  planning  to  succeed  his 
father-in-law  as  sovereign  of  the  land,  remained  in  Izumo  for  eight  years.  A 
third  conclave  of  the  Kami  was  now  convened  by  the  Sun  goddess  and  her 
coadjutor,  the  Great-Producing  Kami,1  and  they  decided  to  despatch  a  pheasant 
to  make  observations. 

£This  Kami  married  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  two  Great-Producing  Kami  who  belonged 
;  original  trinity,  and  who  co-operates  with  the  Sun  goddess  throughout.] 
[•  This  is  the  first  mention  of  a  measure  of  time  in  the  Records.] 
}3  She  was  called  Princess  Undershining,  because  her  beauty  shone  through  her  raiment.] 


JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY  17 

The  bird  flew  down  and  lit  on  a  cassia  tree  at  the  gate  of  the  Heavenly 
Young  Prince 's  dwelling,  whereupon  the  prince,  at  the  instigation  .of  a  female 
spy,  taking  a  bow  given  to  him  originally  by  the  Great-Producing  Kami,  shot 
shaft  which  pierced  the  bird's  bosom,  and,  reaching  the  Milky  Way  where 
sat  the  Sun  goddess  and  the  Great-Producing  Kami,  was  recognized  by  the 
latter,  who  threw  it  back  to  earth,  decreeing  that  it  should  strike  the  prince 
were  he  guilty  of  treason,  and  leave  him  unharmed  if  the  blood  on  the  arrow 
was  that  of  the  earthly  Kami  whom  he  had  been  sent  to  quell.  The  shaft 
struck  the  prince  and  killed  him. 

At  this  point  the  course  of  the  history  is  interrupted  by  an  unintelligible 
description  of  the  resulting  obsequies  —  held  in  heaven  according  to  the  Chron- 
icles, on  earth  according  to  the  Records.  Wild  geese,  herons,  kingfishers,  spar- 
rows, and  pheasants  were  the  principal  officiators;  the  mourning  rites,  which 
included  singing,  and  dancing,1  continued  for  eight  days  and  eight  nights,  and 
the  proceedings  were  rudely  interrupted  by  the  prince's  brother-in-law,  who, 
coming  to  condole  and  being  mistaken  for  the  deceased,  is  so  enraged  by  the 
error  that  he  draws  his  sword,  cuts  down  the  mortuary  house,  and  kicks  away 
the  pieces. 

These  two  failures  did  not  deter  the  Great-Producing  Kami  and  the  Sun 
goddess.  They  again  took  counsel  with  the  other  beings  on  the  "plain  of  high 
heaven,"  and  it  was  decided  to  have  recourse  to  the  Kami  born  from  the  blood 
that  dropped  from  Izanagi  's  sword  when  he  slew  the  Kami  of  fire.  To  one  of 
these  —  the  Kami  of  courage  —  the  mission  of  subduing  the  land  of  many  is- 
lands was  entrusted,  and  associated  with  him  in  the  work  was  the  Kami  of 
boats,  a  son  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami.  The  two  descended  to  Izumo.  They 
carried  swords  ten  hand-breadths  long,  and  having  planted  these  upside  down, 
they  seated  themselves  on  the  points  and  delivered  their  message  to  the  Great- 
Name  Possessor,  requiring  him  to  declare  whether  or  not  he  would  abdicate  in 
favour  of  the  newly  named  sovereign. 

The  Great-Name  Possessor  replied  that  he  must  consult  his  son,  who  was 
absent  on  a  hunting  expedition.  Accordingly,  the  Kami  of  boats  went  to  seek 
him,  and,  on  being  conducted  into  his  father's  presence,  the  latter  declared  his 
willingness  to  surrender,  sealing  the  declaration  by  suicide. 2  There  remained, 
then,  only  the  second  son  of  the  Great-Name  Possessor  to  be  consulted.  He 
did  not  submit  so  easily.  Relying  on  his  great  strength,  he  challenged  the  Kami 
of  courage  to  a  trial  of  hand  grasping.  But  when  he  touched  the  Kami 's  hand 
it  turned  first  into  an  icicle  and  then  into  a  sword-blade,  whereas  his  own  hand, 
when  seized  by  the  Kami,  was  crushed  and  thrown  aside  like  a  young  reed.  He 
fled  away  in  terror,  and  was  pursued  by  the  Kami  as  far  as  the  distant  prov- 
ince of  Shinano,  when  he  saved  his  life  by  making  formal  submission  and  prom- 
ising not  to  contravene  the  decision  of  his  father  and  elder  brother. 

Then  the  Great-Name  Possessor,  having  "lost  his  sons,  on  whom  he  relied," 
agreed  to  abdicate  provided  that  a  shrine  were  built  in  memory  of  him,  "hav- 
ing its  pillars  made  stout  on  the  nethermost  rock-bottom,  and  its  cross-beams 
raised  to  the  'plain  of  high  heaven.'"3  He  handed  over  the  broad-bladed 

[x  It  has  been  conjectured,  with  much  probability,  that  this  singing  and  dancing  was  a 
ceremony  in  imitation  of  the  rites  performed  to  entice  the  Sun  goddess  from  her  cave.  The 
motive  was  to  resuscitate  the  dead.] 

[2  He  stepped  on  the  side  of  his  boat  so  as  to  upset  it,  and  with  hands  crossed  behind  his 
back  sank  into  the  sea.] 

[3  This  hyperbolical  language  illustrates  the  tone  of  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles.  Applied 
to  the  comparatively  humble  buildings  that  served  for  residences  in  ancient  Japan,  the 


13  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

spear  which  had  assisted  him  to  pacify  the  land,  and  declaring  that  if  he  offered 
resistance,  all  the  earthly  Kami,  too,  would  certainly  resist,  he  ''hid  in  the  eighty 
road- windings." 

Thus,  already  in  the  eighth  century  when  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles 
were  compiled,  suicide  after  defeat  in  battle  had  become  a  recognized  practice. 
The  submission  and  self-inflicted  death  of  the  Great-Name  Possessor  did  not, 
however,  save  his  followers.  All  the  rebellious  Kami  were  put  to  the  sword  by 
the  envoys  from  the  "plain  of  high  heaven."  This  chapter  of  the  annals  ends 
with  an  account  of  the  shrine  erected  in  memory  of  the  Great-Name  Possessor. 
It  was  placed  under  the  care  of  a  grandson  of  the  Kami  born  to  Izanagi  and 
Izanami,  who  is  represented  as  declaring  that  he  "would  continue  drilling  fire 
for  the  Kami's  kitchen  until  the  soot  hung  down  eight  hand-breadths  from  the 
roof  of  the  shrine  of  the  Great-Producing  Kami  and  until  the  earth  below  was 
baked  to  its  nethermost  rocks;  and  that  with  the  fire  thus  drilled  he  would 
cook  for  him  the  fish  brought  in  by  the  fishermen,  and  present  them  to  him  in 
baskets  woven  of  split  bamboos  which  would  bend  beneath  their  weight." 

THE  DESCENT  UPON  TSUKUSHI 

ftii*  -»iit  boe  mi>A  sriioijfio-ri-Jj&yir)  oni  isten  :;  wr- 

it had  been  originally  intended  that  the  dominion  of  Japan  should  be  given 
to  the  senior  of  the  five  Kami  born  of  the  five-hundred-jewel  string  of  the  Sun 
goddess.  But  during  the  interval  devoted  to  bringing  the  land  to  a  state  of 
submission,  this  Kami's  spouse,  the  Princess  of  the  Myriad  Looms  of  the 
Luxuriant  Dragon-fly  Island,1  had  borne  a  son,  Hikoho  no  Ninigi,  (Rice-Ears 
of  Ruddy  Plenty),  and  this  boy  having  now  grown  to  man's  estate,  it  was  decid* 
ed  to  send  him  as  ruler  of  Japan.  A  number  of  Kami  were  attached  to  him  as 
guards  and  assistants,  among  them  being  the  Kami  of  "thought  combination," 
who  conceived  the  plan  for  enticing  the  Sun  goddess  from  her  cave  and  who 
occupied  the  position  of  chief  councillor  in  the  conclave  of  high  heaven;  the 
female  Kami  who  danced  before  the  cave;  the  female  Kami  who  forged  the 
mirror,  and,  in  short,  all  the  Kami  who  assisted  in  restoring  light  to  the  world. 
There  were  also  entrusted  to  the  new  sovereign  the  curved-jewel  chaplet  of  the 
Sun  goddess,  the  mirror  that  had  helped  to  entice  her,  and  the  sword  (herb- 
queller)  which  Susanoo  had  taken  from  the  'body  of  the  eight-headed  serpent. 
These  three  objects  thenceforth  became  the  three  sacred  things  of  Japan. 
Strict  injunction  was  given  that  the  mirror  was  to  be  regarded  and  reverenced 
exactly  as  though  it  was  the  spirit  of  the  Sun  goddess,  and  it  was  ordered  that 
the  Kami  of  "thought  combination"  should  administer  the  affairs  of  the  new 
kingdom.  The  fact  is  also  to  be  noted  that  among  the  Kami  attached  to 
Hikoho  no  Ninigi 's  person,  five  —  three  male  and  two  female  —  are  designated 
by  the  Records  as  ancestors  and  ancestresses  of  as  many  hereditary  corporations, 
a  distinctive  feature  of  the  early  Japan's  polity.  As  to  the  manner  of  Hikoho 
no  Ninigi 's  journey  to  Japan,  the  Chronicles  say  that  the  Great-Producing 
Kami  threw  the  coverlet  of  his  couch  over  him  and  caused  him  to  cleave  his 
way  downwards  through  the  clouds;  but  the  Records  allege  that  he  descended 
"shut  up  in  the  floating  bridge  of  heaven." 

The  point  has  some  interest  as  furnishing  a  traditional  trace  of  the  nature 
of  this  so-called  invasion  of  Japan,  and  as  helping  to  confirm  the  theory  that 

description  in  the  text  is  curiously  exaggerated.  The  phrase  here  quoted  finds  frequent 
reproduction  in  the  Shinto  rituals.] 

t1  "Dragon-fly  Island"  was  a  name  anciently  given  to  Japan  on  account  of  the  country's 
shape.] 


JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY  19 

the  "floating  bridge  of  heaven,"  from  which  Izanagi  thrust  his  spear  down- 
wards into  the  brine  of  chaos,  was  nothing  more  than  a  boat.  It  will  natural- 
ly be  supposed  that  as  Hikoho  no  Ninigi  's  migration  to  Japan  was  in  the  sequel 
of  a  long  campaign  having  its  main  field  in  the  province  of  Izumo,  his  immediate 
destination  would  have  been  that  province,  where  a  throne  was  waiting  to  be 
occupied  by  him,  and  where  he  knew  that  a  rich  region  existed.  But  the 
Records  and  the  Chronicles  agree  in  stating  that  he  descended  on  Kirishima- 
yama  1  in  Tsukushi,  which  is  the  ancient  name  of  the  island  of  Kyushu.  This 
is  one  of  the  first  eight  islands  begotten  by  Izanagi  and  Izanami.  Hence  the 
alternative  name  for  Japan,  "Land  of  the  Eight  Great  Islands." 

It  was,  moreover,  to  a  river  of  Tsukushi  that  Izanagi  repaired  to  cleanse 
himself  from  the  pollution  of  hades.  But  between  Kyushu  (Tsukushi)  and 
Izumo  the  interval  is  immense,  and  it  is  accentuated  by  observing  that  the 
mountain  Kirishima,  specially  mentioned  in  the  story,  raises  its  twin  peaks  at 
the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Kagoshima  in  the  extreme  south  of  Kyushu.  There  is 
very  great  difficulty  in  conceiving  that  an  army  whose  ultimate  destination  was 
Izumo  should  have  deliberately  embarked  on  the  shore  of  Kagoshima.  The 
landing  of  Ninigi  —  his  full  name  need  not  be  repeated  —  was  made  with  all 
precautions,  the  van  of  his  army  (kume)  being  commanded  by  the  ancestor  of 
the  men  who  thenceforth  held  the  highest  military  rank  (dtomo)  through  many 
centuries,  and  the  arms  carried  being  bows,  arrows,  and  swords.2 

All  the  annals  agree  in  suggesting  that  the  newcomers  had  no  knowledge  of 
the  locality,  but  whereas  one  account  makes  Ninigi  consult  and  obtain  permis- 
sion from  an  inhabitant  of  the  place,  another  represents  him  as  expressing  satis- 
faction that  the  region  lay  opposite  to  Kara  (Korea)  and  received  the  beams  of 
the  rising  and  the  setting  sun,  qualifications  which  it  is  not  easy  to  associate 
with  any  part  of  southern  Kyushu. 

At  all  events  he  built  for  himself  a  palace  in  accordance  with  the  orthodox 
formula  —  its  pillars  made  stout  on  the  nethermost  rock-bottom  and  its  cross- 
beams made  high  to  the  plain  of  heaven  —  and  apparently  abandoned  all  idea 
of  proceeding  to  Izumo.  Presently  he  encountered  a  beautiful  girl.  She  gave 
her  name  as  Brilliant  Blossom,  and  described  herself  as  the  daughter  of  the  Kami 
of  mountains  —  one  of  the  thirty-five  beings  begotten  by  Izanagi  and  Izanami  — 
who  would  seem  to  have  been  then  living  in  Tsukushi,  and  who  gladly  consented 
to  give  Brilliant  Blossom.  He  sent  with  her  a  plentiful  dower- — many  "ta- 
bles" 3  of  merchandise —  but  he  sent  also  her  elder  sister,  Enduring-as-Rock, 
a  maiden  so  ill  favoured  that  Ninigi  dismissed  her  with  disgust,  thus  provoking 
the  curse  of  the  Kami  of  mountains,  who  declared  that  had  his  elder  daughter 
been  welcomed,  the  lives  of  the  heavenly  sovereigns  4  would  have  been  as  long 
as  her  name  suggested,  but  that  since  she  had  been  treated  with  contumely,  their 
span  of  existence  would  be  comparatively  short.  Presently  Brilliant  Blossom 
became  enceinte.  Her  lord,  however,  thinking  that  sufficient  time  had  not 
elapsed  for  such  a  result,  suspected  her  of  infidelity  with  one  of  the  earthly 
Kami,  5  whereupon  she  challenged  the  ordeal  of  fire,  and  building  a  parturition 

t1  Takachiho-dake  is  often  spoken  of  as  the  mountain  thus  celebrated,  but  Takachiho  is 
only  the  eastern,  and  lower,  of  the  two  peaks  of  Kirishima-yama.] 

[2  The  swords  are  said  to  have  been  "mallet-headed,"  but  the  term  still  awaits  explanation.] 

[3  This  expression  has  reference  to  the  fact  that  offerings  at  religious  ceremonials  were  al- 
ways heaped  on  low  tables  for  laying  before  the  shrine.] 

[4  The  expression  "heavenly  sovereign"  is  here  applied  for  the  first  time  to  the  Emperors 
of  Japan.] 

[5  The  term  "earthly"  was  applied  to  Kami  born  on  earth,  "heavenly"  Kami  being  those 
born  in  heaven.] 


20  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

hut,  passed  in,  plastered  up  the  entrance,  and  set  fire  to  the  building.  She  was 
delivered  of  three  children  without  mishap,  and  their  names  were  Hosuseri 
(Fire-climax),  Hohodemi  (Fire-shine),  and  Hoori  (Fire-subside). 

THE  CASTLE  OF  THE  SEA  DRAGON 
lift  )im     /}<-.i>U->  fi'rijMTifyn*;  lj>:i"  £"r 

At  this  stage  the  annals  digress  to  relate  an  episode  which  has  only  collateral 
interest  Hosuseri  and  Hohodemi  made  fishing  and  hunting,  respectively, 
their  avocations.  But  Hohodemi  conceived  a  fancy  to  exchange  pursuits,  and 
importuned  Hosuseri  to  agree.  When,  however,  the  former  tried  his  luck  at 
angling,  he  not  only  failed  to  catch  anything  but  also  lost  the  hook  which  his 
brother  had  lent  him.  This  became  the  cause  of  a  quarrel.  Hosuseri  taunted 
Hohoderai  on  the  foolishness  of  the  original  exchange  and  demanded  the  restora- 
tion of  his  hook,  nor  would  he  be  placated  though  Hohodemi  forged  his  sabre  in- 
to five  hundred  hooks  and  then  into  a  thousand.  Wandering  disconsolate,1 
by  the  seashore,  Hohodemi  met  the  Kami  of  salt,  who,  advising  him  to  con- 
sult the  daughter  of  the  ocean  Kami,2  sent  him  to  sea  in  a  "stout  little  boat." 

After  drifting  for  a  time,  he  found  himself  at  a  palace  beside  which  grew  a 
many-branched  cassia  tree  overhanging  a  well.  He  climbed  into  the  tree  and 
waited.  Presently  the  handmaidens  of  Princess  Rich  Gem,  daughter  of  the 
ocean  Kami,  came  to  draw  water,  and  seeing  a  shadow  in  the  well,  they  detected 
Hohodemi  in  the  cassia  tree.  At  his  request  they  gave  him  water  in  a  jewelled 
vessel,  but  instead  of  drinking,  he  dropped  into  the  vessel  a  gem  from  his  own 
necklace,  and  the  handmaidens,  unable  to  detach  the  gem,  carried  the  vessel 
to  their  mistress.  Then  the  princess  went  to  look  and,  seeing  a  beautiful 
youth  in  the  cassia  tree,  "exchanged  glances"  with  him.  The  ocean  Kami 
quickly  recognized  Hohodemi;  led  him  in;  seated  him  on  a  pile  of  many  layers 
of  sealskins  a  overlaid  by  many  layers  of  silk  rugs;  made  a  banquet  for  him,  and 
gave  him  for  wife  Princess  Rich  Gem. 

Three  years  passed  tranquilly  without  the  bridegroom  offering  any  explana- 
tion of  his  presence.  At  the  end  of  that  time,  thoughts  of  the  past  visited 
him  and  he  " sighed."  Princess  Rich  Gem  took  note  of  this  despondency  and 
reported  it  to  her  father,  who  now,  for  the  first  time,  inquired  the  cause  of 
Hohodemi  'B  coming.  Thereafter  all  the  fishes  of  the  sea,  great  and  small, 
were  summoned,  and  being  questioned  about  the  lost  hook,  declared  that  the 
tai  *  had  recently  complained  of  something  sticking  in  its  throat  and  prevent- 
ing it  from  eating.  So  the  lost  hook  was  recovered,  and  the  ocean  Kami  in- 
structed Hohodemi,  when  returning  it  to  his  brother,  to  warn  the  latter  that  it 
was  a  useless  hook  which  would  not  serve  its  purpose,  but  would  rather  lead 
its  possessor  to  ruin.  He  further  instructed  him  to  follow  a  method  of  rice 
culture  the  converse  of  that  adopted  by  his  brother,  since  he,  the  ocean  Kami, 
would  rule  the  waters  so  as  to  favour  Hohodemi 's  labours,  and  he  gave  him  two 
jewels  having  the  property  of  making  the  tide  ebb  and  flow,  respectively. 
These  jewels  were  to  be  used  against  Hosuseri,  if  necessary. 

Finally  the  Kami  of  the  ocean  instructed  a  crocodile  to  carry  Hohodemi  to 
his  home.  This  was  accomplished,  and  in  token  of  his  safe  arrival,  Hohodemi 

placed  his  stiletto  on  the  crocodile's  neck  for  conveyance  to  the  ocean  Kami. 

"     . 

"Weening  and  lamenting"  are  the  words  in  the  Records.] 
(*  One  of  the  Kami  begotten  by  Lzanagi  and  Izanami.) 

(*  Chamberlain  translates  this  "sea-asses'  skins,"  and  conjectures  that  sea-lions  or  seals 
may  be  meant.]  .  .\u£l  uJ  boil 

[4  Pagrus  major.') 


i'i       JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY        -:;;  21 


The  programme  prescribed  by  the  latter  was  now  faithfully  pursued,  so  that 
Hosuseri  grew  constantly  poorer,  and  finally  organized  a  fierce  attack  upon  his 
younger  brother,  who,  using  the  tide-flowing  jewel,  overwhelmed  his  assailants 
until  they  begged  for  mercy,  whereupon  the  power  of  the  tide-ebbing  jewel  was 
invoked  to  save  them.  The  result  was  that  Hosuseri,  on  behalf  of  himself  and 
his  descendants  for  all  time,  promised  to  guard  and  respectfully  serve  his  brother 
by  day  and  by  night.  In  this  episode  the  hayabito  had  their  origin.  They 
were  palace  guards,  who  to  their  military  functions  added  the  duty  of  occasion- 
ally performing  a  dance  which  represented  the  struggles  of  their  ancestor, 
Hosuseri,  when  he  was  in  danger  of  drowning. 


BIRTH  OF  THE  EMPEROR  JIMMU      ' 

After  the  composition  of  the  quarrel  described  above,  Princess  Rich  Gem 
arrived  from  the  castle  of  the  ocean  Kami,  and  built  a  parturition  hut  on  the 
seashore,  she  being  about  to  bring  forth  a  child.  Before  the  thatch  of  cormorants' 
feathers  could  be  completed,  the  pains  of  labour  overtook  her,  and  she  entered 
the  hut,  conjuring  her  husband  not  to  spy  upon  her  privacy,  since,  in  order  to 
be  safely  delivered,  she  must  assume  a  shape  appropriate  to  her  native  land. 
He,  however,  suffered  his  curiosity  to  overcome  him,  and  peeping  in,  saw  her  in 
the  form  of  an  eight-fathom  crocodile.  It  resulted  that  having  been  thus  put 
to  shame,  she  left  her  child  and  returned  to  the  ocean  Kami's  palace,  declaring 
that  there  should  be  no  longer  any  free  passage  between  the  dominions  of  the 
ocean  Kami  and  the  world  of  men.  "Nevertheless  afterwards,  although  angry 
at  her  husband  's  having  wished  to  peep,  she  could  not  restrain  her  loving  heart," 
and  she  sent  her  younger  sister,  Good  Jewel,  to  nurse  the  baby  and  to  be  the 
bearer  of  a  farewell  song  to  Hohodemi. 

The  Records  state  that  the  latter  lived  to  the  age  of  580  years  and  that  his 
mausoleum  was  built  to  the  west  of  Mount  Takachiho,  on  which  his  palace 
stood.  Thus  for  the  first  time  the  duration  of  a  life  is  stated  in  the  antique 
annals  of  Japan.  His  son,  called  Fuki-ayezu  (Unfinished  Thatch),  in  memory 
of  the  strange  incident  attending  his  birth,  married  Princess  Good  Jewel,  his 
own  aunt,  and  by  her  had  four  sons.  The  first  was  named  Itsuse  (Five  Reaches) 
and  the  youngest,  I  ware  (a  village  in  Yamato  province).  This  latter  ultimate- 
ly became  Emperor  of  Japan,  and  is  known  in  history  as  Jimmu  (Divine  Valour), 
a  posthumous  name  given  to  him  many  centuries  after  his  death.1  From  the 
time  of  this  sovereign  dates  and  events  are  recorded  with  full  semblance  of 
accuracy  in  the  Chronicles,  but  the  compilers  of  the  Records  do  not  attempt  to 
give  more  than  a  bald  statement  of  the  number  of  years  each  sovereign  lived 
or  reigned. 

THE  EXPEDITION  TO  YAMATO 

According  to  the  Chronicles,  the  four  sons  of  Fuki-ayezu  engaged  in  a  cele- 
brated expedition  from  Tsukushi  (Kyushu)  to  Yamato,  but  one  alone,  the  young- 
est, survived.  According  to  the  Records,  two  only  took  part  in  the  expedition, 
the  other  two  having  died  before  it  set  out.  The  former  version  seems  more 
consistent  with  the  facts,  and  with  the  manner  of  the  two  princes'  deaths,  as 
described  in  the  Records.  Looking  from  the  east  coast  of  the  island  of  Kyushu, 

[l  Posthumous  names  for  the  earthly  Mikados  were  invented  in  the  reign  of  Kwammu 
(A.D.  782-805),  i.e.,  after  the  date  of  the  compilation  of  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles.  But 
they  are  in  universal  use  by  the  Japanese,  though  to  speak  of  a  living  sovereign  by  his  posthu- 
mous name  is  a  manifest  anomaly.] 


22  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  province  of  Yamato  lies  to  the  northeast,  at  a  distance  of  about  350  miles, 
and  forms  the  centre  of  the  Kii  promontory.  From  what  has  preceded,  a  reader 
of  Japanese  history  is  prepared  to  find  that  the  objective  of  the  expedition  was 
Izumo,  not  Yamato,  since  it  was  to  prepare  for  the  occupation  of  the  former 
province  that  the  Sun  goddess  and  her  coadjutors  expended  so  much  energy. 
No  explanation  whatever  of  this  discrepancy  is  offered,  but  it  cannot  be  supposed 
that  Yamato  was  regarded  as  a  halfway  house  to  Izumo,  seeing  that  they  lie  on 
opposite  coasts  of  Japan  and  are  two  hundred  miles  distant. 

The  Chronicles  assign  the  genesis  of  the  enterprise  to  Prince  Iware,  whom 
they  throughout  call  Hohodemi,  and  into  whose  mouth  they  put  an  exhorta- 
tion —  obviously  based  on  a  Chinese  model  —  speaking  of  a  land  in  the  east 
encircled  by  blue  mountains  and  well  situated,  as  the  centre  of  administrative 
authority.  To  reach  Yamato  by  sea  from  Kyushu  two  routes  offer;  one,  the 
more  direct,  is  by  the  Pacific  Ocean  straight  to  the  south  coast  of  the  Kii  prom- 
ontory; the  other  is  by  the  Inland  Sea  to  the  northwestern  coast  of  the  same 
promontory.  The  latter  was  chosen,  doubtless  because  nautical  knowledge 
and  seagoing  vessels  were  alike  wanting. 

It  is  not  possible,  however,  to  speak  with  confidence  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
ships  possessed  by  the  Japanese  in  early  times.  The  first  mention  of  ships 
occurs  in  the  story  of  Susanoo's  arrival  in  Japan.  He  is  said  to  have  carried 
with  him  quantities  of  tree  seeds  which  he  planted  in  the  Eight  Island  Country, 
the  cryptomeria  and  the  camphor  being  intended  to  serve  as  "floating  riches," 
namely  ships.  This  would  suggest,  as  is  indeed  commonly  believed,  that  the 
boats  of  that  era  were  simply  hollow  trunks  of  trees. 

Five  centuries  later,  however,  without  any  intervening  reference,  we  find  the 
Emperor  Sujin  urging  the  construction  of  ships  as  of  cardinal  importance  for 
purposes  of  coastwise  transport  —  advice  which  is  hardly  consistent  with  the 
idea  of  log  boats.  Again,  in  A.D.  274,  the  people  of  Izu  are  recorded  as  having 
built  and  sent  to  the  Court  a  vessel  one  hundred  feet  long;  and,  twenty-six  years 
later,  this  ship  having  become  old  and  unserviceable,  was  used  as  fuel  for  manu- 
facturing salt,  five  hundred  bags  of  which  were  distributed  among  the  provinces 
with  directions  to  construct  as  many  ships. 

There  is  no  mention  in  either  the  Chronicles  or  the  Records  of  any  marked 
change  in  the  matter  of  marine  architecture  during  all  these  years.  The  nature 
of  the  Kyushu  expeditionary  ships  must  therefore  remain  a  matter  of  conjecture, 
but  that  they  were  propelled  by  oars,  not  sails,  seems  pretty  certain.  Setting 
out  from  some  point  in  Kyushu  —  probably  the  present  Kagoshima  Bay  —  the 
expedition  made  its  way  up  the  east  coast  of  the  island,  and  reaching  the  Bungo 
Channel,  where  the  tide  is  very  rapid,  obtained  the  services  of  a  fisherman  as 
pilot.  Thence  the  fleet  pushed  on  to  Usa  in  the  province  of  Buzen,  at  the  north 
of  Kyushu,  when  two  local  chieftains  built  for  the  entertainment  and  residence 
of  the  princes  and  their  followers  a  "one  pillared  palace"  —  probably  a  tent. 
The  next  place  of  call  was  Oka  (or  Okada)  in  Chikuzen,  where  they  passed  a 
year  before  turning  eastward  into  the  Inland  Sea,  and  pushing  on  to  one  of  the 
many  islands  off  the  coast  of  Aki,  they  spent  seven  years  before  proceeding  to 
another  island  (Takashima)  in  Kibi,  as  the  present  three  provinces  of  Bingo, 
Bitchu,  and  Bizen  were  then  called.  There  they  delayed  for  eight  years  —  the 
Chronicles  say  three  —  in  order  to  repair  the  oars  of  their  vessels  and  to  pro- 
cure provisions. 

Up  to  this  time  there  had  been  no  fighting  or  any  attempt  to  effect  a  lodg- 
ment on  the  mainland.  But  the  expedition  was  now  approaching  the  narrow 


3vI<I03*JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY  23 

westerly  entrance  to  the  present  Osaka  Bay,  where  an  army  might  be  encount- 
ered at  any  moment.  The  boats  therefore  sailed  in  line  ahead,  "the  prow  of 
each  ship  touching  the  stern  of  the  other."  Off  the  mouth  of  the  river,  now 
known  as  the  Yodo,they  encountered  such  a  high  sea  that  they  called  the  place 
Nami-hana  (Wave  Flowers),  a  name  subsequently  abbreviated  to  Naniwa. 
Pushing  on,  the  expeditionary  force  finally  landed  at  a  place  —  not  now  identifi- 
able —  in  the  province  of  Kawachi,  which  bounds  Yamato  on  the  west. 

The  whole  voyage  had  occupied  four  years  according  to  the  Chronicles, 
sixteen  according  to  the  Records.  At  Kusaka  they  fought  their  first  battle 
against  the  army  of  Prince  Nagasune  and  were  repulsed,  Prince  Itsuse  being 
wounded  by  an  arrow  which  struck  his  elbow.  It  was  therefore  decided  to 
change  the  direction  of  advance,  so  that  instead  of  moving  eastward  in  the  face 
of  the  sun,  a  procedure  unpleasing  to  the  goddess  of  that  orb,  they  should  move 
westward  with  the  sun  behind  them.  This  involved  re-embarking  and  sailing 
southward  round  the  Kii  promontory  so  as  to  land  on  its  eastern  coast,  but  the 
dangerous  operation  of  putting  an  army  on  board  ship  in  the  presence  of  a  victori- 
ous enemy  was  successfully  achieved  by  the  aid  of  skilfully  used  shields. 

On  the  voyage  round  Kii,  where  stormy  seas  are  frequent,  the  fleet  encount- 
ered a  heavy  gale  and  the  boats  containing  two  of  the  princes  were  lost.1  Prince 
Itsuse  had  already  died  of  his  wound,  so  of  the  four  brothers  there  now  remained 
only  the  youngest,  Prince  Iware.  It  is  recorded  that,  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  he 
had  been  made  heir  to  the  throne,  the  principle  of  primogeniture  not  being  then 
recognized,  and  thus  the  deaths  of  his  brothers  did  not  affect  that  question. 
Landing  ultimately  at  Kumano  on  the  southeast  of  Kii,  the  expeditionary  force 
was  stricken  by  a  pestilence,  the  prince  himself  not  escaping.  But  at  the  be- 
hest of  the  Sun  goddess,  the  Kami  of  thunder  caused  a  sword  of  special  virtue 
to  come  miraculously  into  the  possession  of  an  inhabitant  of  Kii,  who  carried 
it  to  the  prince,  and  at  once  the  sickness  was  stayed.  When,  however,  the 
army  attempted  to  advance  into  the  interior,  no  roads  were  found  and  precipi- 
tous mountains  barred  the  progress.  In  this  dilemma  the  Sun  goddess  sent  down 
the  three-legged  crow  of  the  Sun  2  to  act  as  guide. 

Thus  indiscriminately  are  the  miraculous  and  the  commonplace  intermixed. 
Following  this  bird,  the  invading  force  pushed  on  into  Yamato,  receiving  the 
allegiance  of  a  body  of  men  who  fished  with  cormorants  in  the  Yoshino  River 
and  who  doubtless  supplied  the  army  with  food,  and  the  allegiance  of  fabulous 
beings  with  tails,  who  came  out  of  wells  or  through  cliffs.  It  is  related  that  the 
invaders  forced  the  elder  of  two  brothers  into  a  gyn  which  he  had  prepared  for 
their  destruction;  and  that  on  ascending  a  hill  to  reconnoitre,  Prince  Iware  ob- 
served an  army  of  women  and  a  force  of  eighty  "  earth-hiders  (Tsuchi-gumo) 
with  tails,"  by  which  latter  epithet  is  to  be  understood  bandits  or  raiders  who 
inhabited  caves. 

How  it  fared  with  the  amazons  the  annals  do  not  say,  but  the  eighty  bandits 
were  invited  to  a  banquet  and  slaughtered  in  their  cups.  Still  the  expeditionary 
force  encountered  great  opposition,  the  roads  and  passes  being  occupied  by 
numerous  hostile  bands.  An  appeal  was  accordingly  made  for  divine  assistance 
by  organizing  a  public  festival  of  worship,  the  vessels  employed  —  eighty  platters 
and  as  many  jars  —  being  made  by  the  hands  of  the  prince  himself  with  clay 

[*  In  the  Chronicles  the  two  princes  are  represented  as  having  deliberately  entered  the 
stormy  sea,  angered  that  such  hardships  should  overtake  the  descendants  of  the  ocean  Kami.] 

[2  The  Yang-wu,  or  Sun-crow  (Japanese  Y ata-garasu} ,  is  a  creature  of  purely  Chinese  myth. 
It  is  supposed  to  be  red  in  colour,  to  have  three  legs,  and  to  inhabit  the  sun.] 


24  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ootained  from  Mount  Kagu  in  Yamato.1  Several  minor  arrangements  followed, 
and  finally  swords  wore  crossed  with  the  army  of  Nagasune,  who  had  inflicted 
a  defeat  on  the  invaders  on  the  occasion  of  their  first  landing  at  Kusaka,  when 
Prince  Itsuse  received  a  mortal  wound.  A  fierce  battle  ensued.  Prince  Iware 
burned  to  avenge  his  brother's  death,  but  repeated  attacks  upon  Nagasune 's 
troops  proved  abortive  until  suddenly  a  golden-plumaged  kite  perched  on  the 
end  of  Prince  Iware 's  bow,  and  its  effulgence  dazzled  the  enemy  so  that  they 
could  not  fight  stoutlyift  i-vr^u 

From  this  incident  the  place  where  the  battle  occurred  was  called  Tabi-no- 
mura,  a  name  now  corrupted  into  Tomi-no-mura.  It  does  not  appear,  however, 
that  anything  like  a  decisive  victory  was  gained  by  the  aid  of  this  miraculous 
intervention.  Nagasune  sought  a  conference  with  Prince  Iware,  and  declared 
that  the  ruler  of  Yamato,  whom  he  served,  was  a  Kami  who  had  formerly  de- 
scended from  heaven.  He  offered  in  'proof  of  this  statement  an  arrow  and  a 
quiver  belonging  to  the  Kami.  But  Prince  Iware  demonstrated  their  corre- 
spondence with  those  he  himself  carried.  Nagasune,  however,  declining  to  ab- 
stain from  resistance,  was  put  to  death  by  the  Kami  he  served,  who  then  made 
act  of  submission  to  Prince  Iware. 

The  interest  of  this  last  incident  lies  in  the  indication  it  seems  to  afford  that 
a  race  identical  with  the  invaders  had  already  settled  in  Yamato.  Prince 
Iware  now  caused  a  palace  to  be  built  on  the  plain  of  Kashiwa-bara  (called 
Kashihara  by  some  historians),  to  the  southwest  of  Mount  Unebi,  and  in  it  as- 
sumed the  imperial  dignity,  on  the  first  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  year  660 
B.C.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  this  date  must  be  received  with  all 
reserve,  and  that  the  epithet  "palace"  is  not  to  be  interpreted  in  the  European 
sense  of  the  term.  The  Chronicles,  which  alone  attempt  to  fix  the  early  dates 
with  accuracy,  indicate  667  B.C.  as  the  year  of  the  expedition 's  departure  from 
Kyushu,  and  assign  to  Prince  Iware  an  age  of  forty-five  at  the  time.  He  was 
therefore  fifty-two  when  crowned  at  Kashiwa-bara,  and  as  the  same  authority 
makes  him  live  to  an  age  of  127,  it  might  be  supposed  that  much  would  be  told 
of  the  last  seventy-five  years  of  his  life. 

But  whereas  many  pages  are  devoted  to  the  story  of  his  adventures  before 
ascending  the  throne,  a  few  paragraphs  suffice  for  all  that  is  subsequently  re- 
lated of  him.  While  residing  in  Kyushu  he  married  and  had  two  sons,  the  elder 
of  whom,  Tagishi-mimi,  accompanied  him  on  his  eastward  expedition.  In 
Yamato  he  married  again  and  had  three  sons,  the  youngest  of  whom  succeeded 
to  the  throne.  The  bestowing  of  titles  and  rewards  naturally  occupied  much 
attention,  and  to  religious  observances  scarcely  less  importance  seems  to  have 
been  attached.  All  references  to  these  latter  show  that  the  offices  of  priest  and 
king  were  united  in  the  sovereign  of  these  days.  Thus  it  was  by  the  Emperor 
that  formulae  of  incantation  to  dissipate  evil  influences  were  dictated;  that 
sacrifices  were  performed  to  the  heavenly  Kami  so  as  to  develop  filial  piety; 
and  that  shrines  were  consecrated  for  worshiping  the  Imperial  ancestors.  Jim- 
mu  was  buried  in  a  tumulus  (misasagi)  on  the  northeast  of  Mount  Unebi.  The 
site  is  officially  recognized  to  this  day,  and  on  the  3rd  of  April  every  ye;ir 
it  is  visited  by  an  Imperial  envoy,  who  offers  products  of  mountain,  river, 
and  sea. 

['  The  Chronicles  state  that  the  prince  made  ame  on  the  platters.  Ame  is  confectioned 
from  malted  millet  and  is  virtually  the  same  as  the  malt  extract  of  the  Occident.] 

[2  This  tradition  of  the  golden  kite  is  cherished  in  Japan.  The  "Order  of  the  Golden  Kite " 
is  the  most  coveted  military  distinction.] 


ETOTJAPANESE  MYTHOLOGYffOT?  25. 

*  j»   orii- ^/\  +jiJC'iurT  arfi   ^acii-tp  rvi  .eitirnrfp  nn  [friorl   hf»o   "-^ntnw  on   /•imni   f»rto 

TRACES  OF  FOREIGN  INFLUENCE 

What  traces  of  Chinese  or  foreign  influence  are  to  be  found  in  the  legends 
and  myths  set  down  above?  It  is  tolerably  certain  that  communication  existed 
between  China  and  Japan  from  a  date  shortly  prior  to  the  Christian  era,  and 
we  naturally  expect  to  find  that  since  China  was  at  that  time  the  author  of 
Asiatic  civilization,  she  contributed  materially  to  the  intellectual  development 
of  her  island  neighbour.  Examining  the  cosmogonies  of  the  two  countries,  we 
find  at  the  outset  a  striking  difference.  The  Chinese  did  not  conceive  any 
creator,  ineffable,  formless,  living  in  space;  whereas  the  Japanese  imagined  a 
great  central  Kami  and  two  producing  powers,  invisible  and  working  by  occult 
processes. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  marked  similarity  of  thought.  For,  as  on  the 
death  of  Panku,  the  giant  toiler  of  Chinese  myth  on  whom  devolved  the  task  of 
chiselling  out  the  universe,  his  left  eye  was  transmitted  into  the  orb  of  day  and 
his  right  into  the  moon,  so  when  the  Japanese  Kami  returned  from  his  visit  to 
the  underworld,  the  sun  emerged  from  the  washing  of  his  left  eye  and  the  moon 
from  the  washing  of  his  right.  Japanese  writers  have  sought  to  differentiate 
the  two  myths  by  pointing  out  that  the  sun  is  masculine  in  China  and  feminine 
in  Japan,  but  such  an  objection  is  inadequate  to  impair  the  close  resemblance. 

In  truth  "creation  from  fragments  of  a  fabulous  anthropomorphic  being 
is  common  to  Chaldeans,  Iroquois,  Egyptians,  Greeks,  Tinnehs,  Mangaians, 
and  Aryan  Indians,"  and  from  that  fact  a  connexion  between  ancient  Japan  and 
West  Asia  might  be  deduced  by  reference  to  the  beings  formed  out  of  the  parts: 
of  the  fire  Kami's  body  when  Izanagi  put  him  to  the  sword.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  tale  of  which  the  birth  of  the  sun  and  the  moon  forms  a  part,  namely, 
the  visit  of  Izanagi  to  hades  in  search  of  Izanami,  is  an  obvious  reproduction  of 
the  Babylonian  myth  of  Ishtar  's  journey  to  the  underworld  in  search  of  Du  'uzu, 
which  formed  the  basis  of  the  Grecian  legend  of  Orpheus  and  Eurydice.  More- 
over, Izanami 's  objection  to  return,  on  the  ground  of  having  already  eaten  of  the 
food  of  the  underworld,  is  a  feature  of  many  ancient  myths,  among  which  may 
be  mentioned  the  Indian  story  of  Nachiketas,  where  the  name  Yama,  the  Indian 
god  of  the  lower  world,  bears  an  obvious  resemblance  to  the  Japanese  yomi 
(hades),  as  does,  indeed,  the  whole  Indian  myth  of  Yami  and  Yama  to  that  of 
Izanagi  and  Izanami. 

Is  it  not  also  more  than  a  mere  coincidence  that  as  all  the  Semitic  tribes 
worshipped  the  goddess  Isis,  so -the  Japanese  worshipped,  for  supreme  being, 
the  goddess  of  the  Sun?  Thus,  here  again  there  would  seem  to  have  been  some 
path  of  communication  other  than  that  via  China  between  Japan  and  the  west 
of  Asia.  Further,  the  "river  of  heaven"  —  the  Milky  Way  —  which  so  often 
figures  in  Japanese  mythology,  is  prominent  in  Chinese  also,  and  is  there  associat- 
ed with  the  Spinning  Damsel,  just  as  in  the  Japanese  legend  it  serves  the  Kami 
for  council-place  after  the  injury  done  by  Susanoo's  violence  to  the  Sun  goddess 
and  her  spinning  maidens.  It  has  been  remarked  [Chamberlain]  that  the; 
chop-stick  which  Susanoo  found  floating  down  a  river  in  Izumo,  and  the  sake 
(rice-wine)  which  he  caused  to  be  made  for  the  purpose  of  intoxicating  the 
eight-headed  serpent,  are  obviously  products  of  Chinese  civilization,  but  as  for 
the  rescue  of  the  maiden  from  the  serpent,  it  is  a  plain  replica  of  the  legend  of 
Perseus  and  Andromeda,  which,  if  it  came  through  China,  left  no  mark  in  transit. 

Less  palpable,  but  still  sufficiently  striking,  is  the  resemblance  between  the 
story  of  Atalanta  's  golden  apples  and  the  casting  down  of  Izanagi 's  head-dress' 


26  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  comb  as  grapes  and  bamboo  sprouts  to  arrest  the  pursuit  of  the  "hag  of 
hades."  But  indeed  this  throwing  of  his  comb  behind  him  by  Izanagi  and  its 
conversion  into  a  thicket  are  common  incidents  of  ancient  folk-lore,  while  in  the 
context  of  this  Kami 's  ablutions  on  his  return  from  hades,  it  may  be  noted  that 
Ovid  makes  Juno  undergo  lustration  after  a  visit  to  the  lower  regions  and 
that  Dante  is  washed  in  Lethe  when  he  passes  out  of  purgatory.  Nor  is  there 
any  great  stretch  of  imagination  needed  to  detect  a  likeness  between  the  feathered 
messenger  sent  from  the  Ark  and  the  three  envoys — the  last  a  bird — despatched 
from  the  "plain  of  high  heaven"  to  report  upon  the  condition  of  disturbed 
Japan.  This  comparison  is  partially  vitiated,  however,  by  the  fact  that  there 
is  no  tradition  of  a  deluge  in  Japanese  annals,  though  such  phenomena  are  like- 
ly to  occur  occasionally  in  all  lands  and  to  produce  a  great  impression  on  the 
national  imagination.  "Moreover,  what  is  specially  known  to  us  as  the  deluge 
has  been  claimed  as  an  ancient  Altaic  myth.  Yet  here  we  have  the  oldest  of 
the  undoubtedly  Altaic  nations  without  any  legend  of  the  kind."  [Chamberlain.] 

It  appears,  further,  from  the  account  of  the  Great-Name  Possessor 's  visit  to 
the  underworld,  that  one  Japanese  conception  of  hades  corresponded  exactly 
with  that  of  the  Chinese,  namely,  a  place  where  people  live  and  act  just  as  they 
do  on  earth.  But  the  religion  out  of  which  this  belief  grew  in  China  had  its 
origin  at  a  date  long  subsequent  to  the  supposed  age  of  the  Gods  in  Japan. 
The  peaches  with  which  Izanagi  pelted  and  drove  back  the  thunder  Kami  sent 
by  Izanami  to  pursue  him  on  his  return  from  the  underworld  were  evidently 
suggested  by  the  fabulous  female,  Si  Wang-mu,  of  Chinese  legend,  who  possessed 
a  peach  tree,  the  fruit  of  which  conferred  immortality  and  repelled  the  demons 
of  disease.  So,  too,  the  tale  of  the  palace  of  the  ocean  Kami  at  the  bottom  of  the 
sea,  with  its  castle  gate  and  cassia  tree  overhanging  a  well  which  serves  as  a 
mirror,  forms  a  page  of  Chinese  legendary  lore,  and,  in  a  slightly  altered  form, 
is  found  in  many  ancient  annals. 

The  sea  monster  mentioned  in  this  myth  is  written  with  a  Chinese  ideograph 
signifying  "crocodile,"  but  since  the  Japanese  cannot  have  had  any  knowledge 
of  crocodiles,  and  since  the  monster  is  usually  represented  pictorially  as  a 
dragon,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  we  are  here  confronted  by  the  Dragon 
King  of  Chinese  and  Korean  folk-lore  which  had  its  palace  in  the  depths  of  the 
ocean.  In  fact,  the  Japanese,  in  all  ages,  have  spoken  of  this  legendary  edifice  as 
Ryu  no  jo  (the  Dragon's  castle). 

The  eminent  sinologue,  Aston,  has  shrewdly  pointed  out  that  the  term  wani 
(crocodile)  may  be  a  corruption  of  the  Korean  word,  wang-in  (king),  which  the 
Japanese  pronounced  "wani."  As  for  the  "curved  jewels,"  which  appear  on 
so  many  occasions,  the  mineral  jade,  or  jadelike  stone,  of  which  many  of  them 
were  made,  has  never  been  met  with  in  Japan  and  must  therefore  have  come  from 
the  continent  of  Asia.  The  reed  boat  in  which  the  leech,  first  offspring  of 
Izanagi  and  Izanami,  was  sent  adrift,  "recalls  the  Accadian  legend  of  Sargon 
and  his  ark  of  rushes,  the  biblical  story  of  Moses  as  an  infant  and  many  more," 
though  it  has  no  known  counterpart  in  Chinese  mythology. 

It  is  noticeable  that  in  spite  of  the  honour  paid  to  the  stars  in  the  Chinese 
cosmogony,  the  only  star  specially  alluded  to  in  Japanese  myth  is  Kagase,  who 
is  represented  as  the  last  of  the  rebellious  Kami  on  the  occasion  of  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Izumo  by  order  of  the  Sun  goddess  and  the  Great-Producing  Kami.  So 
far  as  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles  are  concerned, "the  only  stars  mentioned 
are  Venus,  the  Pleiades,  and  the  Weaver,"  the  last  being  connected  with  a 
Chinese  legend,  as  shown  above. 


JAPANESE  MYTHOLOGY 


27 


Two  other  points  remain  to  be  noticed.  One  is  that  divination  by  cracks 
in  a  deer  's  roasted  shoulder  blade,  a  process  referred  to  more  than  once  in  the 
Records  and  the  Chronicles,  was  a  practice  of  the  Chinese,  who  seem  to  have 
borrowed  it  from  the  Mongolians;  the  other,  that  the  sounding  arrow  (nari- 
kabura)  was  an  invention  of  the  Huns,  and  came  to  Japan  through  China.  It 
had  holes  in  the  head,  and  the  air  passing  through  these  produced  a  humming 
sound.  As  for  the  Chronicles,  they  are  permeated  by  Chinese  influence  through- 
out. The  adoption  of  the  Chinese  sexagenary  cycle  is  not  unnatural,  but  again 
and  again  speeches  made  by  Chinese  sovereigns  and  sages  are  put  into  the 
mouths  of  Japanese  monarchs  as  original  utterances,  so  that  without  the  Records 
for  purposes  of  reference  and  comparison,  even  the  small  measure  of  solid  ground 
that  can  be  constructed  would  be  cut  from  under  the  student  's  feet. 


;yBitchii,  and  ii 


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BONDAI  SUZUBI  BAKO  (A  WRITING  SET) 

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'NO"  MASKS 


CHAPTER  IV 


RATIONALIZATION 


GEOGRAPHICAL  FEATURES 

THE  southwestern  extremity  of  the  main  island  of  Japan  is  embraced  by  two 
large  islands,  Kyushu  and  Shikoku,  the  former  lying  on  the  west  of  the  latter 
and  being,  in  effect,  the  southern  link  of  the  island  chain  which  constitutes  the 
empire  of  Japan.  Sweeping  northward  from  Formosa  and  the  Philippines  is  a 
strong  current  known  as  the  Kuro-shio  (Black  Tide),  a  name  derived  from  the 
deep  indigo  colour  of  the  water.  This  tide,  on  reaching  the  vicinity  of  Kyushu, 
is  deflected  to  the  east,  and  passing  along  the  southern  coast  of  Kyushu  and  the 
Kii  promontory,  takes  its  way  into  the  Pacific.  Evidently  boats  carried  on 
the  bosom  of  the  Kuro-shio  would  be  likely  to  make  the  shore  of  Japan  at  one 
of  three  points,  namely,  the  south,  or  southeast,  of  Kyushu,  the  south  of  Shikoku 
or  the  Kii  promontory. 

Now,  according  to  the  Records,  the  first  place  "begotten"  by  Izanagi  and 
Izanami  was  an  island  called  Awa,  supposed  to  be  in  the  vicinity  of  Awaji.  The 
latter  is  a  long,  narrow  island  stretching  from  the  northeast  of  Shikoku  towards 
the  shore  of  the  main  island  —  which  it  approaches  very  closely  at  the  Strait 
of  Yura  —  and  forming  what  may  be  called  a  gate,  closing  the  eastern  entrance 
to  the  Inland  Sea.  After  the  island  of  Awa,  the  producing  couple  gave  birth 
to  Awaji  and  subsequently  to  Shikoku,  which  is  described  as  an  island  having 
four  faces,  namely,  the  provinces  of  Awa,  lyo,  Tosa,  and  Sanuki. 

Rejecting  the  obviously  allegorical  phantasy  of  "procreation,"  we  may 
reasonably  suppose  ourselves  to  be  here  in  the  presence  of  an  emigration  from 
the  South  Seas  or  from  southern  China,  which  debarks  on  the  coast  of  Awaji 
and  thence  crosses  to  Shikoku.  Thereafter,  the  immigrants  touch  at  a  triplet 
of  small  islands,  described  as  "in  the  offing,"  and  thence  cross  to  Kyushu,  known 
at  the  time  as  Tsukushi.  This  large  island  is  described  in  the  Records  as  having, 
like  Shikoku,  one  body  and  four  faces,  and  part  of  it  was  inhabited  by  Kumaso, 
of  whom  much  is  heard  in  Japanese  history.  From  Kyushu  the  invaders  pass 
to  the  islands  of  Iki  and  Tsushima,  which  lie  between  Kyushu  and  Korea,  and 

28 


J1031  ^RATIONALIZATION   /HOT8IH  29 

thereafter  they  sail  northward  along  the  coast  of  the  main  island  of.  Japan  until 
they  reach  the  island  of  Sado. 

All  this  —  and  the  order  of  advance  follows  exactly  the  procreation  sequence 
given  in  the  Records  —  lends  itself  easily  to  the  supposition  of  a  party  of  immi- 
grants coming  originally  from  the  south,  voyaging  in  a  tentative  manner  round 
the  country  described  by  them,  and  establishing  themselves  primarily  on  its 
outlying  islands. 

The  next  step,  according  to  the  Records,  was  to  Yamato.  About  this  name, 
Yamato,  there  has  been  some  dispute.  Alike  in  ancient  and  in  modern  times 
the  term  has  been  applied,  on  the  one  hand,  to  the  whole  of  the  main  island,  and, 
on  the  other,  to  the  single  province  of  Yamato.  The  best  authorities,  however, 
interpret  it  in  the  latter  sense  for  the  purposes  of  the  Izanagi-and-Izanami 
legend,  and  that  interpretation  is  plainly  consistent  with  the  probabilities,  for 
the  immigrants  would  naturally  have  proceeded  from  Awaji  to  the  Kii  prom- 
ontory, where  the  province  of  Yamato  lies.  Thereafter  —  on  their  "return," 
say  the  Records,  and  the  expression  is  apposite — they  explored  several  small 
islands  not  identifiable  by  their  names  but  said  to  have  been  in  Kibi,  which  was 
the  term  then  applied  to  the  provinces  of  Bingo,  Bitchu,  and  Bizen,  lying  along 
the  south  coast  of  the  Inland  Sea  and  thus  facing  the  sun,  so  that  the  descriptive 
epithet  "sun-direction"  applied  to  the  region  was  manifestly  appropriate. 

In  brief,  the  whole  narrative  concerts  well  with  the  idea  of  a  band  of  emi- 
grants carried  on  the  breast  of  the  "Black  Tide,"  who  first  make  the  circuit  of 
.the  outlying  fringe  of  islands,  then  enter  the  mainland  at  Yamato,  and  finally 
sail  down  the  Inland  Sea,  using  the  small  islands  off  its  northern  shore  as  points 
d  'appui  for  expeditions  inland. 

.•  moQa  bluow  dl 

-'  i  * 

JAPANESE  OPINION 

Japanese  euhemerists,  several  of  whom,  in  former  times  as  well  as  in  the 
present,  have  devoted  much  learned  research  to  the  elucidation  of  their  country's 
mythology,  insist  that  tradition  never  intended  to  make  such  a  demand  upon 
human  credulity  as  to  ask  it  to  believe  in  the  begetting  of  islands  by  normal  pro- 
cess of  procreation.  They  maintain  that  such  descriptions  must  be  read  as 
allegories.  It  then  becomes  easy  to  interpret  the  doings  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami 
as  simple  acts  of  warlike  aggression,  and  to  suppose  that  they  each  commanded 
forces  which  were  to  have  co-operated,  but  which,  by  failing  at  the  outset  to 
synchronize  their  movements,  were  temporarily  unsuccessful.  It  will  seem, 
as  we  follow  the  course  of  later  history,  that  the  leading  of  armies  by  females 
was  common  enough  to  be  called  a  feature  of  early  Japan,  and  thus  the  role 
assigned  to  Izanami  need  not  cause  any  astonishment.  At  their  first  miscarriage 
the  two  Kami,  by  better  organization,  overran  the  island  of  Awaji  and  then 
pushed  on  to  Shikoku,  which  they  brought  completely  under  their  sway. 

But  what  meaning  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  "plain  of  high  heaven"  (Takama- 
ga-hara)?  Where  was  the  place  thus  designated?  By  a  majority  of  Japanese 
interpreters  Takama-ga-hara  is  identified  as  the  region  of  Taka-ichi  in  Yamato 
province.  The  word  did  not  refer  to  anything  supernatural  but  was  used  simply 
in  an  honorific  sense.  In  later  ages  Court  officials  were  called  "lords  of  the 
moon"  (gekhei)  or  "cloud-guests"  (unkaku),  while  officials  not  permitted  to 
attend  the  Court  were  known  as  "groundlings"  (jige);  the  residence  of  the 
Emperor  was  designated  "purple-clouds  hall"  (shishin-deri) ;  to  go  from  the 
Imperial  capital  to  any  other  part  of  the  country  was  to  "descend,"  the  converse 


30  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

proceeding  being  called  to  "ascend,"  and  the  palace  received  the  names  of 
"blue  sky"  and  "above  the  clouds." 

To-day  in  Yamato  province  there  is  a  hill  called  Takama-yama  and  a  plain 
named  Takama-no.  The  Records  say  that  when  the  Sun  goddess  retired  to  a 
rock  cave,  a  multitude  of  Kami  met  at  Taka-ichi  to  concert  measures  for  entic- 
ing her  out,  and  this  Taka-ichi  is  considered  to  be  undoubtedly  the  place  of  the 
same  name  in  Yamato.  But  some  learned  men  hold  that  Takama-ga-hara 
was  in  a  foreign  country,  and  that  the  men  who  emigrated  thence  to  Japan 
belonged  to  a  race  very  superior  to  that  then  inhabiting  the  islands.  When, 
however,  the  leader  of  the  invaders  had  established  his  Court  in  Yamato  the 
designation  Takama-ga-hara  came  to  be  applied  to  the  latter  place. 

Whichever  theory  be  correct  —  and  the  latter  certainly  commends  itself 
as  the  more  probable  —  it  will  be  observed  that  both  agree  in  assigning  to 
Takama-ga-hara  a  terrestrial  location;  both  agree  in  assigning  the  sense  of 
"unsettled  and  turbulent"  to  the  "floating,  drifting"  condition  predicated  of 
the  country  when  the  Kami  first  interested  themselves  in  it,  and  both  agree  in 
interpreting  as  an  insignium  of  military  authority  the  "jewelled  spear"  given 
to  Izanagi  and  Izanami  —  -  an  interpretation  borne  out  by  the  fact  that,  in  subse- 
quent eras  of  Japanese  history,  it  was  customary  for  a  ruler  to  delegate 
authority  in  this  manner.  Applying  the  same  process  of  reasoning  to  the  so- 
called  "birth"  of  Kami,  that  process  resolves  itself  very  simply  into  the  creation 
of  chieftains  and  administrators. 

bus  tOtemfiY  3&  bn^fni^rn  9dJ  iDJns'iiVfto^EliajsIfci  lo 


.-«  fttrtf      ai*i:hfi;      -.l>    ;V 
RATIONALIZATION  OF  THE  LEGEND  OF  THE  VISIT  TO  HADES 

It  would  seem  that  from  Yamato  the  invaders  prosecuted  their  campaign 
into  the  interior,  reaching  Izumo  on  the  west  coast.  The  Records  say  that  after 
Izanami  's  death  in  giving  birth  to  the  Kami  of  fire,  she  was  buried  at  Mount 
Kagu  on  the  confines  of  Izumo  and  Hoki.  Now  the  land  of  Yomi  —  generally 
interpreted  "underworld"  —  which  Izanagi  visited  in  search  of  Izanami,  was 
really  identical  with  Yomi-shima,  located  between  the  provinces  of  Hoki  and 
Izumo,  and  Ne-no-Kunil  —  commonly  taken  to  mean  the  "netherland"  — 
subsequently  the  place  of  Susanoo's  banishment,  was  in  fact  a  designation  of 
Izumo,  or  had  the  more  extensive  application  of  the  modern  Sanin-do  and 
Sanyo-do  (districts  in  the  shadow  of  the  hill  and  districts  on  the  sunny  side  of 
the  hill),  that  is  to  say,  the  western  provinces  and  the  south  coast  of  the  Inland 
Sea. 

What  the  allegory  of  the  visit  to  hades  would  seem  to  signify,  therefore,  was 
that  Izanami  was  defeated  in  a  struggle  with  the  local  chieftains  of  Izumo  or 
with  a  rebellious  faction  in  that  province;  was  compelled  to  make  act  of  sub- 
mission before  Izanagi  arrived  to  assist  her  —  allegorically  speaking  she  had 
eaten  of  the  food  of  hades  —  and  therefore  the  conference  between  her  and 
Izanagi  proved  abortive.  The  hag  who  pursued  Izanagi  on  his  retreat  from 
Yomi  represents  a  band  of  amazons  —  a  common  feature  in  old  Japan  —  and  his 
assailant,  the  Kami  of  thunder,  was  a  rebel  leader. 

As  for  the  idea  of  blocking  the  "even  pass  of  hades"  with  rocks,  it  appears 
to  mean  nothing  more  than  that  a  military  force  was  posted  at  Hirasaka  —  now 
called  Ifuyo-saka  in  Izumo  —  to  hold  the  defile  against  the  insurgent  troops 
under  Izanami,  who  finally  took  the  field  against  Izanagi.  It  may  be  inferred 

[l  In  the  language  of  ancient  Japan  ne  meant  "mountain,"  and  Ne-no-Kuni  signified  simply 
"Land  of  Mountains."] 


RATIONALIZATION  31 

that  the  struggle  ended  indecisively,  although  Izanagi  killed  the  chieftain  who 
had  instigated  the  rebellion  (the  so-called  "Kami  of  fire"),  and  that  Izanami 
remained  in  Izumo,  becoming  ruler  of  that  province,  while  Izanagi  withdrew 
to  the  eastern  part  of  Tsukushi  (Kyushu),  where  he  performed  the  ceremony 
of  grand  lustration. 

'Mflw  l>n<fc  J»9fLQi>iq  &fcw  flOJjiboqxD 
THE  STORY  OF  SUSANOO,  ^.ijj  ^ 

The  story  of  Susanoo  lends  itself  with  equal  facility  to  rationalization. 
His  desire  to  go  to  his  "mother's  land"  instead  of  obeying  his  father  and  ruling 
the  "sea-plain"  (unabara)  —  an  appellation  believed  by  some  learned  commenta- 
tors to  apply  to  Korea  —  may  easily  be  interpreted  to  mean  that  he  threw  in 
his  lot  with  the  rebellious  chiefs  in  Izumo.  Leading  a  force  into  Yamato,  he 
laid  waste  the  land  so  that  the  "green  mountains  were  changed  into  withered 
mountains,"  and  the  commotion  throughout  the  country  was  like  the  noise  of 
"flies  swarming  in  the  fifth  month."  Finally  he  was  driven  out  of  Yamato, 
and  retiring  to  Izumo,  found  that  the  local  prefect  was  unable  to  resist  the  raids 
of  a  tribe  from  the  north  under  the  command  of  a  chief  whose  name  —  Yachima- 
ta  no  Orochi  —  signified  "eight-headed  serpent." 

This  tribe  had  invaded  the  province  and  taken  possession  of  the  hills  and 
valleys  in  the  upper  reaches  of  the  river  Hi,  whence  tradition  came  to  speak 
of  the  tribe  as  a  monster  spreading  over  hills  and  dales  and  having  pine  forests 
growing  on  its  back.  The  tribute  of  females,  demanded  yearly  by  the  tribe, 
indicates  an  exaction  not  uncommon  in  those  days,  and  the  sword  said  to  have 
been  found  by  Susanoo  in  the  serpent's  tail  was  the  weapon  worn  by  the  last 
and  the  stoutest  of  Orochi 's  followers. 

There  is  another  theory  equally  accordant  with  the  annals  and  in  some 
respects  more  satisfying.  It  is  that  Susanoo  and  his  son,  Iso-takeru,  when  they 
were  expelled  from  Yamato,  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Shiragi  —  the  eastern  of  the 
three  kingdoms  into  which  Korea  was  formerly  divided  —  and  that  they  subse- 
quently built  boats  and  rowed  over  to  Izumo.  This  is  distinctly  stated  in  one 
version  of  the  Chronicles,  and  another  variant  says  that  when  Iso-takeru  de- 
scended from  Takama-ga-hara,  he  carried  with  him  the  seeds  of  trees  in  great 
quantities  but  did  not  plant  them  in  "the  land  of  Han"  (Korea).  Further,  it 
is  elsewhere  stated  that  the  sword  found  by  Susanoo  in  the  serpent's  tail  was 
called  by  him  Orochi  no  Kara-suki  (Orochi 's  Korean  blade),  an  allusion  which 
goes  to  strengthen  the  reading  of  the  legend. 

rij'ivr  &tei/-JKV>  b/fosol  3>A$  5;  • 

THE  DESCENT  OF  NINIGI 

Omitting  other  comparatively  trivial  legends  connected  with  the  age  of 
Susanoo  and  his  descendants,  we  come  to  what  may  be  called  the  second  great 
event  in  the  early  annals  of  Japan,  namely,  the  descent  of  Ninigi  on  the  southern 
coast  of  Tsukushi  (Kyushu).  The  Records  and  the  Chronicles  explicitly  state 
that  this  expedition  was  planned  in  the  court  at  Takama-ga-hara  (the  "plain 
of  high  heaven"),  and  that,  after  sending  forces  to  subdue  the  disturbed  country 
and  to  obtain  the  submission  of  its  ruler,  the  grandson  (Ninigi)  of  the  Sun  goddess 
was  commissioned  to  take  possession  of  the  land.  It  is  also  clearly  shown  that 
Izumo  was  the  centre  of  disturbance  and  that  virtually  all  the  preliminary 
fighting  took  place  there.  Yet  when  Ninigi  descends  from  Takama-ga-hara  — 
a  descent  which  is  described  in  one  account  as  having  taken  place  in  a  closed 
boat,  and  in  another,  as  having  been  effected  by  means  of  the  coverlet  of  a 


32 

couch  —  he  is  said  to  have  landed,  not  in  Izumo  or  in  Yamato,  but  at  a  place 
in  the  far  south,  where  he  makes  no  recorded  attempt  to  fulfil  the  purpose  of 
his  mission,  nor  does  that  purpose  receive  any  practical  recognition  until  tin- 
time  of  his  grandson  Iware.  The  latter  pushes  northward,  encountering  the 
greatest  resistance  in  the  very  province  (Yamato)  where  his  grandfather's 
expedition  was  planned  and  where  the  Imperial  Court  was  held. 

It  is  plain  that  these  conditions  cannot  be  reconciled  except  on  one  of  two 
suppositions:  either  that  the  Takama-ga-hara  of  this  section  of  the  annals  was 
in  a  foreign  country,  or  that  the  descent  of  Ninigi  in  the  south  of  Japan  was  in 
the  sequel  of  a  complete  defeat  involving  the  Court's  flight  from  Yamato  as 
well  as  from  Izumo. 

Let  us  first  consider  the  theory  of  a  foreign  country.  Was  it  Korea  or  was 
it  China?  In  favour  of  Korea  there  are  only  two  arguments,  one  vague  and 
the  other  improbable.  The  former  is  that  one  of  Ninigi 's  alleged  reasons  for 
choosing  Tsukushi  as  a  landing-place  was  that  it  faced  Korea.  The  latter, 
that  Tsukushi  was  selected  because  it  offered  a  convenient  base  for  defending 
Japan  against  Korea.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  two  hypotheses  are  mutual- 
ly conflicting,  and  that  neither  accounts  for  debarkation  at  a  part  of  Tsukushi 
conspicuously  remote  from  Korea.  It  is  not  wholly  impossible,  however,  that 
Ninigi  came  from  China,  and  that  the  Court  which  is  said  to  have  commissioned 
him  was  a  Chinese  Court. 

In  the  history  of  China  a  belief  is  recorded  that  the  Japanese  sovereigns  are 
descended  from  a  Chinese  prince,  Tai  Peh,  whose  father  wished  to  disinherit 
him  in  favour  of  a  younger  son.  Tai  Peh  fled  to  Wu  in  the  present  Chekiang, 
and  thence  passed  to  Japan  about  800  B.C.  Another  record  alleges  that  the 
first  sovereign  of  Japan  was  a  son  of  Shao-kang  of  the  Hsia  dynasty  (about  850 
B.C.),  who  tattooed  his  body  and  cut  off  his  hair  for  purposes  of  disguise  and 
lived  on  the  bank  of  the  Yangtsze,  occupying  himself  with  fishing  until  at  length 
he  fled  to  Japan. 

That  Ninigi  may  have  been  identical  with  one  of  these  persons  is  not  in- 
conceivable, but  such  a  hypothesis  refuses  to  be  reconciled  with  the  story  of  the 
fighting  in  Izumo  which  preceded  the  descent  to  Tsukushi*  The  much  more 
credible  supposition  is  that  the  Yamato  Court,  confronted  by  a  formidable 
rebellion  having  its  centre  in  Izumo,  retired  to  Tsukushi,  and  there,  in  the  course 
of  years,  mustered  all  its  followers  for  an  expedition  ultimately  led  by  the  grand- 
son of  the  fugitive  monarch  to  restore  the  sway  of  his  house.  This  interpreta- 
tion of  the  legend  consists  with  the  fact  that  when  Jimmu  reached  Yamato,  the 
original  identity  of  his  own  race  with  that  of  the  then  ruler  of  the  province  was 
proved  by  a  comparison  of  weapons. 
In  -igfi  9fit  f!.tii7 

THE  CASTLE  OF  THE  OCEAN  KAMI 
rn  >Mi  [o>.    ,i. 

With  regard  to  the  legend  of  the  ocean  Kami,  the  rationalists  conceive  that 
the  tribe  inhabiting  Tsukushi  at  the  time  of  Ninigi 's  arrival  there  had  originally 
immigrated  from  the  south  and  had  gradually  spread  inland.  Those  inhabit- 
ing the  littoral  districts  were  ultimately  placed  by  Ninigi  under  the  rule  of 
Prince  Hohodemi,  and  those  inhabiting  the  mountain  regions  under  the  sway  of 
Prince  Hosuseri.  The  boats  and  hooks  of  the  legend  are  symbolical  of  military 
and  naval  power  respectively.  The  brothers  having  quarrelled  about  the  limits 
of  their  jurisdictions,  Hohodemi  was  worsted,  and  by  the  advice  of  a  local  elder 
he  went  to  Korea  to  seek  assistance.  There  he  married  the  daughter  of  the 


RATIONALIZATION  33 

Ocean  King  —  so  called  because  Korea  lay  beyond  the  sea  from  Japan  —  and, 
after  some  years'  residence,  was  given  a  force  of  war-vessels  (described  in  the 
legend  as  "crocodiles")  together  with  minute  instructions  (the  tide-ebbing  and 
the  tide-flowing  jewels)  as  to  their  skilful  management.  These  ships  ultimately 
enabled  him  to  gain  a  complete  victory  over  his  elder  brother. 


WHAT  THE  JAPANESE  BELIEVE 

These  rationalizing  processes  will  commend  themselves  in  different  degrees 
to  different  minds.  One  learned  author  has  compared  such  analyses  to  estimat- 
ing the  historical  residuum  of  the  Cinderella  legend  by  subtracting  the  pumpkin 
coach  and  the  godmother.  But  we  are  constrained  to  acknowledge  some  back- 
ground of  truth  in  the  annals  of  old  Japan,  and  anything  that  tends  to  disclose 
that  background  is  welcome.  It  has  to  be  noted,  however,  that  though  many\ 
learned  Japanese  commentators  have  sought  to  rationalize  the  events  described  1 
in  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles,  the  great  bulk  of  the  nation  believes  in  the  liter- 
al accuracy  of  these  works  as  profoundly  as  the  great  bulk  of  Anglo-Saxon  people" 
believes  in  the  Bible,  its  cosmogony,  and  its  miracles. 

The  gist  of  the  Japanese  creed,  as  based  on  their  ancient  annals,  may  be 
briefly  summarized.  They  hold  that  when  the  Sun  goddess  handed  the  three  / 
sacred  objects  to  Ninigi  —  generally  called  Tenson,  or  "heavenly  grandchild" 
—  she  ordained  that  the  Imperial  Throne  should  be  coeval  with  heaven  and 
earth.  They  hold  that  the  instructions  given  with  regard  to  these  sacred  objects  \ 
comprised  the  whole  code  of  administrative  ethics.  The  mirror  neither  hides 
nor  perverts;  it  reflects  evil  qualities  as  faithfully  as  good;  it  is  the  emblem  of 
honesty  and  purity.  The  jewel  illustrates  the  graces  of  gentleness,  softness, 
amiability,  and  obedience,  and  is  therefore  emblematic  of  benevolence  and 
virtue.1  The  sword  indicates  the  virtues  of  strength,  sharpness,  and  practical 
decision,  and  is  thus  associated  with  intelligence  and  knowledge.  So  long  as 
all  these  qualities  are  exercised  in  the  discharge  of  administrative  functions, 
there  can  be  no  misrule. 

They  further  hold  that  when  the  Sun  goddess  detailed  five  Kami  to  form 
the  suite  of  Ninigi,  these  Kami  were  entrusted  with  the  ministerial  duties 
originally  discharged  by  them,  and  becoming  the  heads  of  five  administrative 
departments,  transmitted  their  offices  to  generation  after  generation  of  their 
descendants.  Thus  Koyane  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Nakatomi  family  who 
discharged  the  priestly  duties  of  worship  at  the  Court  and  recited  the  Purifica- 
tion Rituals;  Futodama  became  the  ancestor  of  the  Imibe  (or  Imbe),  a  hereditary 
corporation  whose  members  performed  all  offices  connected  with  mourning  and 
funerals ;  Usume  became  ancestress  of  the  Sarume,  whose  duties  were  to  perform 
dances  in  honour  of  the  deities  and  to  act  as  mediums  of  divine  inspiration; 
Oshihi  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Otomo  chief  who  led  the  Imperial  troops,  and 
Kume  became  the  ancestor  of  the  Kumebe,  a  hereditary  corporation  of  palace 
guards.  Further,  they  hold  that  whereas  Ninigi  and  his  five  adjunct  Kami  all 
traced  their  lineage  to  the  two  producing  Kami  of  the  primal  trinity,  the  special 
title  of  sovereignty  conferred  originally  on  the  Sun  goddess  was  transmitted  by 
her  to  the  Tenson  (heavenly  grandchild),  Ninigi,  the  distinction  of  ruler  and  rulefl 
being  thus  clearly  defined.  Finally  they  hold  that  Ninigi  and  these  five  adjunct 
Kami,  though  occupying  different  places  in  the  national  polity,  had  a  common 
ancestor  whom  they  jointly  worshipped,  thus  forming  an  eternal  union. 

I1  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  jewel  referred  to  was  a  piece  of  green  or  white  jade.} 


ANCIENT  CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  HEAD-GEAB 


CHAPTER  V 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  JAPANESE  NATION:    HISTORICAL 

EVIDENCES 


"iilifi '>!••.. iy;3  via-.''  ,«toxuVt  boiir;D   .; 

IN  considering  the  question  of  the  origin  of  the  Japanese  nation  four  guides 
are  available;  namely,  written  annals,  archaeological  relics,  physical  features, 
and  linguistic  affinities. 

WRITTEN  ANNALS 

. 

The  annals,  that  is  to  say,  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles,  speak  of  six 
peoples;  namely,  first,  Izanagi  and  his  fellow  Kami,  who,  as  shown  above, 
may  reasonably  be  identified  with  the  original  immigrants  represented  in  the 
story  of  the  so-called  "birth"  of  the  islands;  secondly,  Jimmu  and  his  followers, 
who  re-conquered  the  islands;  thirdly,  the  Yemishi,  who  are  identical  with  the 
modern  Ainu;  fourthly,  the  Kumaso;  fifthly,  the  Sushen;  and  sixthly  the  Tsuchi- 
gumo  (earth-spiders).  By  naming  these  six  separately  it  is  not  intended  to  imply 
that  they  are  necessarily  different  races:  that  remains  to  be  decided.  It  will 
be  convenient  to  begin  with  the  Sushen. 
orfw  YffWK'  nttf)iK'A.Rl/[  orft'to1 '•«>);• 

THE  SUSHEN 

The  Sushen  were  Tungusic  ancestors  of  the  Manchu.  They  are  first  men- 
tioned in  Japanese  annals  in  A.D.  549,  when  a  number  of  them  arrived  by  boat 
on  the  north  of  Sado  Island  and  settled  there,  living  on  fish  caught  during  spring 
and  summer  and  salted  or  dried  for  winter  use.  The  people  of  Sado  regarded 
them  as  demons  and  carefully  avoided  them,  a  reception  which  implies  total 
absence  of  previous  intercourse.  Finally  they  withdrew,  and  nothing  more 
is  heard  of  their  race  for  over  a  hundred  years,  when,  in  A.D.  658,  Hirafu,  omi  of 
Abe  and  warden  of  Koshi  (the  northwestern  provinces,  Etchu,  Echizen,  and 
Echigo),  went  on  an  expedition  against  them. 

Nothing  is  recorded  as  to  the  origin  or  incidents  of  this  campaign.  One 
account  says  that  Hirafu,  on  his  return,'  presented  two  white  bears  to  the  Em- 
press; that  he  fought  with  the  Sushen  and  carried  back  forty-nine  captives. 
It  may  be  assumed,  however,  that  the  enterprise  proved  abortive,  for,  two 

34 


WOODEN  STATUE  OF  THE  EMPEROR  JIMMU 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  NATION:  HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE  35 

years  later  (660),  he  was  again  sent  against  the  Sushen  with  two  hundred  ships. 
En  route  for  his  destination  he  took  on  board  his  own  vessel  some  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  Yezo  (Yemishi)  to  act  as  guides,  and  the  flotilla  arrived  presently  in 
the  vicinity  of  a  long  river,  unnamed  in  the  annals  but  supposed  to  have  been 
the  Ishikari,  which  debouches  on  the  west  coast  of  Yezo.  There  a  body  of  over 
a  thousand  Yemishi  in  a  camp  facing  the  river  sent  messengers  to  report  that  the 
Sushen  fleet  had  arrived  in  great  force  and  that  they  were  in  imminent  danger. 
The  Sushen  had  over  twenty  vessels  and  were  lying  in  a  concealed  port  whence 
Hirafu  in  vain  sent  messengers  to  summon  them. 

What  ensued  in  thus  told  in  the  Chronicles:  "Hirafu  heaped  up  on  the 
beach  coloured  silk  stuffs,  weapons,'  iron,  etc.,"  to  excite  the  cupidity  of  the 
Sushen,  who  thereupon  drew  up  their  fleet  in  order,  approached  "with  equal 
oars,  flying  flags  made  of  feathers  tied  to  poles,  and  halted  in  a  shallow  place. 
Then  from  one  of  their  ships  they  sent  forth  two  old  men  who  went  round  the 
coloured  silk  stuffs  and  other  articles  which  had  been  piled  up,  examined  them 
closely,  whereafter  they  changed  the  single  garments  they  had  on,  and  each 
taking  up  a  piece  of  cloth  went  on  board  their  ship  and  departed."  Meanwhile 
the  Japanese  had  not  made  any  attempt  to  molest  them.  Presently  the  two 
old  men  returned,  took  off  the  exchanged  garments  and,  laying  them  down 
together  with  the  cloth  they  had  taken  away,  re-embarked  and  departed. 

Up  to  this  Hirafu  seems  to  have  aimed  at  commercial  intercourse.  But  his 
overtures  having  been  rejected,  he  sent  to  summon  the  Sushen.  They  refused 
to  come,  and  their  prayer  for  peace  having  been  unsuccessful,  they  retired  to 
"their  own  palisades."  There  the  Japanese  attacked  them,  and  the  Sushen, 
seeing  that  defeat  was  inevitable,  put  to  death  their  own  wives  and  children. 
How  they  themselves  fared  is  not  recorded,  nor  do  the  Chronicles  indicate  where 
"their  own  palisades"  were  situated,  but  in  Japan  it  has  always  been  believed 
that  the  desperate  engagement  was  fought  in  the  Amur  River,  and  its  issue  may 
be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  although  the  Japanese  lost  one  general  officer, 
Hirafu  was  able  on  his  return  to  present  to  the  Empress  more  than  fifty  "barba- 
rians," presumably  Sushen.  Nevertheless,  it  is  recorded  that  in  the  same  year 
(A.D.  660),  forty-seven  men  of  Sushen  were  entertained  at  Court,  and  the  in- 
ference is  either  that  these  were  among  the  above  "savages"  —  in  which  case 
Japan  's  treatment  of  her  captured  foes  in  ancient  times  would  merit  applause  — 
or  that  the  Sushen  had  previously  established  relations  with  Japan,  and  that 
Hirafu  's  campaign  was  merely  to  repel  trepass. 

During  the  next  sixteen  years  nothing  more  is  heard  of  the  Sushen,  but,  in 
A.D.  676,  seven  of  them  arrived  in  the  train  of  an  envoy  from  Sinra,  the  eastern 
of  the  three  kingdoms  into  which  Korea  was  then  divided.  This  incident 
evokes  no  remark  whatever  from  the  compilers  of  the  Chronicles,  and  they  treat 
with  equal  indifference  the  statement  that  during  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Jito, 
in  the  year  A.D.  696,  presents  of  coats  and  trousers  made  of  brocade,  together 
with  dark-red  and  deep-purple  coarse  silks,  oxen,  and  other  things  were  given 
to  two  men  of  Sushen.  Nothing  in  this  brief  record  suggests  that  any  con- 
siderable intercourse  existed  in  ancient  times  between  the  Japanese  and  the 
Tungusic  Manchu,  or  that  the  latter  settled  in  Japan  in  any  appreciable  numbers. 


THE  YEMISHI 


The  Yemishi  are  identified  with  the  modern  Ainu.     It  appears  that  the 
continental  immigrants  into  Japan  applied  to  the  semi-savage  races  encount- 


36  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

cred  by  them  the  epithet  "Yebisu"  or  "Yemishi,"  terms  which  may  have  been  in- 
terchangeable onomatopes  for  "  barbarian."  The  Yemishi  are  a  moribund  race. 
Only  a  remnant,  numbering  a  few  thousands,  survives,  now  in  the  northern  island 
of  Yezo.  Nevertheless  it  has  been  proved  by  Chamberlain's  investigations  in- 
to the  origin  of  place-names,  that  in  early  times  the  Yemishi  extended  from  the 
north  down  the  eastern  section  of  Japan  as  far  as  the  region  where  the  present 
capital  (Tokyo)  stands,  and  on  the  west  to  the  province  now  called  Echizen; 
and  that,  when  the  Nihongi  was  written,  they  still  occupied  a  large  part  of  the 
main  island. 

We  find  the  first  mention  of  them  in  a  poem  attributed  to  the  Emperor 
Jimmu.  Conducting  his  campaign  for  the  re-conquest  of  Japan,  Jimmu,  un- 
certain of  the  disposition  of  a  band  of  inhabitants,  ordered  his  general,  Michi> 
to  construct  a  spacious  hut  (muro)  and  invite  the  eighty  doubtful  characters  to 
a  banquet.  An  equal  number  of  Jimmu 's  soldiers  acted  as  hosts,  and,  at  a  given 
signal,  when  the  guests  were  all  drunk,  they  were  slaughtered.  Jimmu  com- 
posed a  couplet  expressing  his  troops'  delight  at  having  disposed  of  a  formidable 
foe  so  easily,  and  in  this  verselet  he  spoke  of  one  Yemishi  being  reputed  to 
be  a  match  for  a  hundred  men. 

Whether  this  couplet  really  belongs  to  its  context,  however,  is  questionable; 
the  eighty  warriors  killed  in  the  muro  may  not  have  been  Yemishi  at  all.  But 
the  verse  does  certainly  tend  to  show  that  the  Yemishi  had  a  high  fighting  reputa- 
tion in  ancient  times,  though  it  will  presently  be  seen  that  such  fame  scarcely 
consists  with  the  facts  revealed  by  history.  It  is  true  that  when  next  we  hear 
of  the  Yemishi  more  than  seven  and  a  half  centuries  have  passed,  and  during 
that  long  interval  they  may  have  been  engaged  in  a  fierce  struggle  for  the  right 
of  existence.  There  is  no  evidence,  however,  that  such  was  the  case. 

On  the  contrary,  it  would  seem  that  the  Japanese  invaders  encountered  no 
great  resistance  from  the  Yemishi  in  the  south,  and  were  for  a  long  time  content 
to  leave  them  unmolested  in  the  northern  and  eastern  regions.  In  A.D.  95,  how- 
ever, Takenouchi-no-Sukune  was  commissioned  by  the  Emperor  Keiko  to  ex- 
plore those  regions.  He  devoted  two  years  to  the  task,  and,  on  his  return  in  97, 
he  submitted  to  his  sovereign  this  request:  "In  the  eastern  wilds  there  is  a 
country  called  Hi-taka-mi  (Sun-height).  The  people  of  this  country,  both  men 
and  women,  tie  up  their  hair  in  the  form  of  a  mallet  and  tattoo  their  bodies. 
They  are  of  fierce  temper  and  their  general  name  is  Yemishi.  Moreover,  the 
land  is  wide  and  fertile.  We  should  attack  it  and  take  it."  [Aston 's  transla- 
tion.] It  is  observable  that  the  principal  motive  of  this  advice  is  aggressive. 
The  Yemishi  had  not  molested  the  Japanese  or  shown  any  turbulence.  They 
ought  to  be  attacked  because  their  conquest  would  be  profitable:  that  was 
sufficient. 

Takenouchi  's  counsels  could  not  be  immediately  followed.  Other  business 
of  a  cognate  nature  in  the  south  occupied  the  Court's  attention,  and  thirteen 
years  elapsed  before  (A.D.  110)  the  celebrated  hero,  Prince  Yamato-dake,  led  an 
expedition  against  the  Yemishi  of  the  east.  In  commanding  him  to  undertake 
this  task,  the  Emperor,  according  to  the  Chronicles,  made  a  speech  which,  owing 
to  its  Chinese  tone,  has  been  called  apocryphal,  though  some,  at  any  rate,  of  the 
statements  it  embodies  are  attested  by  modern  observation  of  Ainu  manners 
and  customs.  He  spoke  of  the  Yemishit  as  being  the  most  powerful  among  the 
"eastern  savages;"  said  that  their  "men  and  women  lived  together  promiscuous- 
ly,^? that  there  was  "no  distinction  of  father  and  child;"  that  in  winter  "they 
dwelt  in  holes  and  in  summer  they  lived  in  huts;"  that  their  clothing  consisted 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  NATION:    HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE  37 

of  furs  and  that  they  drank  blood;  that  when  they  received  a  favour  they  for- 
got it,  but  if  an  injury  was  done  them  they  never  failed  to  avenge  it,  and  that 
they  kept  arrows  in  their  top-knots  and  carried  swords  within  their  clothing. 
How  correct  these  attributes  may  have  been  at  the  time  they  were  uttered, 
there  are  no  means  of  judging,  but  the  customs  of  the  modern 'Ainu  go  far  to 
attest  the  accuracy  of  the  Emperor  Keiko  's  remarks  about  their  ancestors. 

Yamato-dake  prefaced  his  campaign  by  worshipping  at  the  shrine  of  Ise, 
where  he  received  the  sword  "Herb-queller, "  which  Susanoo  had  taken  from  the 
last  chieftain  of  the  Izumo  tribesmen.  Thence  he  sailed  along  the  coast  to 
Suruga,  where  he  landed,  and  was  nearly  destroyed  by  the  burning  of  a  moor 
into  which  he  had  been  persuaded  to  penetrate  in  search  of  game.  Escaping 
with  difficulty,  and  having  taken  a  terrible  vengeance  upon  the  "brigands" 
who  had  sought  to  compass  his  destruction,  he  pushed  on  into  Sagami,  crossed 
the  bay  to  Kazusa  and,  sailing  north,  reached  the  southern  shore  of  Shimosa, 
which  was  the  frontier  of  the  Yemishi.  The  vessels  of  the  latter  assembled 
with  the  intention  of  offering  resistance,  but  at  the  aspect  of  the  Japanese  fleet 
and  the  incomparably  superior  arms  and  arrows  of  the  men  it  carried,  they 
submitted  unconditionally  and  became  personal  attendants  on  Yamato-dake. 

Three  things  are  noticeable  in  this  narrative.  The  first  is  that  the  "brigands 
of  Suruga"  were  not  Yemishi;  the  second,  that  the  Yemishi  offered  no  resistance, 
and  the  third,  that  the  Yemishi  chiefs  are  called  in  the  Chronicles  "Kami  of  the 
islands"  and  "Kami  of  the  country" — titles  which  indicate  that  they  were 
held  in  some  respect  by  the  Japanese.  It  is  not  explicitly  recorded  that  Yamato- 
dake  had  any  further  encounter  with  the  Yemishi,  but  figurative  references 
show  that  he  had  much  fighting.  The  Chronicles  quote  him  as  saying,  after  his 
return  to  Kii  from  an  extended  march  through  the  northeastern  provinces  and 
after  penetrating  as  far  as  Hi-taka-mi  (modern  Hitachi) ,  the  headquarters  of  the 
Yemishi,  that  the  only  Yemishi  who  remained  unsubmissive  were  those  of 
Shinano  and  Koshi  (Echigo,  Etchu,  and  Echizen).  But  although  Yamato-dake 
subsequently  entered  Shinano,  where  he  suffered  much  from  the  arduous  nature 
of  the  ground,  and  though  he  sent  a  general  to  explore  Koshi,  he  ultimately 
retired  to  Owari,  where  he  died  from  the  effects  of  fatigue  and  exposure  accord- 
ing to  some  authorities,  of  a  wound  from  a  poisoned  arrow  according  to  others. 
His  last  act  was  to  present  as  slaves  to  the  shrine  of  Ise  the  Yemishi  who  had 
originally  surrendered  and  who  had  subsequently  attached  themselves  to  his 
person.  They  proved  so  noisy,  however,  that  the  priestess  of  the  shrine  sent 
them  to  the  Yamato  Court,  which  assigned  for  them  a  settlement  on  Mount 
Mimoro.  Here,  too,  their  conduct  was  so  turbulent  that  they  received  orders 
to  divide  and  take  up  their  abode  at  any  place  throughout  the  five  provinces  of 
Harima,  Sanuki,  lyo,  Aki,  and  Awa,  where,  in  after  ages,  they  constituted  a 
hereditary  corporation  of  Saeki  (Saekibe). 

These  details  deserve  to  be  recorded,  for  their  sequel  shows  historically  that 
there  is  an  Yemishi  element  in  the  Japanese  race.  Thus,  in  later  times  we  find 
the  high  rank  of  muraji  borne  by  a  member  of  the  Saekibe.  Fifteen  years 
(A.  D.  125)  after  the  death  of  Yamato-dake,  Prince  Sajima  was  appointed  governor- 
general  of  the  fifteen  provinces  of  Tosan-do  (the  Eastern  Mountain  circuit) ;  that 
is  to  say,  the  provinces  along  the  east  coast.  He  died  en  route  and  his  son, 
Prince  Mimoro,  succeeded  to  the  office.  During  his  tenure  of  power  the  Yemishi 
raised  a  disturbance,  but  no  sooner  was  force  employed  against  them  than  they 
made  obeisance  and  threw  themselves  on  the  mercy  of  the  Japanese,  who  par- 
doned all  that  submitted. 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

This  orderly  condition  remained  uninterrupted  until  A.D.  367,  when  the  Yemishi 
in  Kazusa  made  one  of  the  very  few  successful  revolts  on  record.  They  killed 
Tamichi,  a  Japanese  general  sent  against  them,  and  they  drove  back  his  forces, 
who  do  not  appear  to  have  taken  very  effective  measures  of  retaliation.  In  482 
we  find  the  Yefnishi  rendering  homage  to  the  Emperor  Kenso,  a  ceremony  which 
was  repeated  on  the  accession  of  the  Emperor  Kimmei  (540). 

But,  though  meek  in  the  presence  of  peril,  the  Yemishi  appear  to  have  been 
of  a  brawling  temperament.  Thus,  in  561,  several  thousands  of  them  showed 
hostility  on  the  frontier,  yet  no  sooner  were  their  chiefs  threatened  with  death 
than  they  submitted.  At  that  time  all  the  provinces  in  the  northeast  and 
northwest  —  then  included  in  Mutsu  and  Dewa  —  were  in  Yemishi  possession. 
They  rebelled  again  in  637,  and  at  first  gained  a  signal  success,  driving  the 
Japanese  general,  Katana,  into  a  fortress  where  he  was  deserted  by  his  troops. 
His  wife  saved  the  situation.  She  upbraided  her  husband  as  he  was  scaling  the 
palisades  to  escape  by  night,  fortified  him  with  wine,  girded  his  sword  on  her- 
self, and  caused  her  female  attendants  —  of  whom  there  were  "several  tens"  — 
to  twang  bowstrings.  Katana,  taking  heart  of  grace,  advanced  single  handed; 
the  Yemishi,  thinking  that  his  troops  had  rallied,  gave  way,  and  the  Japanese 
soldiers,  returning  to  their  duty,  killed  or  captured  all  the  insurgents. 

No  other  instance  of  equally  determined  resistance  is  recorded  on  the  part 
of  the  Yemishi.  In  642,  several  thousands  made  submission  in  Koshi.  Four 
years  later  (646),  we  find  Yemishi  doing  homage  to  the  Emperor  Kotoku.  Yet 
in  645  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  establish  a  barrier  settlement  against  them  in 
Echigo;  and  whereas,  in  655,  when  the  Empress  Saimei  ascended  the  throne,  her 
Court  at  Naniwa  entertained  ninety-nine  of  the  northern  Yemishi  and  forty- 
five  of  the  eastern,  conferring  cups  of  honour  on  fifteen,  while  at  the  same  time 
another  numerous  body  came  to  render  homage  and  offer  gifts,  barely  three 
years  had  elapsed  when,  in  655,  a  Japanese  squadron  of  180  vessels,  under  the 
command  of  Hirafu,  omi  of  Abe,  was  engaged  attacking  the  Yemishi  at  Akita 
on  the  northwest  coast  of  the  main  island. 

All  this  shows  plainly  that  many  districts  were  still  peopled  by  Yemishi  and 
that  their  docility  varied  in  different  localities.  In  the  Akita  campaign  the  usual 
surrender  was  rehearsed.  The  Yemishi  declared  that  their  bows  and  arrows 
were  for  hunting,  not  for  fighting,  and  the  affair  ended  in  a  great  feast  given  by 
Hirafu,  the  sequel  being  that  two  hundred  Yemishi  proceeded  to  Court,  carry- 
ing presents,  and  were  appointed  to  various  offices  in  the  localities  represented, 
receiving  also  gifts  of  arms,  armour,  drums,  and  flags.1 

An  interesting  episode  is  recorded  of  this  visit.  One  of  the  Yemishi,  having 
been  appointed  to  a  high  post,  was  instructed  to  investigate  the  Yemishi  popula- 
tion and  the  captive  population.  Who  were  these  captives?  They  seem  to 
have  been  Sushen,  for  at  the  feast  given  by  Hirafu  his  Yemishi  guests  came 
accompanied  by  thirty-five  captives,  and  it  is  incredible  that  Japanese  prisoners 
would  have  been  thus  humiliated  in  the  sight  of  their  armed  countrymen. 
There  will  be  occasion  to  recur  to  this  point  presently.  Here  we  have  to  note 
that  in  spite  of  frequent  contact,  friendly  or  hostile,  and  in  spite  of  so  many  years 
of  intercourse,  the  Yemishi  seem  to  have  been  still  regarded  by  the  Japanese  as 
objects  of  curiosity.  For,  in  the  year  654,  envoys  from  Yamato  to  the  Tang 
Emperor  of  China  took  with  them  a  Yemishi  man  and  woman  to  show  to  his 
Majesty,  r  fnori 

.  The  Chinese  sovereign  was  much  struck  by  the  unwonted  appearance  of  these 
I1  It  is  related  that  these  flags  had  tops  shaped  like  cuttlefish.] 


ORIGIN   OF  THE  NATION:    HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE  39 

people.  He  asked  several  questions,  which  are  recorded  verbatim  in  the  Chroni- 
cles; and  the  envoys  informed  him  that  there  were  three  tribes  of  Yemishi;  name- 
ly, the  Tsugaru1  Yemishi,  who  were  the  most  distant;  next,  the  Ara  Yemishi 
(rough  or  only  partially  subdued),  and  lastly,  the  Nigi  Yemishi  (quiet  or  docile); 
that  they  sustained  life  by  eating,  not  cereals,  but  flesh,  and  that  they  dispensed 
with  houses,  preferring  to  live  under  trees  and  in  the  recesses  of  mountains. 
The  Chinese  Emperor  finally  remarked,  "When  we  look  at  the  unusual  bodily 
appearance  of  these  Yemishi,  it  is  strange  in  the  extreme."  •<-[jCfl!iI,&ilJ 

Evidently  whatever  the  original  provenance  of  the  Yemishi,  they  had  never 
been  among  the  numerous  peoples  who  observed  the  custom  of  paying  visits  of 
ceremony  to  the  Chinese  capital.  They  were  apparently  not  included  in  the 
family  of  Far  Eastern  nations.  From  the  second  half  of  the  seventh  century 
they  are  constantly  found  carrying  tribute  to  the  Japanese  Court  and  receiving 
presents  or  being  entertained  in  return.  But  these  evidences  of  docility  and 
friendship  were  not  indicative  of  the  universal  mood.  The  Yemishi  located  in 
the  northeastern  section  of  the  main  island  continued  to  give  trouble  up  to  the 
beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  and  throughout  this  region  as  well  as  along  the 
west  coast  from  the  thirty-eighth  parallel  of  latitude  northward  the  Japanese 
were  obliged  to  build  six  castles  and  ten  barrier  posts  between  A.D.  647  and  800. 

These  facts,  however,  have  no  concern  with  the  immediate  purpose  of  this 
historical  reference  further  than  to  show  that  from  the  earliest  times  the 
Yamato  immigrants  found  no  opponents  in  the  northern  half  of  the  island  except 
the  Yemishi  and  the  Sushen.  One  more  episode,  however,  is  germane.  In  the 
time  (682)  of  the  Emperor  Temmu,  the  Yemishi  of  Koshi,  who  had  by  that  time 
become  quite  docile,  asked  for  and  received  seven  thousand  families  of  captives 
to  found  a  district.  A  Japanese  writing  alleges  that  these  captives  were  subj  ects 
of  the  Crown  who  had  been  seized  and  enslaved  by  the  savages.  But  that  is 
inconsistent  with  all  probabilities.  The  Yamato  might  sentence  these  people 
to  serfdom  among  men  of  their  own  race,  but  they  never  would  have  condemned 
Japanese  to  such  a  position  among  the  Yemishi.  Evidently  these  "captives" 
were  prisoners  taken  by  the  Yamato  from  the  Koreans,  the  Sushen,  or  some 
other  hostile  nation. 


THE  KUMASO 

There  has  been  some  dispute  about  the  appellation  "Kumaso."  One  high 
authority  thinks  that  Kuma  and  So  were  the  names  of  two  tribes  inhabiting 
the  extreme  south  of  Japan;  that  is  to  say,  the  provinces  now  called  Hyuga, 
Osumi,  and  Satsuma.  Others  regard  the  term  as  denoting  one  tribe  only.  The 
question  is  not  very  material.  Among  all  the  theories  formed  about  the  Kumaso, 
the  most  plausible  is  that  they  belonged  to  the  Sow  race  of  Borneo  and  that  they 
found  their  way  to  Japan  on  the  breast  of  the  "  Black  Tide."  Many  similarities 
of  custom  have  been  traced  between  the  two  peoples.  Both  resorted  freely  to 
ornamental  tattooing;  both  used  shields  decorated  with  hair;  both  were  skilled 
in  making  articles  of  bamboo,  especially  hats;  both  were  fond  of  dancing  with 
accompaniment  of  singing  and  hand-clapping;  and  both  dressed  their  hair  alike. 
Japanese  annals  use  the  word  "Kumaso  "  for  the  first  time  in  connexion  with  the 
annexation  of  Tsukushi  (Kyushu)  by  the  Izanagi  expedition,  when  one  of  the 
four  faces  of  the  island  is  called  the  "  land  of  Kumaso."  Plainly  if  this  nomencla- 
ture may  be  taken  as  evidence,  the  Kumaso  must  have  arrived  in  Japan  at  a  date 
prior  to  the  advent  of  the  immigrants  represented  by  Izanagi  and  Izanami;  and 
P  The  Story  of  Korea,  by  Longford.] 


40  /'.-KiHISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE  10 WO 

it  would  further  follow  that  they  did  not  penetrate  far  into  the  interior,  but  re- 
mained in  the  vicinity  of  the  place  of  landing,  which  may  be  supposed  to  have 
been  some  point  on  the  southern  coast  of  Kyushu.  Nor  does  there  appear  to 
have  been  any  collision  between  the  two  tides  of  immigrants,  for  the  first  appear- 
ance of  the  Kumaso  in  a  truculent  role  was  in  A.D.  81  when  they  are  said  to  have 
rebelled. 

The  incident,  though  remote  from  the  capital,  was  sufficiently  formidable 
to  induce  the  Emperor  Keiko  to  lead  a  force  against  them  in  person  from  Yama- 
to. En  route  he  had  to  deal  with  "brigands"  infesting  Suwo  and  Buzen,  prov- 
inces separated  by  the  Inland  Sea  and  situated  respectively  on  the  south  of  the 
main  island  and  the  north  of  Kyushu.  These  provinces  were  ruled  by  chief- 
tainesses,  who  declared  themselves  loyal  to  the  Imperial  cause,  and  gave  informa- 
tion about  the  haunts  and  habits  of  the  "brigands,"  who  in  Suwo  had  no  s| 
appellation  but  in  Buzen  werei  known  as  Tsuchi-gumo,  a  name  to  be  spoken  of 
presently.  They  were  disposed  of  partly  by  stratagem  and  partly  by  open 
warfare.  But  when  the  Yamato  troops  arrived  in  Hyuga  within  striking  dis- 
tance of  the  Kumaso,  the  Emperor  hesitated.  He  deemed  it  wise  not  to  touch 
the  spear-points  of  these  puissant  foes.  Ultimately  he  overcame  them  by 
enticing  the  two  daughters  of  the  principal  leaders  and  making  a  show  of  affec- 
tion for  one  of  them.  She  conducted  Japanese  soldiers  to  her  father 's  residence, 
and  having  plied  him  with  strong  drink,  cut  his  bow-string  while  he  slept  so  that 
the  soldiers  could  kill  him  with  impunity.  It  is  recorded  that  Keiko  put  the  girl 
to  death  for  her  unfilial  conduct,  but  the  assassination  of  her  father  helped  the 
Japanese  materially  in  their  campaign  against  the  Kumaso,  whom  they  succeed- 
ed in  subduing  and  in  whose  land  the  Emperor  remained  six  years. 

The  Kumaso  were  not  quelled,  however.  Scarcely  eight  years  had  elapsed 
from  the  time  of  Keiko 's  return  to  Yamato  when  they  rebelled  again,  "making 
ceaseless  raids  upon  the  frontier  districts;"  and  he  sent  against  them  his  son, 
Yamato-dake;  with  a  band  of  skilled  archers.  This  youth,  one  of  the  most 
heroic  figures  in  ancient  Japanese  history,  was  only  sixteen.  He  disguised  him- 
self as  a  girl  and  thus  gained  access  to  a  banquet  given  by  the  principal  Kumaso 
leader  to  celebrate  the  opening  of  a  new  residence.  Attracted  by  the  beauty  of 
the  supposed  girl,  the  Kumaso  chieftain  placed  her  beside  him,  and  when  he  had 
drunk  heavily,  Yamato-dake  stabbed  him  to  the  heart,1  subsequently  serving 
all  his  band  in  the  same  way.  After  this,  the  Kumaso  remained  quiet  for  nearly 
a  century,  but  in  the  year  193, 2  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Chuai,  they 
once  more  rebelled,  and  the  Emperor  organized  an  expedition  against  them. 
He  failed  in  the  struggle  and  was  killed  by  the  Kumaso 's  arrows.  Thenceforth 
history  is  silent  about  them. 

Who,  then,  were  they?  It  is  related  in  the  Chronicles  that,  after  breaking 
the  power  of  the  Kumaso,  the  Emperor  Keiko  made  a  tour  of  inspection  in 
Tsukushi  (Kyushu),  and  arriving  at  the  district  of  Kuma,  summoned  two 
brothers,  princes  of  Kuma,  to  pay  homage.  One  obeyed,  but  the  other  refused, 
and  soldiers  were  therefore  sent  to  put  him  to  death.  Now  Kuma  was  the  name 
of  the  three  kingdoms  into  which  the  Korean  peninsula  was  divided  in  ancient 

• 

[l  The  Chronicles  relate  that  when  the  Kumaso  was  struck  down  he  asked  for  a  moment 's 
respite  to  learn  the  name  of  his  slayer,  whose  prowess  astounded  him.  On  receiving  an  ans\vor. 
he  sought  the  prince's  permission  to  give  him  a  title,  and  declared  that  instead  of  being  called 
Yamato  Oguna,  the  name  hitherto  borne  by  him,  he  should  be  termed  Yamato-dake  (Champion 
of  Japan)  because  he  had  conquered  the  hitherto  unconquerable.  The  prince  accepted  the 
name,  and  then  gave  the  Kumaso  his  coup  de  grdce.] 

[2  It  should  be  understood  that  these  dates,  being  prenistoric,  are  not  wholly  reliable.] 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  NATION:  HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE  41 

times,  and  it  has  been  suggested  [Aston]  that  the  land  of  Kuma  in  Korea  was 
the  parent  country  of  Kuma  in  Japan,  Kom  in  the  Korean  language  having  the 
same  meaning  (bear)  as  Kuma  in  the  Japanese.  This,  of  course,  involves  the 
conclusion  that  the  Kumaso  were  originally  Korean  emigrants;  a  theory  some- 
what difficult  to  reconcile  with  their  location  in  the  extreme  south  of  Kyushu. 

The  apparent  silence  of  the  annals  about  the  subsequent  career  of  the  tribe 
is  accounted  for  by  supposing  that  the  Kumaso  were  identical  with  the  Hayato 
(falcon  men),  who  make  their  first  appearance  upon  the  scene  in  prehistoric  days 
as  followers  of  Hosuseri  in  his  contest  with  his  younger  brother,  Hohodemi,  the 
hero  of  the  legend  about  the  palace  of  the  sea  god.  Hohodemi  —  according  to 
the  rationalized  version  of  the  legend  —  having  obtained  assistance  in  the  shape 
of  ships  and  mariners  from  an  oversea  monarch  (supposed  to  have  reigned  in 
Korea),  returned  to  Tsukushi  to  fight  his  brother,  and  being  victorious,  spared 
Hosuseri's  life  on  condition  that  the  descendants  of  the  vanquished  through 
eighty  generations  should  serve  the  victor 's  descendants  as  mimes. 

"On  that  account,"  says  the  Chronicles,  "the  various  Hayato,  descended 
from  Hosuseri  to  the  present  time,  do  not  leave  the  vicinity  of  the  Imperial 
palace  enclosure  and  render  service  instead  of  watch-dogs."  The  first  mention 
of  the  name  Hayato  after  the  prehistoric  battle  in  Kyushu,  occurs  in  the  year 
399,  when  Sashihire,  one  of  the  tribe,  was  induced  to  assassinate  his  master,  an 
Imperial  prince.  This  incident  goes  to  show  that  individual  members  of  the 
tribe  were  then  employed  at  Court;  an  inference  confirmed  fifty -one  years  later, 
when,  on  the  death  of  Emperor  Yuryaku,  "the  Hayato  lamented  night  and  day 
beside  the  misasagi  (tomb)  and  refused  the  food  offered  to  them,  until  at  the  end 
of  seven  days  they  died." 

It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  we  have  here  a  reversion  to  the  old  custom 
which  compelled  slaves  to  follow  their  lords  to  the  grave.  The  Hayato  serving 
in  the  Court  at  that  epoch  held  the  status  generally  assigned  in  ancient  days  to 
vanquished  people,  the  status  of  serfs  or  slaves.  Six  times  during  the  next  214 
years  we  find  the  Hayato  repairing  to  the  Court  to  pay  homage,  in  the  perform- 
ance of  which  function  they  are  usually  bracketted  with  the  Yemishi.  Once 
(682)  a  wrestling  match  took  place  in  the  Imperial  presence  between  the  Hayato 
of  Osumi  and  those  of  Satsuma,  and  once  (694)  the  viceroy  of  Tsukushi  (Kyushu) 
presented  174  Hayato  to  the  Court. 

• 


THE  TSUCHI-GUMO 

In  ancient  Japan  there  was  a  class  of  men  to  whom  the  epithet  "Tsuchi-£ 
(earth-spiders)  was  applied.  Their  identity  has  been  a  subject  of  much  con- 
troversy. The  first  mention  made  of  them  in  Japanese  annals  occurs  in  con- 
nexion with  the  slaughter  of  eighty  braves  invited  to  a  banquet  by  the  Emperor 
Jimmu's  general  in  a  pit-dwelling  at  Osaka.1  The  Records  apply  to  these  men 
the  epithet/ 'Tsuchi-gumo,  "whereas  the  Chronicles  represent  the  Emperor  as  cele- 
brating the  incident  in  a  couplet  which  speaks  of  them  as  Yemishi.  It  will  be 
seen  presently  that  the  apparent  confusion  of  epithet  probably  conveys  a  truth. 

The  next  allusion  to  Tsuchi-gumo  occurs  in  the  annals  of  the  year  (662  B.C.) 
following  the  above  event,  according  to  the  chronology  of  the  Chronicles.  The 
Emperor,  having  commanded  his  generals  to  exercise  the  troops,  Tsuchi-gumo 
were  found  in  three  places,  and  as  they  declined  to  submit,  a  detachment  was 

f1  This  incident  has  been  already  referred  to  under  the  heading  "Yemishi."  It  is  to  be 
observed  that  the  "Osaka"  here  mentioned  is  not  the  modern  city  of  Osaka.] 


42 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


sent  against  them.  Concerning  a  fourth  band  of  these  defiant  folk,  the  Chronicles 
say:  "They  had  short  bodies  and  long  legs  and  arms.  They  were  of  the  sunn- 
class  as  the  pigmies.  The  Imperial  troops  wove  nets  of  dolichos,  which  they 
flung  over  them  and  then  slew  them." 

.  There  are  four  comments  to  be  made  on  this.  The  first  is  that  the  scene  of 
the  fighting  was  in  Yamato.  The  second,  that  the  chiefs  of  the  Tsuchi-gumo 
had  Japanese  names  —  names  identical,  in  two  cases,  with  those  of  a  kind  of 
Shinto  priest  (hafuri),  and  therefore  most  unlikely  to  have  been  borne  by  men 
not  of  Japanese  origin.  The  third,  that  the  presence  of  Tsuchi-gumo  in  Yamato 
preceded  the  arrival  of  Jimmu  's  expedition.  And  the  fourth,  that  the  Records 
are  silent  about  the  whole  episode.  :  As  for  the  things  told  in  the  Chronicles  about 
short  bodies,  long  limbs,  pigmies,  and  nets  of  dolichos,  they  may  be  dismissed 
as  mere  fancies  suggested  by  the  name  Tsuchi-gumo,  which  was  commonly 
supposed  to  mean  "earth-spiders."  If  any  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the 
Chronicles'  story,  it  is  that  there  were  Japanese  in  Yamato  before  Jimmu 's  time, 
and  that  Tsuchi-gumo  were  simply  bands  of  Japanese  raiders. 

They  are  heard  of  next  in  the  province  of  Bungo  (on  the  northeast  of  Kyushu) 
where  (A.D.  82)  the  Emperor  Keiko  led  an  army  to  attack  the  Kumaso.  Two 
bands  of  Tsuchi-gumo  are  mentioned  as  living  there,  and  the  Imperial  forces 
had  no  little  difficulty  in  subduing  them.  Their  chiefs  are  described  as  "mighty 


AlNUS 


of  frame  and  having  numerous  followers." 
In  dealing  with  the  first  band,  Keiko  caused 
his  bravest  soldiers  to  carry  mallets  made 
from  camellia  trees,  though  why  such  weap- 
ons should  have  been  preferred  to  the 
trenchant  swords  used  by  the  Japanese  there 
is  nothing  to  show.  (Another  account  says 
"mallet-headed  swords,"  which  is  much 
more  credible).  In  dealing  with  the  second, 
he  was  driven  back  once  by  their  rain  of 
arrows,  and  when  he  attacked  from  another 
quarter,  the  Tsuchi-gumo,  their  submission 
having  been  refused,  flung  themselves  into 
a  ravine  and  perished. 

Here  again  certain  points  have  to  be 
noticed:  that  there  were  Tsuchi-gumo  in 
Kyushu  as  well  as  in  Yamato;  that  if  one 
account  describes  them  as  pigmies,  another 
depicts  them  as  "mighty  of  frame,"  and 
that  in  Kyushu,  as  in  Yamato,  the  Tsuchi- 
gumo  had  Japanese  names.  Only  once 
again  do  the  annals  refer  to  Tsuchi-gumo. 
They  relate  curtly  that  on  his  return  from 
quelling  the  Kumaso  the  Emperor  Keiko 
killed  a  Tsuchi-gumo  in  the  province  of 


. 

(INHABITANTS  OF  HOKKAIDO,  THE  NORTHERN 
ISLAND) 

. 

Hizen.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  factitious  import  has  been  attached  to  the 
Tsuchi-gumo.  Mainly  because  they  were  pit-dwellers,  it  was  assumed  for  a 
tune  that  they  represented  a  race  which  had  immigrated  to  Japan  at  some  date 
prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  Yemishi  (modern  Ainu).  This  theory  was  founded 
on  the  supposed  discovery  of  relics  of  pit-dwellers  in  the  islands  of  Yezo  and 
Itorop,  and  their  hasty  identification  as  Kuro-pok-guru  —  the  Ainu  term  for 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  NATION:   HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE  43 

underground  dwellers  —  whose  modern  representatives  are  seen  among  the 
Kurilsky  or  their  neighbours  in  Kamchatka  and  Saghalien.  But  closer  ex- 
amination of  the  Yezo  and  Itorop  pits  showed  that  there  was  complete 
absence  of  any  mark  of  antiquity  —  such  as  the  presence  of  large  trees  or  even 
deep-rooted  brushwood; — that  they  were  arranged  in  regular  order,  suggesting 
a  military  encampment  rather  than  the  abode  of  savages;  that  they  were  of 
uniform  size,  with  few  exceptions;  that  on  excavation  they  yielded  fragments 
of  hard  wood,  unglazed  pottery,  and  a  Japanese  dirk,  and,  finally,  that 
their  site  corresponded  with  that  of  military  encampments  established  in 
Yezo  and  the  Kuriles  by  the  Japanese  Government  in  the  early  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century  as  a  defence  against  Russian  aggression. 

Evidently  the  men  who  constructed  and  used  these  pit-dwellings  were  not 
prehistoric  savages  but  modern  Japanese  soldiers.  Further  very  conclusive 
testimony  has  been  collected  by  the  Rev.  John  Batchelor,  who  has  devoted 
profound  study  to  the  Ainu.  He  found  that  the  inhabitants  of  Shikotan,  who 
had  long  been  supposed  to  be  a  remnant  of  pre-Ainu  immigrants,  were  brought 
thither  from  an  island  called  Shimushir  in  the  Kurile  group  in  1885  by  order  of 
the  Japanese  Government;  that  they  declared  themselves  to  be  descended  from 
men  of  Saghalien;  that  they  spoke  nothing  but  the  Ainu  language,  and  that  they 
inhabited  pits  in  winter,  as  do  also  the  Ainu  now  living  in  Saghalien.  If  any 
further  proof  were  needed,  it  might  be  drawn  from  the  fact  that  no  excavation 
has  brought  to  light  any  relics  whatever  of  a  race  preceding  and  distinct  from  the 
Yemishi  (Ainu),  all  the  pits  and  graves  hitherto  searched  having  yielded  Yamato 
or  Yemishi  skulls.  Neither  has  there  been  found  any  trace  of  pigmies. 

An  Ainu  myth  is  responsible  for  the  belief  in  the  existence  of  such  beings: 
"In  very  ancient  times,  a  race  of  people  who  dwelt  in  pits  lived  among  us.  They 
were  so  very  tiny  that  ten  of  them  could  easily  take  shelter  beneath  one  burdock 
leaf.  When  they  went  to  catch  herrings  they  used  to  make  boats  by  sewing 
the  leaves  together,  and  always  fished  with  a  hook.  If  a  single  herring  was 
caught,  it  took  all  the  strength  of  the  men  of  five  boats,  or  ten  sometimes,  to 
hold  it  and  drag  it  ashore,  while  whole  crowds  were  required  to  kill  it  with  their 
clubs  and  spears.  Yet,  strange  to  say,  these  divine  little  men  used  even  to  kill 
great  whales.  Surely  these  pit-dwellers  were  gods." l 

Evidently  if  such  legends  are  to  be  credited,  the  existence  of  fairies  must  no 
longer  be  denied  in  Europe.  Side  by  side  with  the  total  absence  of  all  tangible 
relics  may  be  set  the  fact  that,  whereas  numerous  place-names  in  the  main  island 
of  Japan  have  been  identified  as  Ainu  words,  none  has  been  traced  to  any  alien 
tongue  such  as  might  be  associated  with  earlier  inhabitants.  Thus,  the  theory 
of  a  special  race  of  immigrants  anterior  to  the  Yemishi  has  to  be  abandoned  so 
far  as  the  evidence  of  pit-dwelling  is  concerned.  The  fact  is  that  the  use  of 
partially  underground  residences  cannot  be  regarded  as  specially  characteristic 
of  any  race  or  as  differentiating  one  section  of  the  people  of  Japan  from  another. 
To  this  day  the  poorer  classes  in  Korea  depend  for  shelter  upon  pits  covered  with 
thatch  or  strong  oil-paper.  They  call  these  dwellings  um  or  um-mak,  a  term 
corresponding  to  the  Japanese  muro.  ' '  Pit-dwellers  are  mentioned  in  old  Chinese 
literature,  and  the  references  to  the  muro  in  the  Records  and  Chronicles  show  that 
the  muro  of  those  days  had  a  character  similar  to  that  of  the  modern  Korean 
um-mak"  [Aston].  We  read  of  a  muro  being  dug;  of  steps  down  to  it;  and  we 
read  of  a  muro  big  enough  to  hold  160  persons  at  one  time.  The  muro  was  not 
always  simply  a  hole  roofed  over :  it  sometimes  contained  a  house  having  a  wood- 
I1  "The  Ainu  and  their  Folk-lore,"  by  Batchelor.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


en  frame  lashed  together  with  vine-tendrils,  the  walls  lined  with  sedges  and  reeds 
and  plastered  with  a  mixture  of  grass  and  clay.  The  roof  was  thatched  with 
reeds;  there  was  a  door  opening  inwards,  and  a  raised  platform  served  for  sleep- 
ing purposes.  A  dwelling  closely  resembling  this  description  was  actually  un- 
earthed near  Akita  in  O-U,  in  1807.  Muro  were  used  in  ancient  times  by  the 
highest  as  Well  as  the  poorest  classes.  Susanoo  is  said  by  the  Izumo  Fudoki  to 
have  made  for  himself  a  muro;  Jimmu  's  sort  is-  represented  as  sleeping  in  a  great 
muro, and  the  Emperor  Keiko,  when  (A.D.82)  prosecuting  his  campaign  in  Kyushu, 
is  said  to  have  constructed  a  muro  for  a  temporary  palace.  "  In  fact,  pit-dwell- 
ing in  northern  climates  affords  no  indication  of  race." 

a  •--.••. 


ofc'jdJ  b'Wf  bm1.  bt  in;  ,:;.••   on  /  __ 
CONCLUSION  FROM  HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE 
>     £19/       nlTTlJl       .<Tl9l]>IOTs    "-.  •,  in9BOTn 

Thus  the  conclusion  suggested  by  historical  evidence  is  that  the  Japanese 
nation  is  composed  of  four  elements:  the  Yamato;  the  Yemishi  (modern  Ainu); 
the  Kumaso  (or  Hayato),  and  the  Sushen.  As  to  the  last  of  these,  there  is  no 
conclusive  indication  that  they  ever  immigrated  in  appreciable  numbers.  It 
does  not  follow,  of  course,  that  the  historical  evidence  is  exhaustive,  especially 
Japanese  historical  evidence;  for  the  annalists  of  Japan  do  not  appear  to  have 
paid  any  special  attention  to  racial  questions. 

;  on  ItidJ  Jofil  yrft  inoil  nv^ib  yd  drigmi  3i  tl>ob9on  •-> 
il  toniJaibba,6§fiib'!0/iqoojrujlo  r.Y.'hub/  -•>;;•<•  /<M   .•;  ; 
r  iwblgrx  ^ni'f&d  bgd'-iiaya  oii9tllr  { aovf/!g  l/ht;  ^tiq  ';il*  ii 

.8i*irn§iqlo  aofii^  v,iuj  bnuol  nwd  oioiW  a^il  Tjif  jig>l     .gj  .10 

rfyi/a  lo  9-309^0:9  9if*  ni  Igifgd  9fil  10!  ok?! 
v'wlT   •'-•u  sno^i^  bovil  ediq  ni  ^ : 
sloobiud  ono  ri-t£9H9d  i9.tJ-> 
giiiv^ya  ^d  fcttfod  OA£IU  ol 
acTT  §rTni9d  9lgaia  c  11     .door!  £  r 
oi  ,69mitemoa  noJ  10  ,<sjRo 
liorfj  /f ir/r  ,ti  llivi  o>t  bsiii/, 
HiJ  o^  navy  bosu  n-jm  9lj 


seraii  ^0'  . 

L 


:n  89niat  ^o 


f -tona  moil  o&q& 
eJiq  n 


n  ': 
!)• 
jiij  '•'• 


ovr  bn/j  ;^i  oJ  nv/ob  aq^j- 

don 

-boov/ 


. 
. 

&noai9cf  Of)  I  blod  oi  riguorr9  gid  o^wm  a  1 
'001  ^torf  a  vl 


.  LAI, 


^^ 
IDS     - 


FUTAMI-GA-URA 

(The  Husband  and  Wife  Rocks) 


•  ^ii'JTon  oil]  :!ii 


rt  -rndlri  tfo 
CHAPTER  VI 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  NATION:  GEOGRAPHICAL  AND  ARCHAE- 


•         ^fi.j  ni 
JAPAN'S  CONNEXION  WITH  THE  ASIATIC  CONTINENT 

THE  group  of  islands  forming  Japan  may  be  said  to  have  routes  of  communica- 
tion with  the  continent  of  Asia  at  six  places:  two  in  the  north;  two  in  the  south- 
west, and  two  in  the  south.  The  principal  connexion  in  the  north  is  across  the 
narrow  strait  of  Soya  from  the  northwest  point  of  Yezo  to  Saghalien  and  thence 
to  the  Amur  region  of  Manchuria.  The  secondary  connexion  is  from  the  north- 
east point  of  Yezo  vid  the  long  chain  of  the  Kuriles  to  Kamchatka.  The  first 
of  the  southwestern  routes  is  from  the  northwest  of  Kyushu  vid  the  islands  of 
Iki  and  Tsushima  to  the  southeast  of  Korea;  and  the  second  is  from  the  south 
of  the  Izumo  promontory  in  Japan,  by  the  aid  of  the  current  which  sets  up  the 
two  southern  routes.  One  of  these  is  from  the  southwest  of  Kyushu  via  the  Goto 
Islands  to  southeastern  China;  the  other  is  from  the  south  of  Kyushu  vid  the 
Ryukyu  Islands,  Formosa,  and  the  Philippines  to  Malaysia  and  Polynesia.  It 
has  also  been  proved  geologically  l  that  the  islands  now  forming  Japan  must 
at  one  time  have  been  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent.  Evidently  these  various 
avenues  may  have  given  access  to  immigrants  from  Siberia,  from  China,  from 
Malaysia,  and  from  Polynesia. 

•  ocjoTi/3  ti\  ?•)';•..>  r-icHmig  ?.B'  \teJf  gox^-rvbrtiiift 

CULTURE 

Archaeological  research  indicates  the  existence  of  two  distinct  cultures  in 
Japan  together  with  traces  of  a  third.  One  of  these  cultures  has  left  its  relics 
chiefly  in  shell-heaps  or  embedded  in  the  soil,  while  the  remains  of  another  are 
found  mainly  in  sepulchral  chambers  or  in  caves.  The  relics  themselves  are 
palpably  distinct  except  when  they  show  transitional  approach  to  each  other. 

[L  There  have  been  found  in  the  gravel  Tertiary  mammals  including  elephas  primigenius, 
elephas  Namadicus,  stegodon  Clifti,  and  unnamed  varieties  of  bear,  deer,  bison,  ox,  horse, 
rhinoceros,  and  whale.  (Outlines  of  the  Geology  of  Japan;  Imperial  Geological  Survey).] 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  older  culture  is  attested  by  more  than  four  thousand  residential  sites  and 
shell-heaps.  Its  most  distinctive  features  are  the  absence  of  all  metallic  objects 
and  the  presence  of  pottery  not  turned  on  the  wheel.  Polished,  finely  chipped, 
and  roughly  hewn  implements  and  weapons  of  stone  are  found,  as  are  imple- 
ments of  bone  and  horn. 

It  was,  in  short,  a  neolithic  culture.  The  vestiges  of  the  other  culture  do 
not  include  weapons  of  stone.  There  are  imitations  of  sheath-knives,  swords, 
and  arrow-heads,  and  there  are  some  models  of  stone  articles.  But  the  alien 
features  are  iron  weapons  and  hard  pottery  always  moulded  on  the  wheel. 
Copper  is  present  mainly  in  connexion  with  the  work  of  the  goldsmith  and  the 
silversmith,  and  arrow-heads,  jingle-bells,  mirrors,  etc.,  are  also  present.  The 
former  culture  is  identified  as  that  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants,  the  Yemishi; 
the  latter  belongs  to  the  Yamato  race,  or  Japanese  proper.  Finally,  "  there  are 
indications  that  a  bronze  culture  intervened  in  the  south  between  the  stone  and 
the  iron  phases."1 

PRIMITIVE  CULTURE 

The  neolithic  sites  occur  much  more  frequently  in  the  northern  than  in  the 
southern  half  of  Japan.  They  are,  indeed,  six  times  as  numerous  on  the  north 
as  on  the  south  of  a  line  drawn  across  the  main  island  from  the  coast  of  Ise 
through  Orai.  The  neighbourhood  of  the  sea,  at  heights  of  from  thirty  to  three 
hundred  feet,  and  the  alluvial  plains  are  their  favourite  positions.  So  far  as  the 
technical  skill  shown  by  the  relics  —  especially  the  pottery  —  is  concerned,  it 
grows  higher  with  the  latitude.  The  inference  is  that  the  settlements  of  the 
aborigines  in  the  south  were  made  at  an  earlier  period  than  those  in  the  north; 
which  may  be  interpreted  to  mean  that  whereas  the  stone-using  inhabitants 
were  driven  back  in  the  south  at  an  early  date,  they  held  their  ground  in  the 
north  to  a  comparatively  modern  era. 

That  is  precisely  what  Japanese  history  indicates.  Jimmu  's  conquests, 
which  took^  place  several  centuries  before  the  Christian  era,  carried  him  as  far 
as  the  Ise-Omi  line,  but  Yamato-dake  's  expedition  against  the  Yemishi  north  of 
that  line  was  not  planned  until  the  second  century  after  Christ.  Apart  from 
the  rough  evidence  furnished  by  the  quality  of  the  relics,  calculations  have  been 
made  of  the  age  of  an  important  shell-heap  by  assuming  that  it  originally  stood 
at  the  seaside,  and  by  estimating  the  number  of  years  required  to  separate  it  by 
the  present  interval  from  the  coast  at  a  fixed  annual  rate  of  silting.  The  result 
is  from  five  thousand  to  ten  thousand  years.  A  book  (the  Hitachi  Fudoki), 
published  in  A.D.  715,  speaks  of  these  kaizuka  (shell-heaps)  as  existing  already  at 
that  remote  period,  and  attributes  their  formation  to  a  giant  living  on  a  hill  who 
stretched  out  his  hand  to  pick  up  shell-fish.  This  myth  remained  current  until 
the  eighteenth  century,  and  stone  axes  exhumed  from  the  heaps  were  called 
thunder-axes  (rai-fu)  just  as  similar  relics  in  Europe  were  called  elf-bolts  or 
thunder-stones. 

;ii  There  is  great  diversity  of  size  among  the  shell-heaps,  some  being  of  insig- 
nificant dimensions  and  others  extending  to  five  hundred  square  yards.  They 
are  most  numerous  in  the  eight  provinces  forming  the  Kwanto.  In  fact,  in 
these  ancient  times,  the  Yamato  race  and  the  aborigines  had  their  headquarters 
in  the  same  localities,  respectively,  as  the  Imperial  and  Feudal  governments  had 
in  mediaeval  and  modern  times.  But  there  are  no  distinct  traces  of  palaeolithic 
culture ;  the  neolithic  alone  can  be  said  to  be  represented.  Its  relics  are  numerous 

I1  Munro's  Prehistoric  Japan.} 


ORIGIN:    GEOGRAPHICAL  AND  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RELICS          47 

—  axes,  knives,  arrow-heads,  arrow-necks,  bow-tips,  spear-heads,  batons, 
swords,  maces,  sling-stones,  needles,  drill-bows,  drill  and  spindle  weights,  mor- 
tars and  pestles,  paddles,  boats,  sinkers,  fishing-hooks,  gaffs,  harpoons,  mallets, 
chisels,  scrapers,  hoes,  sickles,  whetstones,  hammers,  and  drills. 

It  must  be  premised  that  though  so  many  kinds  of  implements  are  here 
enumerated,  the  nomenclature  cannot  be  accepted  as  universally  accurate. 
The  so-called  "hoe,"  for  example,  is  an  object  of  disputed  identity,  especially 
as  agriculture  has  not  been  proved  to  have  been  practised  among  the  primitive 
people  of  Japan,  nor  have  any  traces  of  grain  been  found  in  the  neolithic  sites. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  modern  Ainu,  who  are  believed  to  represent  the  ancient 
population,  include  in  their  religious  observances  the  worship  of  the  first  cakes 
made  from  the  season's  millet,  and  unless  that  rite  be  supposed  to  have  been 
borrowed  from  the  Yamato,  it  goes  to  indicate  agricultural  pursuits. 

There  is,  indeed,  one  great  obstacle  to  any  confident  differentiation  of  the 
customs  and  creeds  prevalent  in  Japan.  That  obstacle  consists  in  the  great 
length  of  the  period  covered  by  the  annals.  It  may  reasonably  be  assumed 
that  the  neolithic  aborigines  were  in  more  or  less  intimate  contact  with  the  in- 
vading Yamato  for  something  like  twenty-five  centuries,  an  interval  quite  suffi- 
cient to  have  produced  many  interactions  and  to  have  given  birth  to  many  new 
traditions.  An  illustration  is  furnished  by  the  mental  attitude  of  the  uneducated 
classes  in  Japan  towards  the  neolithic  implements.  So  completely  has  all  memory 
of  the  human  uses  of  these  implements  faded,  that  they  are  regarded  as  relics  of 
supernatural  beings  and  called  by  such  names  as  raifu  (thunder-axe),  raitsui 
(thunder-club),  kitsune  no  kuwa  (fox-hoe),  raiko  (thunder-pestle),  and  tengu  no. 
meshigai  (rice-spoon  of  the  goblins) .  Many  of  the  neolithic  relics  show  that  the 
people  who  used  them  had  reached  a  tolerably  high  level  of  civilization. 

This  is  specially  seen  in  the  matter  of  ceramics.  It  is  true  that  the  wheel 
was  not  employed  ,and  that  the  firing  was  imperfect,  but  the  variety  of  vessels 
was  considerable,1  and  the  shapes  and  decorations  were  often  very  praise- 
worthy. Thus,  among  the  braziers  are  found  shapes  obviously  the  originals  of 
the  Japanese  choji-buro  (clove-censer)  and  the  graceful  rice-bowl,  while  com- 
munity of  conception  with  Chinese  potters  would  seem  to  be  suggested  by  some 
of  the  forms  of  these  ancient  vases.  Particularly  interesting  are  earthenware 
images  obtained  from  these  neolithic  sites.  Many  of  them  have  been  conven- 
tionalized into  mere  anthropomorphs  and  are  rudely  moulded.  But  they  afford 
valuable  indications  of  the  clothing  and  personal  adornments  of  the  aborigines. 

What  end  these  effigies  were  intended  to  serve  remains  an  unsettled  question. 
Some  suggest  that  they  were  used  as  substitutes  for  human  sacrifices,  and  that 
they  point  to  a  time  when  wives  and  slaves  were  required  to  follow  their  husbands 
and  masters  to  the  grave.  They  may  also  have  been  suggested  by  the  example 
of  the  Yamato,  who,  at  a  very  remote  time,  began  to  substitute  clay  images  for 
human  followers  of  the  dead;  or  they  may  have  been  designed  to  serve  as  mere 
mementoes.  This  last  theory  derives  some  force  from  the  fact  that  the  images 
are  found,  not  in  graves  or  tombs,  but  at  residential  sites.  No  data  have  been 
obtained,  however,  for  identifying  burying-places:  sepulture  may  have  been 
carried  out  in  the  house  of  the  deceased.  Whichever  explanation  be  correct, 
the  fact  confronts  us  that  these  clay  effigies  have  no  place  in  the  cult  of  the 
modern  Ainu.  History  teaches,  however,  that  degeneration  may  become  so 

[l  Cooking-pots  and  pans,  jars  and  vases,  bowls  and  dishes,  cups,  bottles,  nipple  pots, 
lamps,  braziers,  ewers,  strainers,  spindles  or  drill  weights,  stamps,  ornaments,  images,  and 
plaques  (Munro's  Prehistoric  Japan).] 


48  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


/     i 


complete  as  to  deprive  a  nation  of  all  traces  of  its  original  civilization.    Such 
seems  to  have  been  the  case  with  the  Ainu. 

INTERMEDIATE  CULTURE 

Traces  of  a  culture  occupying  a  place  intermediate  between  the  primitive 
culture  and  that  of  the  Yamato  are  not  conclusive.  They  are  seen  in  pottery 
which,  like  the  ware  of  the  neolithic  sites,  is  not  turned  on  the  wheel,  and,  like  the 
Yamato  ware,  is  decorated  in  a  very  subdued  and  sober  fashion.  It  is  found 
from  end  to  end  of  the  main  island  and  even  in  Yezo,  and  in  pits,  shell-heaps, 
and  independent  sites  as  well  as  in  tombs,  burial  caves,  and  cairns  of  the  Yamato. 
Thus,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  sufficient  warrant  for  associating  it  with  a  special 
race.  It  was  possibly  supplied  to  order  of  the  Yamato  by  the  aboriginal  crafts- 
men, who  naturally  sought  to  copy  the  salient  features  of  the  conquering  immi- 
grants' ware. 

'  ~  ' 


j^mili      BRONZE  VESTIGES 

There  are  also  some  bronze  vestiges  to  which  considerable  interest  attaches, 
for  evidently  people  using  bronze  weapons  could  not  have  stood  against  men 
carrying  iron  arms,  and  therefore  the  people  to  whom  the  bronze  implements 
belonged  must  have  obtained  a  footing  in  Japan  prior  to  the  Yamato,  unless 
they  came  at  the  latter  's  invitation  or  as  their  allies.  Moreover,  these  bronze 
relics  —  with  the  exception  of  arrow-heads  —  though  found  in  the  soil  of 
western  and  southern  Japan,  do  not  occur  in  the  Yamato  sepulchres,  which 
feature  constitutes  another  means  of  differentiation.  Daggers,  swords,  hal- 
berds, and  possibly  spear-heads  constitute  the  hand-weapons.  The  daggers 
have  a  certain  resemblance  to  the  Malay  kris,  and  the  swords  and  halberds  are 
generally  leaf-shaped.  But  some  features,  as  overshort  tangs  and  unpierced 
loops,  suggest  that  they  were  manufactured,  not  for  service  in  battle  but  for 
ceremonial  purposes,  being  thus  mere  survivals  from  an  era  when  their  originals 
were  in  actual  use,  and  possibly  those  originals  may  have  been  of  iron.  Some 
straight-edged  specimens  have  been  classed  as  spear-heads,  but  they  closely 
resemble  certain  ancient  bronze  swords  of  China.  As  for  bronze  arrow-heads, 
they  occur  alike  in  Yamato  sepulchres  and  in  the  soil,  so  that  no  special  inference 
is  warranted  in  their  case.  The  bronze  hand-weapons  have  been  found  in  twelve 
provinces  of  southern  and  western  Japan:  namely,  five  provinces  of  northwest 
Kyushu;  three  on  the  Inland  Sea;  one  facing  Korea  and  China,  and  the  rest  on 
the  islands  of  Iki  and  Tsushima. 

These  localities  and  the  fact  that  similar  swords  have  been  met  with  in 
Shantung,  suggest  that  the  bronze  culture  came  from  central  and  eastern  Asia, 
which  hypothesis  receives  confirmation  from  the  complete  absence  of  bronze 
vestiges  in  the  southern  provinces  of  Kyushu,  namely,  Osumi  and  Satsuma. 
Bronze  bells,  of  which  there  are  many,  belong  to  a  separate  page  of  archaeology. 
Though  they  have  been  found  in  no  less  than  twenty-four  provinces,  there  is  no 
instance  of  their  presence  in  the  same  sites  with  hand-weapons  of  bronze.  In 
Kyushu,  Higo  is  the  only  province  where  they  have  been  seen,  whereas  in  the 
main  island  they  extend  as  far  east  as  Totomi,  and  are_conspicuously  numerous 
in  that  province  and  its  neighbour,  Mikawa,  while  in  Omi  they  are  most  abun- 
dant of  all.  They  vary  in  height  from  about  one  foot  four  inches  to  four  and  a 
half  feet,  and  are  of  highly  specialized  shape,  the  only  cognate  type  being  bells 
used  in  China  during  the  Chou  dynasty  (1122-225  B.C.)  for  the  purpose  of  giv- 


ORIGIN:    GEOGRAPHICAL  AND  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RELICS           49 

ing  military  signals.  A  Chinese  origin  is  still  more  clearly  indicated  by  the 
decorative  designs,  which  show  a  combination  of  the  circle,  the  triangle,  and  the 
spiral,  obviously  identical  with  the  decorative  motive  1  on  Chinese  drums  of  the 
Han  dynasty  (202  B.C.-A.D.  220).  The  circle  and  the  triangle  occur  also  in  the 
sepulchral  pottery  of  the  Yamato  sites,  and  considering  the  fact  together  with 
the  abundance  of  the  bells  in  districts  where  the  Yamato  were  most  strongly 
established,  there  seems  to  be  warrant  for  attributing  these  curious  relics  to  the 
Yamato  culture. 

To  this  inference  it  has  been  objected  that  no  bells  have  been  found  in  the 
tombs  of  the  Yamato.  The  same  is  true,  however,  of  several  other  objects 
known  to  have  belonged  to  that  people.  If,  then,  the  bells  be  classed  as  adjuncts 
of  the  Yamato  culture,  shall  we  be  justified  in  assigning  the  bronze  weapon  to  a 
different  race?  On  the  whole,  the  most  reasonable  conclusion  seems  to  be  that 
all  the  bronze  relics,  weapons,  and  bells  alike,  are  "vestiges  of  the  Yamato  pro- 
cession at  a  time  anterior  to  the  formation  of  the  great  dolmens  and  other 
tombs"  [Munro].  A  corollary  would  be  that  the  Yamato  migrated  from 
China  in  the  days  of  the  Chou  dynasty  (1122-225  B.C.),  and  that,  having  landed 
in  the  province  of  Higo,  they  conquered  the  greater  part  of  Tsukushi  (Kyushu), 
and  subsequently  passed  up  the  Inland  Sea  to  Yamato ;  which  hypothesis  would 
invest  with  some  accuracy  the  date  assigned  by  the  Chronicles  to  Jimmu's 
expedition  and  would  constitute  a  general  confirmation  of  the  Japanese  account 
of  his  line  of  advance. 

:,rtte 
YAMATO  CULTURE 

• 

The  ancient  Yamato  are  known  chiefly  through  the  medium  of  relics  found 
in  their  sepulchres.  Residential  sites  exist  in  comparatively  small  numbers,  so 
far  as  research  ha«  hitherto  shown,  and  such  sites  yield  nothing  except  more  or 
less  scattered  potsherds  and  low  walls  enclosing  spaces  of  considerable  area. 
Occasionally  Yamato  pottery  and  other  relics  are  discovered  in  pits,  and  these 
evidences,  combined  with  historical  references,  go  to  show  that  the  Yamato  them- 
selves sometimes  used  pit-dwellings. 

The  tombs  yield  much  more  suggestive  relics  of  metal,  stone,  and  pottery. 
Some  four  thousand  of  such  sepulchres  have  been  officially  catalogued,  but  it  is 
believed  that  fully  ten  times  that  number  exist.  The  most  characteristic  is  a 
tomb  of  larger  dimensions  enclosing  a  dolmen  which  contains  a  coffin  hollowed 
out  from  the  trunk  of  a  tree,  or  a  sarcophagus  of  stone,2  the  latter  being  much 
more  commonly  found,  as  might  be  expected  from  its  greater  durability.  Burial- 
jars  were  occasionally  used,  as  were  also  sarcophagi  of  clay  or  terracotta,3  the 
latter  chiefly  in  the  provinces  of  Bizen  and  Mimasaka,  probably  because  suitable 
materials  existed  there  in  special  abundance.  Moreover,  not  a  few  tombs  be- 
longed to  the  category  of  cists;  that  is  to  say,  excavations  in  rock,  with  a  sin^ 
gle-slabbed  or  many-slabbed  cover;  or  receptacles  formed  with  stone  clubs, 
cobbles,  or  boulders. 

There  is  great  difficulty  in  arriving  at  any  confident  estimate  of  age  amid 
such  varity.  Dolmens  of  a  most  primitive  kind  "exist  side  by  side  with  stone 

[*  This  resemblance  has  been  pointed  out  by  a  Japanese  archaeologist,  Mr.  Teraishi.  Dr. 
Munro  states  that  the  same  elements  are  combined  in  an  Egyptian  decorative  design.] 

[2  The  stone  sarcophagus  was  of  considerable  size  and  various  shapes,  forming  an  oblong 
box  with  a  lid  of  a  boatlike  form.] 

[3  The  terracotta  sarcophagi  were  generally  parallel,  oblong  or  elongated  oval  in  shape, 
with  an  arched  or  angular  covering  and  several  feet.  One  has  been  found  with  doors  moving 
on  hinges.] 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

chambers  of  highly  finished  masonry  in  circumstances  which  suggest  contem- 
poraneous construction"  so  that  "the  type  evidently  furnishes  little  or  no  crite- 
rion of  age,"  and,  moreover,  local  facilities  must  have  largely  influenced  the 
method  of  building.  The  dolmen  is  regarded  by  archaeologists  as  the  most 
characteristic  feature  of  the  Yamato  tombs.  It  was  a  chamber  formed  by  setting 
up  large  slabs  of  stone,  inclined  slightly  towards  each  other,  which  served  as 
supports  for  another  slab  forming  the  roof.  Seen  in  plan,  the  dolmens  presented 
many  shapes:  a  simple  chamber  or  gallery;  a  chamber  with  a  gallery,  or  a  series 
of  chambers  with  a  gallery.  Above  the  dolmen  a  mound  was  built,  sometimes 
of  huge  dimensions  (as,  for  example,  the  misasagi l  of  the  Emperor  Tenchi — d. 
A.D.  671 — which  with  its  embankments,  measured  5040  feet  square),  and  within 
the  dolmen  were  deposited  many  articles  dedicated  to  the  service  of  the  deceased. 
Further,  around  the  covering-mound  there  are  generally  found,  embedded  in 
the  earth,  terracotta  cylinders  (haniwa),  sometimes  surmounted  with  figures  or 
heads  of  persons  or  animals. 

According  to  the  Chronicles,  incidents  so  shocking  occurred  in  connexion  with 
the  sacrifice  of  the  personal  attendants 2  of  Prince  Yamato  at  his  burial  (A.D.  2) 
that  the  custom  of  making  such  sacrifices  was  thenceforth  abandoned,  clay 
images  being  substituted  for  human  beings.  The  Records  speak  of  a  "hedge  of 
men  set  up  round  a  tumulus,"  and  it  would  therefore  seem  that  these  terracotta 
figures  usually  found  encircling  the  principal  misasagi,  represented  that  hedge 
and  served  originally  as  pedestals  for  images.  Within  the  dolmen,  also,  clay 
effigies  are  often  found,  which  appear  to  have  been  substitutes  for  retainers  of 
high  rank.  Had  the  ancient  custom  been  effectually  abolished  in  the  year  A.D.  3, 
when  the  Emperor  Suinin  is  recorded  to  have  issued  orders  in  that  sense,  a  simple 
and  conclusive  means  would  be  at  hand  for  fixing  the  approximate  date  of  a 
dolmen,  since  all  tombs  containing  clay  effigies  or  encircled  by  terracotta  haniwa 
would  necessarily  be  subsequent  to  that  date,  and  all  tombs  containing  skeletons 
other  than  the  occupants  of  the  sarcophagi  would  be  referable  to  an  earlier  era. 
But  although  compulsory  sacrifices  appear  to  have  ceased  from  about  the  first 
century  of  the  Christian  era,  it  is  certain  that  voluntary  sacrifices  continued 
through  many  subsequent  ages.  This  clue  is  therefore  illusory.  Neither  does 
the  custom  itself  serve  to  connect  the  Yamato  with  any  special  race,  for  it  is  a 
wide-spread  rite  of  animistic  religion,  and  it  was  practised  from  time  immemorial 
by  the  Chinese,  the  Manchu  Tatars,  and  many  other  nations  of  northeastern 
Asia. 

The  substitution  of  images  for  living  beings,  however,  appears  to  have  been 
a  direct  outcome  of  contact  with  China,  for  the  device  was  known  there  as  early 
as  the  seventh  century  before  Christ.  It  would  seem,  too,  from  the  researches  of 
a  learned  Japanese  archaeologist  (Professor  Miyake),  that  the  resemblance  be- 
tween Japanese  and  Chinese  burial  customs  was  not  limited  to  this  substitution. 
The  dolmen  also  existed  in  China  in  very  early  times,  but  had  been  replaced  by 
a  chamber  of  finished  masonry  not  later  than  the  ninth  century  B.C.  In  the 
Korean  peninsula  the  dolmen  with  a  megalithic  roof  is  not  uncommon,  and  the 
sepulchral  pottery  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  that  of  the  Yamato  tombs.  It 
was  at  one  time  supposed  that  the  highly  specialized  form  of  dolmen  found  in 
Japan  had  no  counterpart  anywhere  on  the  continent  of  Asia,  but  that  supposi- 
tion has  proved  erroneous. 

i1  By  this  name  all  the  Imperial  tombs  were  called.] 
2  They  are  said  to  have  been  buried  upright  in  the  precincts  of  the  misasagi.     "For 
several  days  they  died  not,  but  wept  and  wailed  day  and  night.     At  last  they  died  and  rotted. 
Dogs  and  crows  gathered  and  ate  them."     (Chronicles.    Aston 's  translation.)] 


ORIGIN:    GEOGRAPHICAL  AND  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RELICS          51 

The  contents  of  the  sepulchres,  however,  are  more  distinctive.  They  con- 
sist of  "noble  weapons  and  armour,  splendid  horse-trappings,  vessels  for  food 
and  drink,  and  various  objects  de  luxe,"  though  articles  of  wood  and  textile  fabrics 
have  naturally  perished.  Iron  swords  are  the  commonest  relics.  They  are 
found  in  all  tombs  of  all  ages,  and  they  bear  emphatic  testimony  to  the  warlike 
habits  of  the  Yamato,  as  well  as  to  their  belief  that  in  the  existence  beyond  the 
grave  weapons  were  not  less  essential  than  in  life.  Arrow-heads  are  also  fre- 
quently found  and  spear-heads  sometimes.1  The  swords  are  all  of  iron.  There 
is  no  positive  evidence  showing  that  bronze  swords  were  in  use,  though  grounds 
exist  for  supposing,  as  has  been  already  noted,  that  they  were  employed  at  a 
period  not  much  anterior  to  the  commencement  of  dolmen  building,  which  seems 
to  have  been  about  the  sixth  or  seventh  century  before  Christ.  The  iron  swords 
themselves  appear  to  attest  this,  for  although  the  great  majority  are  single- 
edged  and  of  a  shape  essentially  suited  to  iron,  about  ten  per  cent,  are  double- 
edged  with  a  central  ridge  distinctly  reminiscent  of  casting — in  fact,  a  hammered- 
iron  survival  of  a  bronze  leaf-shaped  weapon. 2  Occasionally  these  swords 
have,  at  the  end  of  the  tang,  a  disc  with  a  perforated  design  of  two  dragons  hold- 
ing a  ball,  a  decorative  motive  which  already  betrays  Chinese  origin.  Other 
swords  have  pommels  surmounted  by  a  bulb  set  at  an  angle  to  the  tang,3  and 
have  been  suspected  to  be  Turanian  origin. 

Yet  another  form  —  found  mostly  in  the  Kwanto  provinces  and  to  the  north 
of  them,  from  which  fact  its  comparatively  recent  use  may  be  inferred  —  was 
known  in  western  Asia  and  especially  in  Persia,  whence  it  is  supposed  to  have 
been  exported  to  the  Orient  in  connexion  with  the  flourishing  trade  carried  on 
between  China  and  Persia  from  the  seventh  to  the  tenth  century.  That  a 
similar  type  is  not  known  to  exist  in  China  proves  nothing  conclusive,  for 
China's  attitude  towards  foreign  innovations  was  always  more  conservative  than 
Japan 's.  Scabbards,  having  been  mostly  of  wood,  have  not  survived,  but  occa- 
sionally one  is  found  having  a  sheeting  of  copper  thickly  plated  with  gold. 
Arrow-heads  are  very  numerous.  Those  of  bronze  have,  for  the  most  part,  the 

[l  The  most  comprehensive  list  of  these  objects  is  that  given  in  Munro's  Prehistoric  Japan: 
"Objects  of  iron  —  (1),  Swords  and  daggers;  (2),  Hilt-guards  and  pommels;  (3),  Arrow-heads; 
(4),  Spear-heads  and  halberd-heads;  (5)  Armour  and  helmets;  (6),  Stirrups  and  bridle-bits; 
(7),  Ornamental  trappings  for  horses;  (8),  Axes,  hoes,  or  chisels;  (9),  Hoes  or  spades;  (10), 
Chains;  (11),  Rings;  (12),  Buckles;  (13),  Smith's  tongs  or  pincers;  (14),  Nails;  (15),  Caskets, 
handles,  hinges,  and  other  fittings.  Objects  of  copper  and  bronze —  (1),  Arrow-heads;  (2), 
Spear-heads;  (3),  Hilt-guards  and  pommels;  (4),  Scabbard-covers  and  pieces  of  sheet-copper 
for  ornamental  uses;  (5),  Helmets;  (6),  Arm-and-leg  guards;  (7),  Shoes;  (8),  Horse-trappings; 
(9),  Belts;  (10),  Mirrors;  (11),  Bracelets  and  rings;  (12),  Various  fittings.  Silver  and  gold 
were  employed  chiefly  in  plating,  but  fine  chains  and  pendants  as  well  as  rings  of  pure  gold  and 
silver  have  been  met  with. 

"The  stone  objects  may  be  divided  into  two  classes,  viz:— 

A.  Articles  of  use  or  ornaments —  (1),  Head-rest;  (2),  Mortar  and  pestle;  (3),  Caskets 
and  vessels;  (4),  Cups  and  other  vessels;  (5),  Bracelets;  (6),  Magatama;  (7),  Other  orna- 
ments;   (8),    Plumb-line    pendant;    (9),    Spindle- weight;    (10),    Objects    of    unascertained 
function. 

B.  Sepulchral  substitutes  —  (1),  Swords  and  daggers;  (2),  Sheath-knife;  (3),  Arrow-head; 
(4),  Spear-head;  (5),  Shield;  (6);  Armour;  (7),  Wooden  dogs;  (8),  Mirror;  (9),  Comb;  (10), 
Magatama;  (11),  Cooking-knife;  (12),  Sickle  or  scythe-blade;  (13),  Hoe  or  chisel;  (14),  Head  of 
chisel  or  spear;  (15),  Bowl;  (16),  Table;  (17),  Sword-pommel;  (18),  Nondescript  objects." 
The  above  list  does  not  include  pottery.] 

[2  The  leaf-shaped  bronze  sword  is  found  over  all  Europe  from  the  Mediterranean  to  Lap- 
land, but  generally  without  a  central  ridge.] 

[3  Mr.  Takahashi,  a  Japanese  archaeologist,  suggests  that  these  weapons  were  the  so  called 
"mallet-headed  swords"  said  to  have  been  used  by  Keiko's  soldiers  (A.D.  82)  against  the  Tsuchi- 
gumo.  The  name,  kabutsuchi,  supports  this  theory,  kabu  being  the  term  for  "turnip," 
which  is  also  found  in  kabuya,  a  humming  arrow  having  a  turnip-shaped  head  perforated  with 
holes.] 


52  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

leaf  shape  of  the  bronze  sword,  but  those  of  iron  show  many  forms,  the  most 
remarkable  being  the  chisel-headed,  a  type  used  in  Persia*"*  l« •• 

Spear-heads  are  not  specially  suggestive  as  to  provenance,  with  the  exception 
of  a  kind  having  a  cross-arm  like  the  halberd  commonly  used  in  China  from  the 
seventh  century  before  Christ.  Yamato  armour  affords  little  assistance  to  the 
archaeologist:  it  bears  no  particularly  close  resemblance  to  any  type  familiar 
elsewhere.  There  was  a  corset  made  of  sheet  iron,  well  rivetted.  It  fastened 
in  front  and  was  much  higher  behind  than  before,  additioned  protection  for  the 
back  being  provided  by  a  lattice-guard  which  depended  from  the  helmet  and  was 
made  by  fastening  strips  of  sheet  iron  to  leather  or  cloth.  The  helmet  was 
usually  of  rivetted  iron,  but  occasionally  of  bronze,  with  or  without  a  peak  in 
front.  There  were  also  guards  of  copper  or  iron  for  the  legs,  and  there  wen- 
shoulder-curtains  constructed  in  the  same  manner  as  the  back-curtain  pendant 
from  the  helmet.  Shoes  of  copper  complete  the  panoply. 

The  workmanship  of  these  weapons  and  armour  is  excellent:  it  shows  an 
advanced  stage  of  manufacturing  skill.  This  characteristic  is  even  more  re- 
markable in  the  case  of  horse-trappings.  The  saddle  and  stirrups,  the  bridle 
and  bit,  are  practically  the  same  as  those  that  were  used  in  modern  times,  even 
a  protective  toe-piece  for  the  stirrup  being  present.  A  close  resemblance  is 
observable  between  the  ring  stirrups  of  old  Japan  and  those  of  mediaeval 
Europe,  and  a  much  closer  affinity  is  shown  by  the  bits,  which  had  cheek-pieces 
and  were  usually  jointed  in  the  centre  precisely  like  a  variety  common  in  Europe; 
metal  pendants,  garnished  with  silver  and  gold  and  carrying  globular  jingle- 
bells  in  their  embossed  edges,  served  for  horse  decoration.  These  facts  arc 
learned,  not  from  independent  relics  alone,  but  also  from  terracotta  steeds  found 
in  the  tumuli  and  moulded  so  as  to  show  all  their  trappings. 

Other  kinds  of  expert  iron-work  have  also  survived;  as  chains,  rings  and, 
buckles,  which  differ  little  from  corresponding  objects  in  Europe  at  the  present 
day;  and  the  same  is  true  of  nails,  handles,  hinges,  and  other  fittings.  Tools 
used  in  working  metal  are  rarely  found,  a  fact  easily  accounted  for  when  we  re- 
member that  such  objects  would  naturally  be  excluded  from  sepulchres. 

There  is  another  important  relic  which  shows  that  the  Yamato  were  "in- 
debted to  China  for  the  best  specimens  of  their  decorative  art."  This  is  a  round 
bronze  mirror,  of  which  much  is  heard  in  early  Japanese  annals  from  the  time  of 
Izanagi  downwards.  In  China  the  art  of  working  in  bronze  was  known  and 
practised  during  twenty  centuries  prior  to  the  Christian  era;  but  although 
Japan  seems  to  have  possessed  the  knowledge  at  the  outset  of  the  dolmen  epoch, 
(arc.  600  B.C.),  she  had  no  copper  mine  of  her  own  until  thirteen  centuries  later, 
and  was  obliged  to  rely  on  Korea  for  .occasional  supplies.  This  must  have  in- 
juriously affected  her  progress  in  the  art  of  bronze  casting. 

Nevertheless,  in  almost  all  the  dolmens  and  later  tombs  mirrors  of  bronze 
were  placed.  This  custom  came  into  vogue  in  China  at  an  early  date,  the 
mirror  boing  regarded  as  an  amulet  against  decay  or  a  symbol  of  virtue.  That 
Japan  borrowed  the  idea  from  her  neighbour  can  scarcely  be  doubted.  She 
certainly  procured  many  Chinese  mirrors,  which  are  easily  distinguished  by  fine- 
ly executed  and  beautiful  decorative  designs  in  low  relief  on  their  backs;  where- 
as her  own  mirrors  —  occasionally  of  iron  —  did  not  show  equal  skill  of  technique 
or  ornamentation.  Comparative  roughness  distinguished  them,  and  they  h;ul 
often  a  garniture  of  jingle-bells  (suzu)  cast  around  the  rim,  a  feature  not  found  in 
Chinese  mirrors.  They  were,  in  fact,  an  inferior  copy  of  a  Chinese  prototype,  the 
kinship  of  the  two  being  further  attested  by  the  common  use  of  the  dragon  as  a 


ORIGIN:    GEOGRAPHICAL  AND  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RELICS         53 

decorative  motive.  Bronze  vases  and  bowls,  simple  or  covered,  are  occasional- 
ly found  in  the  Yamato  sepulchres.  Sometimes  they  are  gilt,  and  in  no  case  do 
their  shapes  differentiate  them  from  Chinese  or  modern  Japanese  models. 

It  might  be  supposed  that  in  the  field  of  personal  ornament  some  special 
features  peculiar  to  the  Yamato  civilization  should  present  themselves.  There 
is  none.  Bronze  or  copper  bracelets,1  closed  or  open  and  generally  gilt,  recall 
the  Chinese  bangle  precisely,  except  when  they  are  cast  with  a  garniture  of  suzu. 
In  fact,  the  suzu  (jingle-bell)  seems  to  be  one  of  the  few  objects  purely  of  Yamato 
origin.  It  was  usually  globular,  having  its  surface  divided  into  eight  parts,  and 
it  served  not  only  as  part  of  a  bangle  and  as  a  pendant  for  horse-trappings  but 
also  as  a  post-bell  (ekirei),  which,  when  carried  by  nobles  and  officials,  indicated 
their  right  to  requisition  horses  for  travelling  purposes. 

To  another  object  interest  attaches  because  of  its  wide  use  in  western  Asia 
and  among  the  Celtic  peoples  of  Europe.  This  is  the  penannular  (or  open)  ring. 
In  Europe,  it  was  usually  of  solid  gold  or  silver,  but  in  Japan,  where  these  metals 
were  very  scarce  in  early  days,  copper,  plated  with  beaten  gold  or  silver,  was 
the  material  generally  employed.  Sometimes  these  rings  were  hollow  and  some- 
times, but  very  rarely,  flattened.  The  smaller  ones  seem  to  have  served  as  ear- 
rings, worn  either  plain  or  with  pendants. 

Prominent  among  personal  ornaments  were  magatama  (curved  jewels)  and 
kudatama  (cylindrical  jewels).  It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  magatama 
represented  a  tiger's  claw,  which  is  known  to  have  been  regarded  by  the  Koreans 
as  an  amulet.  But  the  ornament  may  also  have  taken  its  comma-like  shape 
from  the  Yd  and  the  Yin,  the  positive  and  the  negative  principles  which  by  Chi- 
nese cosmographists  were  accounted  the  great  primordial  factors,  and  which 
occupy  a  prominent  place  in  Japanese  decorative  art  as  the  tomoye. 2  The  cylin- 
drical jewels  evidently  owed  their  shape  to  facility  for  stringing  into  necklaces 
or  chaplets.  The  Chronicles  and  the  Records  alike  show  that  these  jewels, 
especially  the  magatama,  acted  an  important  part  in  some  remarkable  scenes  in 
the  mythological  age.3  Moreover,  a  sword,  a  mirror,  and  a  magatama,  may  be 
called  the  regalia  of  Japan.  But  these  jewels  afford  little  aid  in  identifying  the 
Yamato.  Some  of  them  —  those  of  jade,  chrysoprase,  and  nephrite  —  4  must 
have  been  imported,  these  minerals  never  having  been  found  in  Japan.  But 
the  latter  fact,  though  it  may  be  held  to  confirm  the  continental  origin  of  the 
Yamato,  gives  no  indication  as  to  the  part  of  Asia  whence  they  emigrated. 

[.OTOJjM] 


The  pottery  found  in  the  Yamato  tombs  is  somewhat  more  instructive  than 
the  personal  ornaments.  It  seems  to  have  been  specially  manufactured,  or  at 
any  rate  selected,  for  purposes  of  sepulture,  and  it  evidently  retained  its  shape 
and  character  from  very  remote  if  not  from  prehistoric  times.  Known  in 

[l  Jasper  also  was  employed  for  making  bracelets,  and  there  is  some  evidence  that  shells 
were  similarly  used.] 

[2  Professor  Takashima  has  found  magatama  among  the  relics  of  the  primitive  culture,  but 
that  is  probably  the  result  of  imitation.] 

[3  The  goddess  of  the  Sun,  when  awaiting  the  encounter  with  Susanoo,  twisted  a  complete 
string,  eight  feet  long,  with  five  hundred  magatama.  Lesser  Kami  were  created  by  manipulat- 
ing the  jewels.  When  Amaterasu  retired  into  a  cave,  magatama  were  hung  from  the  branches 
of  a  sakaki  tree  to  assist  in  enticing  her  out.  Several  other  reverential  allusions  are  made  to 
the  jewels  in  later  times.] 

[4  The  jewels  were  of  jasper,  agate,  chalcedony,  serpentine,  nephrite,  steatite,  quartz, 
crystal,  glass,  jade  (white  and  green),  and  chrysoprase.  Mention  is  also  made  of  rakan,  but 
the  meaning  of  the  term  is  obscure.  Probably  it  was  a  variety  of  jade.] 


54  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Japan  as  iwaibe  (sacred  utensils),  it  resembles  the  pottery  of  Korea  so  closely 
that  identity  has  been  affirmed  by  some  archaeologists  and  imitation  by  others. 
It  has  comparatively  fine  paste  —  taking  the  primitive  pottery  as  standard  — 
is  hard,  uniformly  baked,  has  a  metallic  ring,  varies  in  colour  from  dark  brown 
to  light  gray,  is  always  turned  on  the  wheel,  has  only  accidental  glaze,  and  is 
decorated  in  a  simple,  restrained  manner  with  conventionalized  designs.  The 
shapes  of  the  various  vessels  present  no  marked  deviation  from  Chinese  or 
Korean  models,  except  that,  the  tazzas  and  occasionally  other  utensils  are  some- 
times pierced  in  triangular,  quadrilateral,  and  circular  patterns,  to  which  various 
meanings  more  or  less  fanciful  have  been  assigned. 

There  is,  however,  one  curious  form  of  iwaibe  which  does  not  appear  to  have 
any  counterpart  in  China  or  Korea.  It  is  a  large  jar,  or  tazza,  having  several 
small  jars  moulded  around  its  shoulder,1  these  small  jars  being  sometimes  in- 
terspersed with,  and  sometimes  wholly  replaced  by,  figures  of  animals. 2  It  is 
necessary  to  go  to  the  Etruscan  "black  ware"  to  find  a  parallel  to  this  most 
inartistic  kind  of  ornamentation. 

With  regard  to  the  general  decorative  methods  of  the  iwaibe  potters,  it  is 
noticeable,  first,  that  apparent  impressions  of  textiles  are  found  (they  are  seldom 
actual  imprints,  being  usually  imitations  of  such),  and,  secondly,  that  simple 
line  decoration  replaces  the  rude  pictorial  representations  of  a  primitive  culture 
and  suggests  propagation  from  a  centre  of  more  ancient  and  stable  civilization 
than  that  of  the  Yamato  hordes :  from  China,  perhaps  from  Korea  —  who 
knows?  As  for  the  terracotta  figures  of  human  beings  and  sometimes  of  animals 
found  in  connexion  with  Yamato  sepulchres,  they  convey  little  information  about 
the  racial  problem.3  The  idea  of  substituting  such  figures  for  the  human  beings 
originally  obliged  to  follow  the  dead  to  the  grave  seems  to  have  come  from  China, 
and  thus  constitutes  another  evidence  of  intercourse,  at  least,  between  the  two 
countries  from  very  ancient  times. 

It  has  been  remarked  that  "the  faces  seen  on  these  images  by  no  means  pre- 
sent a  typical  Mongolian  type;  on  the  contrary,  they  might  easily  pass  for 
European  faces,  and  they  prompt  the  query  whether  the  Yamato  were  not  allied 
to  the  Caucasian  race."  Further,  "the  national  vestiges  of  the  Yamato  convey 
an  impression  of  kinship  to  the  civilization  which  we  are  accustomed  to  regard 
as  our  own,  for  their  intimate  familiarity  with  the  uses  of  swords,  armour,  horse- 
gear,  and  so  forth  brings  us  into  sympathetic  relation  to  their  civilization." 
[Munro.] 

SUMMARY 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  archaeology,  while  it  discloses  to  us  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Japan,  does  not  afford 
material  for  clearly  differentiating  more  than  three  cultures:  namely,  the 
neolithic  culture  of  the  Yemishi;  the  iron  culture  of  the  Yamato,  and  the  inter- 
mediate bronze  culture  of  a  race  not  yet  identified.  There  are  no  archaeological 
traces  of  the  existence  of  the  Kumaso  or  the  Tsuchi-gumo,  and  however  probable 
it  may  seem,  in  view  of  the  accessibility  of  Japan  from  the  mainland,  not  only 
while  she  formed  part  of  the  latter  but  even  after  the  two  had  become  separate, 

P  This  style  of  ornamentation  was  called  komochi  (child-bearing),  the  small  jars  being 
regarded  as  children  of  the  large.] 

[2  Mr.  Wakabayashi,  a  Japanese  archaeologist,  has  enumerated  seven  varieties  of  figures 
thus  formed  on  vases:  horses,  deer,  wild  boars,  dogs,  birds,  tortoises;  and  human  beings.] 

[3  Chinese  archaic  wine-pots  of  bronze  sometimes  have  on  the  lid  figures  of  human  beings 
and  animals,  but  these  served  a  useful  purpose.] 


ORIGIN:   GEOGRAPHICAL  AND  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RELICS 


55 


that  several  races  co-existed  with  the  Yemishi  and  that  a  very  mixed  population 
carried  on  the  neolithic  culture,  there  is  no  tangible  evidence  that  such  was  the 
case.  Further,  the  indications  furnished  by  mythology  that  the  Yamato  were 
intellectually  in  touch  with  central,  if  not  with  western  Asia,  are  re-enforced  by 
archaeological  suggestions  of  a  civilization  and  even  of  physical  traits  cognate 
with  the  Caucasian. 

^r^w  -    .Hi 


. 


DRUM  AND  MASK 


. 


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(ItfA  J 
my  ti  YTV/  f.  ij'rw  Lotaixs-oa  ?.y>«i  J 


•NO"  MASKS 


CHAPTER  VII 
LANGUAGE  AND  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 

LANGUAGE 

HOWEVER  numerous  may  have  been  the  races  that  contributed  originally  to 
people  Japan,  the  languages  now  spoken  there  are  two  only,  Ainu  and  Japanese. 
They  are  altogether  independent  tongues.  The  former  undoubtedly  was  the 
language  of  the  Yemishi;  the  latter,  that  of  the  Yamato.  From  north  to  south 
all  sections  of  the  Japanese  nation  — •  the  Ainu  of  course  excepted  —  use  practical 
ly  the  same  speech.  Varieties  of  local  dialects  exist,  but  they  show  no  traits  of 
survival  from  different  languages.  On  the  contrary,  in  few  countries  of  Japan 's 
magnitude  does  corresponding  uniformity  of  speech  prevail  from  end  to  end  of 
the  realm.  It  cannot  reasonably  be  assumed  that,  during  a  period  of  some 
twenty-five  centuries  and  in  the  face  of  steady  extermination,  the  Yemishi  pre- 
served their  language  quite  distinct  from  that  of  their  conquerors,  whereas  the 
various  languages  spoken  by  the  other  races  peopling  the  island  were  fused  into 
a  whole  so  homogeneous  as  to  defy  all  attempts  at  differentiation.  The  more 
credible  alternative  is  that  from  time  immemorial  the  main  elements  of  the 
Japanese  nation  belonged  to  the  same  race,  and  whatever  they  received  from 
abroad  by  way  of  immigration  became  completely  absorbed  and  assimilated  in 
the  course  of  centuries. 

No  diligent  attempt  has  yet  been  made  to  trace  the  connexion  —  if  any  exist 
—  between  the  Ainu  tongue  and  the  languages  of  northeastern  Asia,  but  geology, 
history,  and  archaeology  suffice  to  indicate  that  the  Yemishi  reached  Japan  at 
the  outset  from  Siberia.  The  testimony  of  these  three  sources  is  by  no  means 
so  explicit  in  the  case  of  the  Yamato,  and  we  have  to  consider  whether  the  lan- 
guage itself  does  not  furnish  some  better  guide.  "Excepting  the  twin  sister 
tongue  spoken  in  the  Ryukyu  Islands,"  writes  Professor  Chamberlain,"  the 
Japanese  language  has  no  kindred,  and  its  classification  under  any  of  the  rec- 
ognized linguistic  families  remains  doubtful.  In  structure,  though  not  to  any 
appreciable  extent  in  vocabulary,  it  closely  resembles  Korean,  and  both  it  and 

56 


LANGUAGE  AND  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS  57 

Korean  may  possibly  be  related  to  Mongol  and  to  Manchu,  and  might  therefore 
lay  claim  to  be  included  in  the  so-called  'Altaic  group/  In  any  case,  Japanese 
is  what  philologists  call  an  agglutinative  tongue;  that  is  to  say,  it  builds  up  its 
words  and  grammatical  forms  by  means  of  suffixes  loosely  soldered  to  the  root 
or  stem,  which  is  invariable." 

This,  written  in  1905,  has  been  supplemented  by  the  ampler  researches  of 
Professor  S.  Kanazawa,  who  adduces  such  striking  evidences  of  similarity  be- 
tween the  languages  of  Japan  and  Korea  that  one  is  almost  compelled  to  admit 
the  original  identity  of  the  two.  There  are  no  such  affinities  between  Japanese 
and  Chinese.  Japan  has  borrowed  largely,  very  largely,  from  China.  It  could 
scarcely  have  been  otherwise.  For  whereas  the  Japanese  language  in  its  original 
form  —  a  form  which  differs  almost  as  much  from  its  modern  offspring  as  does 
Italian  from  Latin  —  has  little  capacity  for  expansion,  Chinese  is  the  most 
potential  of  all  known  tongues  in  that  respect.  Chinese  may  be  said  to  consist 
of  a  vast  number  of  monosyllables,  each  expressed  by  a  different  ideograph,  each 
having  a  distinct  significance,  and  each  capable  of  combination  and  permutation 
with  one  or  more  of  the  others,  by  which  combinations  and  permutations  di- 
syllabic and  trisyllabic  words  are  obtained  representing  every  conceivable  shade 
of  meaning. 

It  is  owing  to  this  wonderful  elasticity  that  Japan,  when  suddenly  confront- 
ed by  foreign  arts  and  sciences,  soon  succeeded  in  building  up  for  herself  a 
vocabulary  containing  all  the  new  terms,  and  containing  them  in  self-explain- 
ing forms.  Thus  " railway"  is  expressed  by  tetsu^do,  which  consists  of  the  two 
monosyllables  tetsu  (iron)  and  do  (way) ;  ''chemistry"  by  kagaku,  or  the  learning 
(gaku)  of  changes  (fca);  "torpedo"  by  suirai,  or  water  (sm)  thunder  (rai);  and 
each  of  the  component  monosylables  being  written  with  an  ideograph  which 
conveys  its  own  meaning,  the  student  has  a  term  not  only  appropriate  but  also 
instructive.  Hundreds  of  such  words  have  been  manufactured  in  Japan  during 
the  past  half-century  to  equip  men  for  the  study  of  Western  learning,  and  the 
same  process,  though  on  a  very  much  smaller  scale,  had  been  going  on  continuous- 
ly for  many  centuries,  so  that  the  Japanese  language  has  come  to  embody  a  very 
large  number  of  Chinese  words,  though  they  are  not  pronounced  as  the  Chinese 
pronounce  the  corresponding  ideographs. 

Yet  in  spite  of  this  intimate  relation,  re-enforced  as  it  is  by  a  common  script, 
the  two  languages  remain  radically  distinct;  whereas  between  Japanese  and 
Korean  the  resemblance  of  structure  and  accidence  amounts  almost  to  identity. 
Japanese  philologists  allege  that  no  affinity  can  be  traced  between  their  language 
and  the  tongues  of  the  Malay,  the  South  Sea  islanders,  the  natives  of  America 
and  Africa,  or  the  Eskimo,  whereas  they  do  find  that  their  language  bears  a 
distinct  resemblance  to  Manchu,  Persian,  and  Turkish.  Some  go  so  far  as  to 
assert  that  Latin,  Greek,  and  Sanskrit  are  nearer  to  Japanese  than  they  are  to 
any  European  language.  These  questions  await  fuller  investigation. 

;;oitiM5u 

PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  RACES 

The  Japanese  are  of  distinctly  small  stature.  The  average  height  of  the 
man  is  160  centimetres  (5  feet  3^4  inches)  and  that  of  the  woman  147  centimetres 
(4  feet  10  inches).  They  are  thus  smaller  than  any  European  race,  the  only 
Occidentals  over  whom  they  possess  an  advantage  in  this  respect  being  the 
inhabitants  of  two  Italian  provinces.  [Baelz.]  Their  neighbours,  the  Chinese 
arid  the  Koreans,  are  taller,  the  average  height  of  the  northern  Chinese  being 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

168  centimetres  (5  feet  7  inches),  and  that  of  the  Koreans  164  centimetres  (5  feet 
5^  inches).  Nevertheless,  Professor  Dr.  Bud/,  the  most  eminent  authority 
on  this  subject,  avers  that  "the  three  great  nations  of  eastern  Asia  are  essent  hil- 
ly of  the  same  race,"  and  that  observers  who  consider  them  to  be  distinct  "have 
been  misled  by  external  appearances."  He  adds:  "Having  made  a  special 
study  of  the  race  question  in  eastern  Asia,  I  can  assert  that  comity  of  race  in 
general  is  clearly  proved  by  the  anatomical  qualities  of  the  body.  In  any  case 
the  difference  between  them  is  much  smaller  than  that  between  the  inhabitants 
of  northern  and  southern  Europe." 

The  marked  differences  in  height,  noted  above,  do  not  invalidate  this  dictum: 
they  show  merely  that  the  Asiatic  yellow  race  has  several  subdivisions.  Among 
these  subdivisions  the  more  important  are  the  Manchu-Korean  type,  the  Mongol 
proper,  the  Malay,  and  the  Ainu.  To  the  first,  namely  the  Manchu-Korean, 
which  predominates  in  north  China  and  in  Korea,  Baelz  assigns  the  higher  classes 
in  Japan;  that  is  to  say,  the  men  regarded  as  descendants  of  the  Yamato.  They 
have '"slender,  elegant^  and  often  tall  figures,  elongated  faces  with  not  very 
prominent  cheek-bones,  more  or  less  slanting  eyes,  aquiline  noses,  large  upper 
teeth,  receding  chins,  long  slender  necks,  narrow  chests,  long  trunks,  thin  limbs, 
and  often  long  fingers,  while  the  hair  on  the  face  and  body  is  scarce."  Dr. 
Munro,  however,  another  eminent  authority,  holds  that,  "judging  from  the 
Caucasian  and  often  Semitic  physiognomy  seen  in  the  aristocratic  type  of 
Japanese,  the  Yamato  were  mainly  of  Caucasic,  perhaps  Iranian,  origin.  These 
were  the  warriors,  the  conquerors  of  Japan,  and  afterwards  the  aristocracy, 
modified  to  some  extent  by  mingling  with  a  Mongoloid  rank  and  file,  and  by  a 
considerable  addition  of  Ainu."  He  remarks  that  a  white  skin  was  the  ideal  of 
the  Yamato,  as  is  proved  by  their  ancient  poetry. 

.  -  As  for  the  Mongol-proper  type,  which  is  seen  in  the  lower  classes  and  even 
then  not  very  frequently,  its  representative  is  squarely  built,  and  has  prominent 
cheek-bones,  oblique  eyes,  a  more  or  less  flat  nose  with  a  large  mouth.  The 
Malay  type  is  much  commoner.  Its  characteristics  are  small  stature,  good  and 
sometimes  square  build,  a  face  round  or  angular,  prominent  cheek-bones,  large 
horizontal  eyes,  a  weak  chin,  a  short  neck,  broad  well-developed  chest,  short 
legs,  and  small  delicate  hands.  As  for  the  Ainu  type,  Dr.  Baelz  finds  it  astonish- 
ing that  they  have  left  so  little  trace  in  the  Japanese  nation.  "Yet  those  who 
have  studied  the  pure  Ainu  closely  will  observe,  particularly  in  the  northern  prov- 
inces, a  not  insignificant  number  of  individuals  bearing  the  marks  of  Ainu  blood. 
The  most  important  marks  are:  a  short,  thickly  set  body;  prominent  bones  with 
bushy  hair,  round  deep-set  eyes  with  long  divergent  lashes,  a  straight  nose,  and 
a  large  quantity  of  hair  on  the  face  and  body  —  all  qualities  which  bring  the 
Amu  much  nearer  to  the  European  than  to  the  Japanese  proper." 
<j4  cms  x£ih.  HfldJ  f«#a$t[fil  ot  iw&Qn  OTB  3iifan&'6  bm;  .>'••  -n'< )  ni 

GENERAL  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 

In  addition  to  physical  characteristics  which  indicate  distinctions  of  race 
among  the  inhabitants  of  Japan,  there  are  peculiarities  common  to  a  majority 
of  the  nation  at  large.  One  of  these  is  an  abnormally  large  head.  In  the  typical 
European  the  height  of  the  head  is  less  than  one-seventh  of  the  stature  and  in 
Englishmen  it  is  often  one-eighth.  In  the  Japanese  is  it  appreciably  more  than 
one-seventh.  Something  of  this  may  be  attributed  to  smallness  of  stature,  but 
such  an  explanation  is  only  partial. 

Shortness  of  legs  in  relation  to  the  trunk  is  another  marked  feature.     "Long 


PREHISTORIC  REMAINS  PLATE  A. 


I. — A — "Stone  plate"  or  mortar  for  hut  flour  (suburb  of  Tokyo)  ;  B  and  C — Stone  sticks  or 
batons,  marks  of  rank  (Rikuchu  and  Hitachi)  ;  D — Stone  club,  probably  religious  (suburb  of 
Tokyo).  II. — A — Shell  ring  (Shimosa)  ;  B — Bone  nail  (Rikuzen);  C — Bone  spear-head 
(Rikuzen)  ;  D — Stone  spoon  (Mutsu)  ;  E — Stone  chisel  (Iwashiro)  ;  F  and  G — Arrow  heads 
(Uzen)  ;  H — Magatama  (Izumo)  ;  / — Kazaridama,  beads  for  ornament  (Mutsu).  III. — A — 
Vessel  with  handles,  front  rounded,  back  flat  (Totomi)  ;  B — Grayish  earthenware  dish,  possibly 
for  rice,  with  lathe  marks  (Mino)  ;  C — Jar  with  spout  on  sides  (Totomi)  ;  D — Wine  jar  with 
hole  in  center  to  draw  off  sake  with  bamboo  (Bizen)  ;  E — Cup  (Mino).  IV. — Brownish 
earthenware  decorated  by  spatula  and  by  fabric  pressed  on  the  moist  clay.  A — From  Hitachi ; 
B — Incense-burner  shaped  vessel  (Ugo)  ;  C — From  Rikuzen;  D — Probably  a  drinking  vessel 
(Mutsu).  V. — Wooden  doll  ( Mutsu )•, -probably  a  charm.  VI.: — Beads  or  gems  (Rikuchu); 
the  largest  at  the  left,  a  marutama  of  plaster;  next,  a  kodanta  of  a  substance  like  glass.,  VII. 
— A — Spear-head  with  socket:  B — Sword;  C — Sword  with  ring.  VIII. — Cut  gem  of  rock 
crystal  (Bitchu).  IX. — Kudatama,  jasper  ornament  (Bizen).  X. — Gold  ring,  copper  core, 
ear  decoration  (Musashi).  XI. — Magatama,  probably  strung  on  necklace  (Yamashiro). 


LANGUAGE  AND  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS  59 

or  short  legs  are  mainly  racial  in  origin.  Thus,  in  Europe,  tne  northern,  or 
Teutonic  race  —  namely  Anglo-Saxons,  North  Germans,  Swedes,  and  Danes  — 
are  tail;  long-legged,  and  small-headed,  while  the  Alpine,  or  central  European 
race  are  short  of  stature,  have  short  legs  and  large  heads  with  short  necks,  thus 
resembling  the  Mongolian  race  in  general,  with  which  it  was  probably  originally 
connected."1 

In  the  Japanese  face,  too,  there  are  some  striking  points.  The  first  is  in  the 
osseous  cavity  of  the  eyeball  and  in  the  skin  round  the  eye.  "The  socket  of  the 
Japanese  eye  is  comparatively  small  and  shallow,  and  the  osseous  ridges  at  the 
brows  being  little  marked,  the  eye  is  less  deeply  set  than  in  the  European.  Seen 
in  profile,  forehead  and  upper  lid  often  form  one  unbroken  line."  Then  "the 
shape  of  the  eye  proper,  as  modelled  by  the  lids,  shows  a  most  striking  difference 
between  the  European  and  the  Mongolian  races;  the  open  eye  being  almost  in- 
variably horizontal  in  the  former  but  very  often  oblique  in  the  latter  on  account 
of  the  higher  level  of  the  outer  corner.  But  even  apart  from  obliqueness  the 
shape  of  the  corner  is  peculiar  in  the  Mongolian  eye.  The  inner  corner  is  partly 
or  entirely  covered  by  a  fold  of  the  upper  lid  continuing  more  or  less  into  the 
lower  lid.  This  fold,  which  has  been  called  the  Mongolian  fold,  often  also  covers 
the  whole  free  rim  of  the  upper  lid,  so  that  the  insertion  of  the  eyelashes  is 
hidden.  When  the  fold  takes  an  upward  direction  towards  the  outer  corner,  the 
latter  is  a  good  deal  higher  than  the  inner  corner,  and  the  result  is  the  oblique- 
ness mentioned  above.  The  eyelashes  are  shorter  and  sparser  than  in  the 
European,  and  whereas  in  the  European  the  lashes  of  the  upper  and  the  lower 
lid  diverge,  so  that  their  free  ends  are  farther  distant  than  their  roots,  in  the 
Japanese  eye  they  converge,  the  free  ends  being  nearer  together  than  the  inser- 
tions. Then  again  in  the  lower  class  the  cheek-bones  are  large  and  prominent, 
making  the  face  look  flat  and  broad,  while  in  the  higher  classes  narrow  and  elon- 
gated faces  are  quite  common.  Finally,  the  Japanese  is  less  hairy  than  the 
European,  and  the  hair  of  the  beard  is  usually  straight,  "i-jj  , 

•uon  jfl3i9flH  -dnj  $n;  :  n<vjf  yd)  zfttr  igiiJLf 

VIEWS  OF  JAPANESE  ETHNOLOGISTS 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the  problem  of  their  nation 's  origin  has  occupied 
much  attention  among  the  Japanese,  and  that  their  ethnologists  have  arrived  at 
more  or  less  definite  conclusions.  The  outlines  of  their  ideas  are  that  one  of  the 
great  waves  of  emigration  which,  in  a  remote  age,  emerged  from  the  cradle  of 
the  human  race  in  central  Asia,  made  its  way  eastward  with  a  constantly  expand- 
ing front,  and,  sweeping  up  the  Tarim  basin,  emerged  in  the  region  of  the  Yellow 
River  and  in  Manchuria.  These  wanderers,  being  an  agricultural,  not  a  mari- 
time, race,  did  not  contribute  much  to  the  peopling  of  the  oversea  islands  of 
Japan.  But  in  a  later  —  or  an  earlier  —  era,  another  exodus  took  place  from 
the  interior  of  Asia.  It  turned  in  a  southerly  direction  through  India,  and  coast- 
ing along  the  southern  seaboard,  reached  the  southeastern  region  of  China; 
whence,  using  as  stepping-stones  the  chain  of  islands  that  festoon  eastern 
Asia,  it  made  its  way  ultimately  to  Korea  and  Japan. 

Anterior  to  both  of  these  movements  another  race,  the  neolithic  Yemishi  of 
the  shell-heaps,  had  pushed  down  from  the.  northeastern  regions  of  Korea  or 
from  the  Amur  valley,  and  peopled  the  northern  half  of  Japan.  The  Korean 
peninsula,  known  in  Chinese  records  as  Han,  appears  in  the  form  of  three  king- 
doms at  the  earliest  date  of  its  historical  mention:  they  were  Sin-Han  and 

* 

I1  Baelz.] 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Pyon-Han  on  the  east  and  Ma-Han  on  the  West.  The  northeastern  portion, 
from  the  present  Won-san  to  Vladivostok,  bore  the  name  of  Yoso,  which  is 
supposed  to  have  been  the  original  of  Yezo,  the  Yoso  region  thus  constituting 
the  cradle  of  the  Yemishi  raceJu;i 

Japanese  ethnologists  interpret  the  ancient  annals  as  pointing  to  very  close 
intercourse  between  Japan  and  Korea  in  early  days,1  and  regard  this  as  con- 
firming the  theory  stated  above  as  to  the  provenance  of  the  Yamato  race.  Con- 
nexion with  the  colonists  of  northern  China  was  soon  established  vid  Manchuria, 
and  this  fact  may  account  for  some  of  the  similarities  between  the  civilization 
as  well  as  the  legends  of  the  Yamato  and  those  of  Europe,  since  there  is  evidence 
that  the  Greeks  and  Romans  had  some  hazy  knowledge  of  China,  and  that  the 
Chinese  had  a  similarly  vague  knowledge  of  the  Roman  Empire,2  possibly 
through  commercial  relations  in  the  second  century  B.C. 

The  first  mention  of  Japan  in  Chinese  records  is  contained  in  a  book  called 
Shan-hai-ching,  which  states  that  "the  northern  and  southern  Wo3  were 
subject  to  the  kingdom  of  Yen."  Yen  was  in  the  modern  province  of  Pechili. 
It  existed  as  an  independent  kingdom  from  1 122  to  265  B.C.  That  the  inhabitants 
of  Japan  were  at  any  time  subject  to  Yen  is  highly  improbable,  but  that  they 
were  tributaries  is  not  unlikely.  In  other  words,  intercourse  between  Japan 
and  northern  China  was  established  in  remote  times  vid  the  Korean  peninsula, 
and  people  from  Japan,  travelling  by  this  route,  carried  presents  to  the  Court  of 
Yen,  a  procedure  which,  in  Chinese  eyes  constituted  an  acknowledgement  of 
suzerainty.  The  "northern  and  southern  Wo"  were  probably  the  kingdom  of 
Yamato  and  that  set  up  in  Kyushu  by  Ninigi,  a  supposition  which  lends  approxi- 
mate confirmation  to  the  date  assigned  by  Japanese  historians  for  the  expedition 
of  Jimmu  Tenno.  It  is  also  recorded  in  the  Chronicles  of  the  Eastern  Barbarians, 
a  work  of  the  Han  dynasty  (A.D.  25-221),  that  Sin-Han,  one  of  the  three  Korean 
kingdoms,  produced  iron,  and  that  Wo  and  Ma-Han,  the  western  of  these 
Korean  kingdoms,  traded  in  it  and  used  it  as  currency.  It  is  very  possible  that 
this  was  the  iron  used  for  manufacturing  the  ancient  double-edged  swords 
(tsurugi)  and  halberds  of  the  Yamato,  a  hypothesis  strengthened  by  the  fact 
that  the  sword  of  Susanoo  was  called  Orochi  no  Kara-suki,  Kara  being  a  Japanese 
name  for  Korea. 

t1  The  annals  state  of  Princes  Mikeno  and  Inahi,  elder  brothers  of  Prince  I  ware  (af tor- 
wards  Jimmu  Tenno).  that  the  former  "crossed  over  to  the  Eternal  Land"  (Tokoyo-no-kuni) 
and  the  latter  went  down  to  the  sea  plain,  it  being  his  deceased  mother's  land.  Japanese 
archaeologists  identify  "mother's  land"  as  Shiragi  in  Korea,  and  Tokoyo-no-kuni  as  the 
western  country  where  the  sun  sets,  namely  China.  They  further  point  out  that  Susanoo 
with  his  son,  Itakeru,.  went  to  Shiragi  and  lived  at  Soshi-mori,  for  which  reason  Susanoo 's 
posthumous  title  was  Gozu  Tenno,  qozu  being  the  Japanese  equivalent  for  the  Korean  soshi-mi>ri 
(ox  head).  Susanoo  is  also  quoted  as  saying,  "there  are  gold  and  silver  in  Koma  and  it  were 
well  that  there  should  be  a  floating  treasury;'1  so  he  built  a  vessel  of  pine  and  camphor-wood 
to  export  these  treasures  to  Japan.  The  "Korea"  here  spoken  of  is  the  present  Kimhai  in 
Kyongsan-do.  It  is  further  recorded  that  Susanoo  lived  for  a  time  at  Kumanari-minc,  which 
is  the  present  Kongju.  Again,  a  Japanese  book,  compiled  in  the  tenth  century  A.D.,  enumerates 
six  shrines  in  the  province  of  Izumo  which  were  called  Kara-kuni  Itate  Jinja,  or  "shrine  of 
Itakeru  of  Korea.  A  much  abler  work,  Izuma  Fudoki,  speaks  of  Cape  Kitsuki  in  Izumo  as  a 
place  where  cotton-stuffs  were  imported  from  Shiragi  by  Omitsu,  son  of  Susanoo.  There  are 
other  evidences  to  the  same  effect,  and  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  remarkable  similarity  of 
the  Korean  and  Japanese  languages,  these  facts  are  held  to  warrant  the  conclusion  that  the 
most  important  element  of  the  Japanese  nation  came  vid  Korea,  its  Far  Eastern  colony  being 
the  ultima  thule  of  its  long  wanderings  from  central  Asia.] 

["  See  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  Edition,  Vol.  6,  p.  189  b.l 

P  This  word  was  originally  pronounced  Wa,  and  is  written  with  the  ideograph  signifying 
"dwarf."  It  was  applied  to  the  Japanese  by  Chinese  writers  in  earliest  times,  but  on  what 
ground  such  an  epithet  was  chosen  there  is  no  evidence.] 


I     VJ! 

' 

veto 
btwww 

jiquo 


JAPANESE  SADDLE,  BRIDLE,  AND  STIERUPS 

J, ;•,.,,  f.  ^ 


!<)t  >. A    •.'y 
W(i)i3  iaoq riToo  ' 


Mfo'/oJ1  bsbiiila  ai 


',1  !     ' 

CHAPTER  VIII 
MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  IN  REMOTE  ANTIQUITY 

IF  it  be  insisted  that  no  credence  attaches  to  traditions  unsupported  by  writ- 
ten annals,  then  what  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles,  compiled  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, tell  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  Japan  twelve  or  thirteen  hundred  years 
previously,  must  be  dismissed  as  romance.  A  view  so  extreme  is  scarcely  justi- 
fied. There  must  be  a  foundation  of  truth  in  works  which,  for  the  most  part, 
have  received  the  imprimatur  of  all  subsequent  generations  of  Japanese.  Espe- 
cially does  that  hold  as  to  indications  of  manners,  customs,  and  institutions. 
These,  at  least,  are  likely  to  be  mirrored  with  a  certain  measure  of  accuracy, 
though  they  may  often  reflect  an  age  later  than  that  to  which  they  are  referred, 
and  may  even  have  been  partially  moulded  to  suit  the  ideas  of  their  narrators. 
In  briefly  epitomizing  this  page  of  history,  the  plan  here  pursued  is  to  adhere  as 
far  as  possible  to  Japanese  interpretations,  since  these  must  of  necessity  be  most 
intelligent.  .-nim  p 

THE  SOCIAL  STRUCTURE 

••fn;r-    ,  !l  ^rri'xj  niv.M 

At  the  basis  of  the  social  structure  stand  the  trinity  of  Kami,  mythologically 
called  the  Central  Master  (Naka-Nushi)  and  the  two  Constructive  Chiefs 
(Musubi  no  Kami).  The  Central  Master  was  the  progenitor  of  the  Imperial 
family;  the  Constructive  Chiefs  were  the  nobility,  the  official  class.  What  was 
originally  involved  in  the  conception  of  official  functions,  we  learn  from  incidents 
prefatory  to  the  expedition  conducted  by  Ninigi  for  the  subjugation  of  Japan. 
Amaterasu  (the  Sun  goddess)  attached  to  the  person  of  her  grandson  four  chiefs 
and  one  chieftainess.  To  two  of  the  former  (Koyane  and  Futodama)  she  en- 
trusted all  matters  relating  to  religious  rites,  and  they  became  respectively  the 
ancestors  of  the  Nakatomi  and  the  Imibe  families.  To  the  female  Kami 
(Usume)  was  entrusted  the  making  of  sacred  music  and  she  founded  the  Sarume 

61 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

family.  Finally,  all  military  functions  were  committed  to  the  chiefs,  Oshihi  and 
Kume,  whose  descendants  constituted  the  Otomo  and  Kume  families. 

In  every  case  these  offices  were  hereditary  for  all  time,  and  the  families  of  their 
holders  constitute  the  aristocracy  of  the  nation,  marrying  among  themselves 
and  filling  the  highest  offices  from  generation  to  generation.  Their  members 
bore  the  title  of  hiko  (son  of  the  Sun)  and  hime  (daughter  of  the  Sun),  and  those 
that  governed  towns  and  villages  were  called  tomo  no  miyatsuko,  while  those 
that  held  provincial  domains  were  entitled  kuni  no  miyatsuko.  . 

This  was  the  origin  of  the  Japanese  polity.  The  descendants  of  Amaterasu, 
herself  a  descendant  of  the  Central  Master,  occupied  the  throne  in  unbroken 
succession,  and  the  descendants  of  the  two  Constructive  Chiefs  served  as 
councillors,  ministers,  and  generals.  But  the  lineage  of  all  being  traceable  to 
three  chiefs  who  originally  occupied  places  of  almost  equal  elevation,  they  were 
united  by  a  bond  of  the  most  durable  nature.  At  the  same  time  it  appears  that 
this  equality  had  its  disadvantage;  it  disposed  the  members  of  the  aristocratic 
families  to  usurp  the  administrative  power  while  recognizing  its  source,  the 
Throne,  and  it  encouraged  factional  dissensions,  which  sometimes  resulted  dis- 
astrously. As  to  the  middle  and  lower  classes,  no  evidence  bearing  on  their 
exact  composition  is  forthcoming.  It  is  plain,  however,  that  they  accepted  a 
subordinate  position  without  active  protest,  for  nothing  like  a  revolt  on  their 
part  is  alluded  to,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  the  Records  or  the  Chronicles.  The 
term  for  all  subjects  was  tomobe. 

M  ./a  >.i/:oTr.:j' 

DWELLING-HOUSES 

The  palace  of  the  sovereign — -called  miya  or  odono  —  corresponded  in 
appearance  and  construction  with  the  shrines  of  the  deities.  It  was  built  by 
erecting  central  pillars  —  originally  merely  sunk  in  the  ground  but  in  later  times 
having  a  stone  foundation  —  from  which  rafters  sloped  to  corner  posts,  similarly 
erected,  the  sides  being  clapboarded.  Nails  were  used,  but  the  heavy  timbers 
were  tied  together  with  ropes  made  by  twisting  the  fibrous  stems  of  climbing 
plants.  A  conspicuous  feature  was  that  the  upper  ends  of  the  rafters  projected 
across  each  other,  and  in  the  V-shaped  receptacle  thus  formed,  a  ridge-pole  was 
laid  with  a  number  of  short  logs  crossing  it  at  right  angles.  This  disposition  of 
timbers  was  evidently  devised  to  facilitate  tying  and  to  impart  stability  to  the 
thatch,  which  was  laid  to  a  considerable  thickness. 

It  is  not  certain  whether  in  the  earliest  times  floors  were  fully  boarded,  or 
whether  boarding  was  confined  to  a  dais  running  round  the  sides,  the  rest  of  the 
interior  being  of  beaten  mud.  Subsequently,  however,  the  whole  floor  was 
boarded.  Chimneys  were  not  provided;  charcoal  being  the  principal  fuel,  its 
smoke  did  not  incommode,  and  when  firewood  was  employed,  the  fumes  escaped 
through  openings  in  the  gable.  For  windows  there  were  holes  closed  by  shutters 
which,  like  the  doors,  swung  upon  hooks  and  staples.  Rugs  of  skin  or  of  rush 
matting  served  to  spread  on  the  boarded  floor,  and  in  rare  cases  silk  cushions 
were  employed. 

The  areas  on  which  buildings  stood  were  generally  surrounded  by  palisades, 
and  for  a  long  time  no  other  kind  of  defence  save  these  palings  seems  to  have  been 
devised.  Indeed,  no  mention  of  castles  occurs  until  the  first  century  B.C.,  when 
the  strange  term  "rice-castle"  (ina-ki)  is  found;  the  reference  being  apparently 
to  a  palisade  fortified  with  rice-bags,  or  to  a  rice-granary  used  as  a  fortress.  The 
palace  of  the  sovereign  towered  so  high  by  comparison  that  it  was  termed  Asahi- 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  IN   REMOTE  ANTIQUITY  63 

no-tada-sasu-miya  (miya  on  which  the  morning  sun  shines  direct),  or  Yuhi-no- 
hiteru-miya  (miya  illumined  by  the  evening  sun),  or  some  other  figurative 
epithet,  and  to  the  Emperor  himself  was  applied  the  title  0-mikado  (great  august 
Gate).  The  dwellings  occupied  by  the  nobility  were  similarly  built,  though  on 
a  less  pretentious  scale,  and  those  of  the  inferior  classes  appear  to  have  been 
little  better  than  huts,  not  a  few  of  them  being  partially  sunk  in  the  ground,  as 
is  attested  by  the  fact  that  the  term  "  enter"  took  the  form  of  "creep  in"  (hairu). 


In  the  instruction  said  to  have  been  given  by  Amaterasu  to  her  grandson 
Ninigi,  on  the  eve  of  his  expedition  to  Japan,  the  words  are  recorded:  "My 
child,  regard  this  mirror  as  you  regard  me.  Keep  it  in  the  same  house  with 
yourself,  and  make  it  the  mirror  of  purity."  Accordingly  the  insignia  —  the 
mirror,  the  jewel,  and  the  sword  —  were  always  kept  in  the  main  hall  of  the 
palace  under  the  care  of  the  Nakatomi  and  the  Imibe  families.  An  'ancient 
volume  (Kogo-shui)  records  that  when  the  palace  of  Kashihara  was  reached  by 
Jimmu  's  army,  the  grandson  of  the  founder  of  the  Imibe  f amily— cutting  timber 
with  a  consecrated  axe  (imi-ono)  and  digging  foundations  with  a  consecrated 
spade  (imi-suki) — constructed  a  palace  in  which  he  placed  the  mirror,  the  jewel, 
and  the  sword,  setting  out  offerings  and  reciting  prayers  to  celebrate  the  comple- 
tion of  the  building  and  the  installation  of  the  insignia. 

"At  that  time  the  sovereign  was  still  very  close  to  the  Kami,  and  the  articles 
and  utensils  for  the  latter  were  little  distinguished  from  those  for  the  former. 
Within  the  palace  there  stood  a  store  house  (imi-kura),  the  Imibe  family  dis- 
charging daily  and  nightly  the  duties  relating  to  it."  Thus  it  is  seen  that  in  re- 
mote antiquity  religious  rites  and  administrative  functions  were  not  distinguished. 
The  sovereign's  residence  was  the  shrine  of  the  Kami,  and  the  term  for 
"worship"  (matsuri)  was  synonymous  with  that  for  "government." 

RELIGIOUS  RITES 

The  ceremony  spoken  of  above  —  the  Odono  matsuri,  or  consecration  of  the 
palace  —  is  the  earliest  religious  rite  mentioned.  Next  in  importance  was  the 
"harvest  festival."  In  the  records  of  the  mythological  age  it  is  related  that 
Amaterasu  obtained  seeds  of  the  "five  cereals,"  and,  recognizing  their  value  as 
food,  caused  them  to  be  cultivated,  offering  a  part  to  the  Kami  when  they  were 
ripe  and  eating  some  herself.  This  became  a  yearly  custom,  and  when  Ninigi 
set  out  to  conquer  Japan,  his  grandmother  gave  rice  seed  to  the  ancestors  of  the 
Nakatomi  and  the  Imibe  families,  who  thenceforth  conducted  the  harvest 
festival  (nii-name,  literally  "tasting  the  new  rice")  every  autumn,  the  sovereign 
himself  taking  part,  and  the  head  of  the  Nakatomi  reciting  a  prayer  for  the 
eternity  of  the  Imperial  line  and  the  longevity  of  the  Emperor.  Other  important 
rites  were  the  "great  purification"  (Oharai)  performed  twice  a  year,  on  the  last 
day  of  the  sixth  month  and  the  last  day  of  the  twelfth  month;  the  "fire-subdu- 
ing fete,"  the  "spirit-tranquillizing  fete,"  etc. 

Of  all  these  rites  the  principal  features  were  the  recitation  of  rituals  and  the 
offering  of  various  objects,  edible  or  otherwise  useful.  The  rituals  (norito)  be- 
ing, in  several  cases,  set  formulas,  lent  themselves  with  special  facility  to  oral 
transmission  from  generation  to  generation.  It  is  certain  that  they  were 
familiar  to  the  compilers  of  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles,  and  they  contain 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

expressions  dating  from  such  a  remote  era  as  to  have  become  incomprehensible 
before  history  began  to  be  written  in  Japan.  In  the  year  A.D.  927,  seventy-five 
of  the  norito  were  transcribed  into  a  book  (Yengi-shiki,  or  Ceremonial  Law) 
which  contains,  in  addition  to  these  rituals,  particulars  as  to  the  practice  of  the 
Xh into  religion;  as  to  the  organization  of  the  priesthood  —  which  included  tun 
virgin  princesses  of  the  Imperial  family,  one  each  for  the  two  great  temples  of 
Watarai  in  Ise  and  Kamo  in  Yamashiro  —  and  as  to  the  Shinto  shrines  qualified 
to  receive  State  support.  These  shrines  totalled  3132,  among  which  number 
737  were  maintained  at  the  Emperor's  charges.  Considering  that  the  nation 
at  that  time  (tenth  century)  did  not  comprise  more  than  a  very  few  millions,  the 
familiar  criticism  that  the  Japanese  are  indifferent  to  religion  is  certainly  not 
proved  by  any  lack  of  places  of  worship.  The  language  of  the  rituals  is  occa- 
sionally poetic,  often  figurative  and  generally  solemn,1  but  they  are  largely  de- 
voted to  enumeration  of  Kami,  to  formulae  of  praise  for  past  favours,  to  peti- 
tions for  renewed  assistance,  and  to  recapitulations  of  the  offerings  made  in 
support  of  these  requests.  As  for  the  offerings,  they  comprise  woven  stuffs,  and 
their  raw  materials,  models  of  swords,  arrows,  shields,  stags '  antlers,  hoes,  fish 
(dried  and  fresh),  salt,  sake,  and,  in  some  cases,  a  horse,  a  cock,  and  a  pig.  In 
short,  the  things  offered  were  essentially  objects  serviceable  to  living  beings. 

THE  KAMI 

The  Kami  may  be  broadly  divided  into  two  groups,  namely,  those  originally 
regarded  as  superior  beings  and  those  elevated  to  that  rank  in  consideration  of 
illustrious  deeds  performed  during  life.  Of  the  former  group  the  multitudinous 
and  somewhat  heterogenous  components  have  been  supposed  to  suggest  the 
amalgamation  of  two  or  more  religious  systems  in  consequence  of  a  blend- 
ing of  races  alien  to  one  another.  But  such  features  may  be  due  to  survivals 
incidental  to  the  highest  form  of  nature  religion,  namely,  anthropomorphic 
polytheism. 

There  were  the  numerous  Kami,  more  or  less  abstract  beings  without  any 
distinguishing  functions,  who  preceded  the  progenitors  of  the  Yamato  race,  and 
there  was  the  goddess  of  the  Sun,  pre-eminent  and  supreme,  together  with 
deities  of  the  Moon,  of  the  stars,  of  the  winds,  of  the  rain,  of  fire,  of  water,  of 
mountains,  of  mines,  of  fields,  of  the  sea,  of  the  trees,  and  of  the  grass — the  last 
a  female  divinity  (Kaya-no-hime).  The  second  group  —  those  deified  for 
illustrious  services  during  life  —  furnished  the  tutelary  divinities  (uji-gami  or 
ubusuna-Kami)  of  the  localities  where  their  families  lived  and  where  their 
labours  had  been  performed.  Their  protection  was  specially  solicited  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  regions  where  their  shrines  stood,  while  the  nation  at  large 
worshipped  the  Kami  of  the  first  group.  Out  of  this  apotheosis  of  distinguished 
mortals  there  grew,  in  logical  sequence,  the  practice  of  ancestor  worship.  It 
was  merely  a  question  of  degrees  of  tutelary  power.  If  the  blessings  of  prosperity 
and  deliverance  could  be  bestowed  on  the  denizens  of  a  region  by  the  deity  en- 
shrined there,  the  same  benefits  in  a  smaller  and  more  circumscribed  measure 
might  be  conferred  by  the  deceased  head  of  a  family.  As  for  the  sovereign, 
standing  to  the  whole  nation  in  the  relation  of  priest  and  intercessor  with  the 
deities,  he  was  himself  regarded  as  a  sacred  being,  the  direct  descendant  of  the 
heavenly  ancestor  (Tenson). 

[l  The  Norito  of  the  Great  Purification  Service  has  been  translated  by  Mr.  W.  G.  Aston  in 
his  Japanese  Literature.] 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  IN  REMOTE  ANTIQUITY  65 

;  ^HERIANTHROPIC  ELEMENTS 

r£1fitf  Off?  lo  V^iilV  fli  l)flL/I  Y1QV9  lo  flOiJ&JfT1  'f!.8.f:  JO  fonii 

That  the  religion  of  ancient  Japan  —  known  as  Shinto,  or  "the  way  of  the 
gods"  —  had  not  fully  emerged  from  therianthropic  polytheism  is  proved  by  the 
fact  that,  though  the  deities  were  generally  represented  in  human  shape,  they 
were  frequently  conceived  as  spiritual  beings,  embodying  themselves  in  all  kinds 
of  things,  especially  in  animals,  reptiles,  or  insects.  Thus,  tradition  relates  that 
the  Kami  of  Mimoro  Mountain  appeared  to  the  Emperor  Yuryaku  (A.D.  457-459) 
in  the  form  of  a  snake;  that  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Keitai  (A.D.  507-531), 
a  local  deity  in  the  guise  of  a  serpent  interfered  with  agricultural  operations  and 
could  not  be  placated  until  a  shrine  was  built  in  its  honour;  that  in  the  time  of  the 
Emperor  Kogyoku,  the  people  of  the  eastern  provinces  devoted  themselves  to 
the  worship  of  an  insect  resembling  a  silkworm,  which  they  regarded  as  a  mani- 
festation of  the  Kami  of  the  Moon;  that  the  Emperor  Keiko  (A.D.  71-130)  de- 
clared a  huge  tree  to  be  sacred;  that  in  the  days  of  the  Empress  Suiko  (A.D.  593- 
628) ,  religious  rites  were  performed  before  cutting  down  a  tree  supposed  to  be  an 
incarnation  of  the  thunder  Kami;  that  on  the  mountain  Kannabi,  inlzumo,  there 
stood  a  rock  embodying  the  spirit  of  the  Kami  whose  expulsion  from  Yamato  con- 
stituted the  objective  of  Ninigi's  expedition,  and  that  prayer  to  it  was  efficacious 
in  terminating  drought,  that  the  deity  Koto-shiro-nushi  became  transformed 
into  a  crocodile,  and  that  "the  hero  Yamato-dake  emerged  from  his  tomb  in  the 
shape  of  a  white  swan. 

Many  other  cognate  instances  might  be  quoted.  A  belief  in  amulets  and 
charms,  in  revelations  by  dreams  and  in  the  efficacy  of  ordeal,  belongs  to  this 
category  of  superstitions.  The  usual  form  of  ordeal  was  by  thrusting  the  hand 
into  boiling  water.  It  has  been  alleged  that  the  Shinto  religion  took  no  account 
of  a  soul  or  made  any  scrutiny  into  a  life  beyond  the  grave.  Certainly  no  ideas 
as  to  places  of  future  reward  or  punishment  seem  to  have  engrossed  attention, 
but  there  is  evidence  that  not  only  was  the  spirit  (tama)  recognized  as  surviving 
the  body,  but  also  that  the  spirit  itself  was  believed  to  consist  of  a  rough  element 
(am)  and  a  gentle  element  (nigi),  either  of  which  predominated  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  functions  to  be  performed ;  as  when  a  nigi~tama  was  believed  to  have 
attached  itself  to  the  person  of  the  Empress  Jingo  at  the  time  of  her  expedition 
to  Korea,  while  an  ara-tama  formed  the  vanguard  of  her  forces. 

Some  Japanese  philosophers,  however  —  notably  the  renowned  Motoori  rrt\ 
have  maintained  that  this  alleged  duality  had  reference  solely  to  the  nature  of 
the  influence  exercised  by  a  spirit  on  particular  occasions.  Shinto  has  no  sacred 
canon  like  the  Bible,  the  Koran,  or  the  Sutras.  Neither  has  it  any  code  of  morals 
or  body  of  dogma.  Cleanliness  may  be  called  its  most  prominent  feature. 
Izanagi's  lustrations  to  remove  the  pollution  contracted  during  his  visit  to  the 
nether  world  became  the  prototype  of  a  rite  of  purification  (misogi)  which  al- 
ways prefaced  acts  of  worship.  A  cognate  ceremony  was  the  harai  (atonement). 
By  the  misogi  the  body  was  cleansed;  by  the  harai  all  offences  were  expiated; 
the  origin  of  the  latter  rite  having  been  the  exaction  of  certain  penalties  from 
Susanoo  for  his  violent  conduct  towards  the  Sun  goddess.1  The  two  ceremonies, 
physical  cleansing  and  moral  cleansing,  prepared  a  worshipper  to  approach  the 
shrine  of  the  Kami.  In  later  times  both  rites  were  compounded  into  one,  the 
misogi-harai,  or  simply  the  harai.  When  a  calamity  threatened  the  country  or 
bef el  it,  a  grand  harai  (o-harai)  was  performed  in  atonement  for  the  sins  supposed 
to  have  invited  the  catastrophe.  This  principle  of  cleanliness  found  expression 
[.V«u.<  P  His  nails  were  extracted  and  his  beard  was  plucked  oufejibt S  ' 


f,r,  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

in  the  architecture  of  Shinto  shrines;  plain  white  wood  was  everywhere  employed 
and  ornamentation  of  every  kind  eschewed.  In  view  of  the  paramount  impor- 
tance thus  attached  to  purity,  a  celebrated  couplet  of  ancient  times  is  often  quot- 
ed as  the  unique  and  complete  canon  of  Shinto  morality, 

"Unsought  in  prayer, 
"The  gods  will  guard 
"The  pure  of  heart. "  l 

It  is  plain,  however,  that  Shinto  cannot  be  included  in  the  category  of  ethical 
religions;  it  belongs  essentially  to  the  family  of  nature  religions. 

CRIMES 
o  J 

The  acts  which  constituted  crimes  in  ancient  Japan  were  divided  into  two 
classes:  namely,  sins  against  heaven  and  sins  against  the  State.  At  the  head  of 
the  former  list  stood  injuries  to  agricultural  pursuits,  as  breaking  down  the  ridges 
of  rice-fields,  filling  up  drains,  destroying  aqueducts,  sowing  seeids  twice  in  the 
same  place,  putting  spits  in  rice-fields,  flaying  an  animal  alive  or  against  the 
grain,  etc.  The  crimes  against  the  State  were  cutting  and  wounding  (whether 
the  living  or  the  dead),  defilement  on  account  of  leprosy  or  cognate  diseases, 
unnatural  offences,  evil  acts  on  the  part  of  children  towards  parents  or  of  parents 
towards  children,  etc.  Methods  of  expiating  crime  were  recognized,  but,  as  was 
the  universal  custom  in  remote  times,  very  cruel  punishments  were  employed 
against  evil-doers  and  enemies.  Death  was  inflicted  for  comparatively  trivial 
offences,  and  such  tortures  were  resorted  to  as  cutting  the  sinews,  extracting  the 
nails  and  the  hair,  burying  alive,  roasting,  etc.  Branding  or  tattooing  seems  to 
have  been  occasionally  practised,  but  essentially  as  a  penalty  or  a  mark  of  ig- 
nominy. 

:  n i\?4  g£  hosi r  r#o -m  (t\  j  ac •  ' <  • : 

As  is  usually  the  case  in  a  nation  where  a  nature  religion  is  followed,  divina- 
tion and  augury  were  practised  largely  in  ancient  Japan.  The  earliest  method 
of  divination  was  by  roasting  the  shoulder-blade  of  a  stag  and  comparing  the 
cracks  with  a  set  of  diagrams.  The  Records  and  the  Chronicles  alike  represent 
Izanagi  and  Izanami  as  resorting  to  this  method  of  presaging  the  future,  and  the 
practice  derives  interest  from  the  fact  that  a  precisely  similar  custom  has  pre- 
vailed in  Mongolia  from  time  immemorial.  Subsequently  this  device  was  aban- 
doned in  favour  of  the  Chinese  method,  heating  a  tortoise-shell;  and  ultimately 
the  lattor,  in  turn,  gave  way  to  the  Eight  Trigrams  of  Fuhi.  The  use  of  auguries 
seems  to  have  come  at  a  later  date.  They  were  obtained  by  playing  a  stringed 
instrument  called  koto,  by  standing  at  a  cross-street  and  watching  the  passers, 
by  manipulating  stones,  and  by  counting  footsteps. 

MILITARY  FORCES 

It  has  been  related  that  when  the  "  heavenly  grandson  "  undertook  his  expedi- 
tion to  Japan,  the  military  duties  were  entrusted  to  two  mikoto  2  who  became 

[*  Kokoro  dani 
Makoto  no  michi  ni 
Kanai  naba 
Inorazu  tote  mo 
Kami  ya  mamoran.] 
1    August  beiiig,"  a  term  of  respect  applied  to  the  descendants  of  the  Kami.] 


PREHISTORIC  REMAINS  PLATE  B. 


Earthenware   horse  CMUSASHI);  Haruwa   or  offering  at 
the    tomb 


Arrowhead  and  lance  head  CSHINANO);  and 
bronze   mirror  (TAMBA). 


,  earthen  ware    irna^es   offered  at  the  tomb.Female 
figure  with  elaborate  coiffure  and  dress  lapping  left  over 
t.  Man  with  steel  helmet    and  coat   of   mail. 


Broken  piece  of  eai-thenwa 
face. 


•e  showing  a  human        Stone   axes   and  hatchets  CMUTSUj  OTARU,  a  polished 
Stone;  Meguro,  near    TOKYO;and    SHIMOSA). 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  IN  REMOTE  ANTIQUITY  67 

the  ancestors  of  the  Otomo  and  the  Kume  families.  There  is  some  confusion 
about  the  subsequent  differentiation  of  these  families,  but  it  is  sufficient  to  know 
that,  together  with  the  Mononobe  family,  they,  were  the  hereditary  repositories 
of  military  authority.  They  wore  armour,  carried  swords,  spears  and  bows,  and 
not  only  mounted  guard  at  the  palace  but  also  asserted  the  Imperial  authority 
throughout  the  provinces.  No  exact  particulars  of  the  organization  of  these 
forces  are  on  record,  but  it  would  seem  that  the  unit  was  a  battalion  divided  into 
twenty-five  companies,  each  company  consisting  of  five  sections  of  five  men  per 
section,  a  company  being  under  the  command  of  an  officer  whose  rank  was 
miyatsuko. 

FINANCE  AND  ADMINISTRATION 

•  rt'fkih  :ia  .aJUJswi  Dooi,  ^xiFxnqioa  h-  <•;}  .fnot'Iartt 
No  mention  is  made  of  such  a  thing  as  currency  in  prehistoric  Japan.  Com- 
merce appears  to  have  been  conducted  by  barter  only.  In  order  to  procure  funds 
for  administrative  and  religious  purposes,  officers  in  command  of  forces  were 
despatched  to  various  regions,  and  the  inhabitants  were  required  to  contribute 
certain  quantities  of  local  produce.  Steps  were  also  taken  to  cultivate  useful 
plants  and  cereals  and  to  promote  manufactures.  The  Kogo-shui  states  that  a 
certain  mikoto  inaugurated  the  fashioning  of  gems  in  Izumo,  and  that  his  descen- 
dants continued  the  work  from  generation  to  generation,  sending  annual  tribute 
of  articles  to  the  Court  every  year.  Another  mikoto  was  sent  to  plant  paper- 
mulberry  and  hemp  in  the  province  of  Awa  (awa  signifies  "  hemp  "),  and  a  similar 
record  is  found  in  the  same  book  with  regard  to  the  provinces  of  Kazusa  and 
Shimosa,  which  were  then  comprised  in  a  region  named  Fusa-kuni.  Other  places 
owed  their  names  to  similar  causes,.  Kliw  w^ 

It  is  plain  that,  whatever  may  have  been  the  case  at  the  outset,  this  assign- 
ment of  whole  regions  to  the  control  of  officials  whose  responsibility  was  limited 
to  the  collection  of  taxes  for  the  uses  of  the  Court,  could  not  but  tend  to  create 
a  provincial  nobility  and  thus  lay  the  foundations  of  a  feudal  system.  The 
mythological  accounts  of  meetings  of  the  Kami  for  purposes  of  consultation 
suggest  a  kind  of  commonwealth,  and  recall  "the  village  assemblies  of  primitive 
.  times  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  where  the  cleverness  of  one  and  the  general 
willingness  to  follow  his  suggestions  fill  the  place  of  the  more  definite  organiza- 
tion of  later  times."1  But  though  that  may  be  true  of  the  Yamato  race  in  the 
region  of  its  origin,  the  conditions  found  by  it  in  Japan  were  not  consistent  with 
such  a  system,  for  Chinese  history  shows  that  at  about  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era  the  Island  Empire  was  in  a  very  uncentralized  state  and  that  the 
sway  of  the  Yamato  was  still  far  from  receiving  general  recognition.  A  great 
Japanese  scholar  2  has  contended  that  the  centralization  which  prevailed  in 
later  ages  was  wholly  an  imitation  of  Chinese  bureaucracy,  and  that  organized 
feudalism  was  the  original  form  of  government  in  Japan.  The  annals  appear 
to  support  that  view  to  a  limited  extent,  but  the  subject  will  presently  be  dis- 
cussed at  greater  length. 

IRAIMENT^UO 
,,T      i...' boiSToaTQp.uJ'-ie  lo  ahiuiietnganBa  .M^dT     .JfiaTj'flib;.  '_i.ijl J] 

In  the  use  of  clothing  and  the  specialization  of  garments  the  early  Japanese 
had  reached  a  high  level.  We  read  in  the  ancient  legends  of  upper  garments, 
skirts,  trousers,  anklets,  and  head-ornaments  of  stones  considered  precious."1 
The  principal  material  of  wearing  apparel  was  cloth  woven  from  threads  of  hemp 
and  mulberry  bark.  According  to  the  annals,  the  arts  of  spinning,  weaving, 
t1  B.  H.  Chamberlain.]  [2  Hirata  Atsutane.] 


68  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  dyeing  were  known  and  practised  from  the  earliest  age.  The  Sun  goddess 
herself  is  depicted  as  seated  in  the  hall  of  the  sacred  loom,  reeling  silk  from  co- 
coons held  in  her  mouth,  and  at  the  ceremony  of  enticing  her  from  her  retirement, 
the  weaving  of  blue-and-white  stuffs  constituted  an  important  adjunct.  Terms 
are  used  (akarurtae  and  teru-tae)  which  show  that  colour  and  lustre  were  esteemed 
as  much  as  quality.  Ara-tae  and  nigi-tae  were  the  names  used  to  designate 
coarse  and  fine  cloth  respectively;  striped  stuff  was  called  shidori,  and  the  name 
of  a  princess,  Taku-hata-chiji,  goes  to  show  that  corrugated  cloth  was  woven 
from  the  bark  of  the  taku.  Silken  fabrics  were  manufactured,  but  the  device 
of  boiling  the  cocoons  had  not  yet  been  invented.  They  were  held  in  the  mouth 
for  spinning  purposes,  and  the  threads  thus  obtained  being  coarse  and  uneven, 
the  loom  could  not  produce  good  results.  Silk  stuffs  therefore  did  not  find  much 
favour:  they  were  employed  chiefly  for  making  cushions,  cloth  woven  from 
cotton,  hemp,  or  mulberry  bark  being  preferred  for  raiment.  Pure  white  was 
the  favourite  colour;  red,  blue,  and  black  being  placed  in  a  lower  rank  in  that 
order.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  furs  and  skins  were  worn,  but  there  is  no 
explicit  mention  of  anything  of  the  kind.  It  would  seem  that  their  use  was 
limited  to  making  rugs  and  covering  utensils.1  Sewing  is  not  explicitly  referred 
to,  but  the  needle  is;  and  in  spite  of  an  assertion  to  the  contrary  made  by  the 
Chinese  author  of  the  Shan-hai-ching  (written  in  the  fourth  century  A.D.)  there  is 
no  valid  reason  to  doubt  that  the  process  of  sewing  was  familiar. 

As  to  the  form  of  the  garments  worn,  the  principal  were  the  hakama  and  the 
koromo.  The  hakama  was  a  species  of  divided  skirt,  used  by  men  and  women 
alike.  It  has  preserved  its  shape  from  age  to  age,  and  is  to-day  worn  by  school- 
girls throughout  Japan.  The  koromo  was  a  tunic  having  tight  sleeves  reaching 
nearly  to  the  knees.  It  was  folded  across  the  breast  from  right  to  left  and  secured 
by  a  belt  of  cloth  or  silk  tied  round  the  loins.  Veils  also  were  used  by  both 
sexes,  one  kind  (the  katsugi)  having  been  voluminous  enough  to  cover  the  whole 
body.  "Combs  are  mentioned,  and  it  is  evident  that  much  attention  was  de- 
voted to  the  dressing  of  the  hair."  2  Men  divided  theirs  in  the  middle  and 
bound  it  up  in  two  bunches,  one  over  each  ear.  Youths  tied  theirs  into  a  top- 
knot; girls  wore  their  locks  hanging  down  the  back  but  bound  together  at  the 
neck,  and  married  ladies  "dressed  theirs  after  a  fashion  which  apparently  com- 
bined the  last  two  methods."  Decoration  of  the  head  was  carried  far  on  cere- 
monial occasions,  gems,  veils,  and  even  coronets  being  used  for  the  purpose. 
"There  is  no  mention  in  any  of  the  old  books  of  cutting  the  hair  or  beard  except 
in  token  of  disgrace;  neither  do  we  gather  that  the  sexes,  but  for  this  matter  of 
head-dress,  were  distinguished  by  a  diversity  of  apparel  or  ornamentation."  3 


-terit  lute  jY^r.-iomr/rud  swonifl'!)  '!»>  fioit/Uunr  r,i- 

!m>q*;t  r   FOOD  AND  DRINK    ;  [^ni^ho  iff 

Rice  was  the  great  staple  of  diet  in  ancient,  as  it  is  in  modern,  times.  The 
importance  attaching  to  it  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Sun  goddess  herself  is 
represented  as  engaging  in  its  cultivation  and  that  injuring  a  rice-field  was  among 

I1  In  China  the  case  was  different.  There,  garments  made  of  skins  or  covered  with  feathers 
were  worn  in  remote  antiquity  before  the  art  of  weaving  had  become  known.  The  Records 
recount  that  in  the  age  of  the  Kami  '  '  there  came  "  (to  Japan)  '  '  riding  on  the  crest  of  the  waves, 
a  ^?r'*  "rc?>se"  *n  ?kins  of  geese,"  and  this  passage  has  been  quoted  as  showing  that  skins  were 
usod  for  garments  in  Japan.  But  it  is  pointed  out  by  Japanese  commentators  that  this  Kami 
•  Sukuna-bikona  —  is  explicitly  stated  to  have  come  from  a  foreign  country,  and  that  if  the 
passage  warrants  any  inference,  it  is  that  the  visitor's  place  of  departure  had  been  China.] 

*B.  H.  Chamberlain.J 

(3B.  H.  Chamberlain] 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  IN  .REMOTE  ANTIQUITY  69 

the  greatest  offences.  Barley,  millet,  wheat,  and  beans  are  mentioned,  but  the 
evidence  that  they  were  grown  largely  in  remote  antiquity  is  not  conclusive. 
The  flesh  of  animals  and  birds  was  eaten,  venison  and  wild  boar  being  particular- 
ly esteemed.  Indeed,  so  extensively  was  the  hunting  of  deer  practised  that 
bows  and  arrows  were  often  called  kago-yumi  and  kago-ya  (kago  signifies 
"deer").  Fish,  however,  constituted  a  much  more  important  staple  of  diet 
than  flesh,  and  fishing  in  the  abundantly  stocked  seas  that  surround  the  Japanese 
islands  was  largely  engaged  in.  Horses  and  cattle  were  not  killed  for  food.  It 
is  recorded  in  the  Kogo-shui  that  the  butchering  of  oxen  to  furnish  meat  for 
workers  in  a  rice-field  roused  the  resentment  of  a  Kami  called  Mitoshi.  There 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  any  religious  or  superstitious  scruple  connected 
with  this  abstention :  the  animals  were  spared  simply  because  of  their  usefulness. 
Vegetables  occupied  a  large  space  in  the  list  of  articles  of  food.  There  were 
the  radish,  the  cabbage,  the  lotus,  the  melon,  and  the  wild  garlic,  as  well  as  as 
several  kinds  of  seaweed.  Salt  was  used  for  seasoning,  the  process  of  its  manu- 
facture having  been  familiar  from  the  earliest  times.  Only  one  kind  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquor  was  ever  known  in  Japan  until  the  opening  of  intercourse  with  the 
Occident.  It  was  a  kind  of  beer  brewed  :  from  rice  and  called  sake.  The  pro- 
cess is  said  to  have  been  taught  by  Sukuna,  who,  as  shown  above,  came  to  Japan 
from  a  foreign  country  —  probably  China  —  when  the  Kami,  Okuni-nushi,  was 
establishing  order  in  the  Japanese  islands. 

COOKING  AND  TABLE  EQUIPAGE 

. 

From  time  immemorial  there  were  among  the  officials  at  the  Imperial  Court 
men  called  kashiwa-de,  or  oak-leaf  hands.  They  had  charge  of  the  food  and 
drink,  and  their  appellation  was  derived  from  the  fact  that  rice  and  other  edibles 
were  usually  served  on  oak  leaves.  Earthenware  utensils  were  used,  but  their 
surface,  not  being  glazed,  was  not  allowed  to  come  into  direct  contact  with  the 
viands  placed  on  them.  In  this  practice  another  example  is  seen  of  the  love  of 
cleanliness  that  has  always  characterized  and  distinguished  the  Japanese  nation. 
Edibles  having  been  thus  served,  the  vessels  containing  them  were  ranged  on  a 
table,  one  for  each  person,  and  chop-sticks  were  used.  Everything  was  cooked, 
with  the  exception  of  certain  vegetables  and  a  few  varieties  of  fish.  Friction  of 
wood  upon  wood  provided  fire,  a  fact  attested  by  the  name  of  the  tree  chiefly 
used  for  the  purpose,  hi-no-ki,  or  fire-tree.  To  this  day  the  same  method  of  ob- 
taining a  spark  is  practised  at  the  principal  religious  ceremonials.  Striking 
metal  upon  stone  was  another  device  for  the  same  purpose,  and  there  is  no  record 
in  Japan,  as  there  is  in  China,  of  any  age  when  food  was  not  cooked.  Various 
vessels  of  unglazed  pottery  are  mentioned  in  the  Records,  as  bowls,  plates,  jars, 
and  wine-holders,  the  last  being  often  made  of  metal.  These  were  all  included 
in  the  term  suemono,  which  may  be  translated  "table-utensils." 
- 

ARMS,  ARMOUR,  AND  GEMS 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  archaeological  research  shows  the  Yamato 
race  to  have  been  in  possession  of  iron  swords  and  spears,  as  well  as  metal  armour 

[l  The  term  for  "brew"  being  kamu  or  kamosu,  the  former  of  which  is  homonymous  with 
the  equivalent  for  "to  chew,"  some  commentators  have  supposed  that  sake  was  manufactured 
in  early  times  by  grinding  rice  with  the  teeth.  This  is  at  once  disproved  by  the  term  for 
"yeast,"  namely,  kabi-tachi  (fermenting).] 


70  HISTORY  OP -THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  shields,  from  a  very  early  period,  probably  the  date  of  these  colonists'  first 
coming  to  Japan.  They  also  used  saddles,  stirrups,  bridles,  and  bits  for  horses, 
so  that  a  Yamato  warrior  in  full  mail  and  with  complete  equipment  was  perhaps 
as  formidable  a  fighting  man  as  any  contemporary  nation  could  produce.  Bows 
and  arrows  were  also  in  use.  The  latter,  tipped  with  iron  or  stone  and  feathered, 
were  carried  in  a  quiver.  The  swords  employed  by  men  were  originally  double- 
edged.  Their  names  l  show  that  they  were  used  alike  for  cutting  and  thrusting, 
and  that  they  varied  in  length  from  ten  "  hands  "  to  five.  There  was  also  a  small 
single-edged  sword  2  carried  by  women  and  fastened  inside  the  robe.  The 
value  attached  to  the  sword  is  attested  by  numerous  appellations  given  to  blades 
of  special  quality.  In  later  times  the  two-edged  sword  virtually  fell  out  of  use, 
being  replaced  by  the  single-edged. 

Sometimes  a  spear  was  decorated  with  gems.  It  is  curious  that  gems  should 
have  been  profusely  used  for  personal  adornment  in  ancient  times  by  people 
who  subsequently  eschewed  the  custom  well-nigh  altogether,  as  the  Japanese 
did.  The  subject  has  already  been  referred  to  in  the  archaeological  section,  but 
it  may  be  added  here  that  there  were  guilds  of  gem-makers  (Tama-tsukuri-be)  in 
several  provinces,  and  that,  apart  from  imported  minerals,  the  materials  with 
which  they  worked  were  coral,  quartz,  amber,  gold,  silver,  and  certain  pebbles 
found  in  Izumo. 

AGRICULTURE  AND  INDUSTRY 

It  appears  that  when  the  Yamato  immigrants  reached  Japan,  the  coast  lands 
were  overgrown  with  reeds  and  the  greater  part  of  the  island  was  covered  with 
primeval  forests.  Fabulous  accounts  are  given  of  monster  trees.  Thus,  in  the 
Tsukushi  Fudoki  we  read  of  an  oak  in  Chikugo  which  towered  to  a  height  of 
9700  feet,  its  branches  shading  the  peaks  of  Hizen  in  the  morning  and  the  moun- 
tains of  Higo  in  the  evening.  The  Konjaku  Monogatari  tells  of  another  oak  with 
a  stem  measuring  3000  feet  in  circumference  and  casting  its  shadow  over  Tamba 
at  dawn  and  on  Ise  at  sunset.  In  the  Fudoki  of  other  provinces  reference  is  made 
to  forest  giants  in  Harima,  Bungo,  Hitachi,  etc.,  and  when  full  allowance  has 
been  made  for  the  exaggerations  of  tradition,  there  remains  enough  to  indicate 
that  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  did  not  attempt  any  work  of  reclamation. 

Over  regions  measuring  scores  of  miles  perpetual  darkness  reigned,  and  large 
districts  were  often  submerged  by  the  overflow  of  rivers.  There  is  no  mention, 
however,  of  a  deluge,  and  Professor  Chamberlain  has  called  attention  to  the  re- 
markable fact  that  a  so-called  "Altaic  myth"  finds  no  place  in  the  traditions  of 
"the  oldest  of  the  undoubtedly  Altaic  nations." 

The  annals  are  eloquent  in  their  accounts  of  the  peopling  of  the  forests  by 
wild  and  fierce  animals  and  the  infesting  of  the  vallies  by  noxious  reptiles.  The 
Nihongi,  several  of  the  Fudoki,  the  Konjaku  Monogatari,  etc.,  speak  of  an  eight- 
headed  snake  in  Izumo,  of  a  horned  serpent  in  Hitachi,  and  of  big  snakes  in 
Yamato,  Mimasaka,  Bungo,  and  other  provinces;  while  the  Nihon  Bummei 
Shiryaku  tells  of  wolves,  bears,  monkeys,  monster  centipedes,  whales,  etc.,  in 
Harima,  Hida,  Izumo,  Oki,  Tajima,  and  Kaga.  In  some  cases  these  gigantic 
serpents  were  probably  bandit  chiefs  transfigured  into  reptiles  by  tradition,  but 
of  the  broad  fact  that  the  country  was,  for  the  most  part,  in  a  state  of  natural 
wilderness  there  can  be  little  doubt. 

Tsurugi  (to  pierce)  and  tachi  (to  cut).] 

This  was  originally  called  himo-kala-ha,  which  literally  means  "cord  single  edge." 
subsequently  kala-ha  became  katana,  by  which  term  all  Japanese  swords  are  now  known.] 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  IN  REMOTE  ANTIQUITY  71 

Under  the  sway  of  the  Yamato,  however,  a  great  change  was  gradually  effect- 
ed. Frequent  allusions  are  made  to  the  encouragement  of  agriculture  and  even 
its  direct  pursuit  by  the  Kami.  The  Sun  goddess  is  represented  as  having  ob- 
tained seeds  of  the  five  cereals  from  the  female  Kami,  Ukemochi,1  and  as  having 
appointed  a  village  chief  to  superintend  their  culture.  She  had  three  regions 
of  her  own  specially  devoted  to  rice  growing,  and  her  unruly  brother,  Susanoo, 
had  a  similar  number,  but  the  latter  proved  barren.  The  same  goddess  inaugu- 
rated sericulture,  and  entrusted  the  care  of  it  to  a  princess,  who  caused  mulberry 
trees  to  be  planted  and  was  able  to  present  silk  fabrics  to  Amaterasu.  In  the 
reign  of  Jimmu,  hemp  is  said  to  have  been  cultivated,  and  Susanoo,  after  his 
reformation,  became  the  guardian  of  forests,  one  of  his  functions  being  to  fix  the 
uses  of  the  various  trees,  as  pine  and  hinoki  (ground-cypress)  for  house  building, 
maki  (podocarpus  Chinensis)  for  coffin  making,  and  camphor-wood  for  construct- 
ing boats.  He  also  planted  various  kinds  of  fruit-trees.  Thenceforth  successive 
sovereigns  encouraged  agriculture,  so  that  the  face  of  the  country  was  materially 
changed. 

In  the  matter  of  farming  implements,  however,  neither  archaeology  nor 
history  indicates  anything  more  than  iron  spades,  wooden  hoes  shod  with  bronze 
or  iron,  hand-ploughs,  and  axes.  As  to  manufacturing  industries,  there  were 
spinners  and  weavers  of  cotton  and  silk,  makers  of  kitchen  utensils,  polishers  of 
gems,  workers  in  gold,  silver,  copper,  and  iron,  forgers  of  arms  and  armour, 
potters  of  ornamental  vessels,  and  dressers  of  leather.  In  later  eras  the  persons 
skilled  in  these  various  enterprises  formed  themselves  into  guilds  (be),  each  of 
which  carried  on  its  own  industry  from  generation  to  generation. 

The  fact  that  there  must  have  been  an  exchange  of  goods  between  these 
various  groups  is  almost  the  only  indication  furnished  by  the  annals  as  to  trade 
or  commerce.  In  the  name  of  a  daughter  of  Susa  (Princess  Kamu-o-ichi)  we 
find  a  suggestion  that  markets  (ichi)  existed,  and  according  to  the  Wei  Records 
(A.D.  211-265)  there  were,  at  that  time,  "in  each  province  of  Japan  markets  where 
the  people  exchanged  their  superfluous  produce  for  articles  of  which  they  were 
in  need."  But  Japanese  history  is  silent  on  this  subject. 

About  the  be,  however,  a  great  deal  is  heard.  It  may  be  described  as  a 
'corporated  association  having  for  purpose  the  securing  of  efficiency  by  specializa- 
tion. Its  members  seem  to  have  been  at  the  outset  men  who  independently 
pursued  some  branch  of  industry.  These  being  ultimately  formed  into  a  guild, 
carried  on  the  same  pursuit  from  generation  to  generation  under  a  chief  officially 
appointed.  "Potters,  makers  of  stone  coffins,  of  shields,  of  arrows,  of  swords, 
of  mirrors,  saddlers,  painters,  weavers,  seamstresses,  local  recorders,  scribes, 
farmers,  fleshers,  horse-keepers,  bird-feeders,  the  mibu  who  provided  wet-nurses 
for  Imperial  princes,  palace  attendants,  and  reciters  (katari)  were  organized  in- 
to be  under  special  chiefs  who  were  probably  responsible  for  their  efficient  ser- 
vices. It  would  appear,  however,  that  'chief  of  be'  was  sometimes  a  title  be- 
stowed for  exceptional  service  and  that  it  was  occasionally  posthumous."2 

Be  were  also  organized  for  the  purpose  of  commemorating  a  name  quite 
irrespective  of  industrial  pursuits.  "The  religious  be  were  for  general  or  special 
purposes.  For  instance,  there  was  a  be  of  sun-worshippers,  while  the  Imibe,  a 
body  of  abstainers,  were  obliged  to  avoid  ritual  contamination  or  impurity. 
They  carried  out  a  technique  of  spiritual  aseptics,  both  in  their  persons  and 

[l  The  Sun  goddess,  Amaterasu,  and  the  goddess  of  Food  (Ukemochi  no  Kami)  are  the  two 
deities  now  worshipped  at  the  great  shrine  of  Ise.] 
[2  Munro.] 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

through  the  utensils  which  they  employed,  much  as  a  modern  surgeon  guards 
against  infection  of  his  patient.  Thus  they  were  prepared  to  perform  sacred 
functions."  l 

NAVIGATION  AND  FISHING 

No  information  is  obtainable  as  to  the  nature  of  the  boats  used  in  very  early 
times,  but  it  may  reasonably  be  inferred  that  the  Yamato  and  other  immigrant 
races  possessed  craft  of  some  capacity.  Several  names  of  boats  are  incident ly 
mentioned.  They  evidently  refer  to  the  speed  of  the  craft- — as  bird-boat 
(tori-func),  pigeon-boat  (hato-fune)  —  or  to  the  material  employed,  as  "rock- 
camphor  boat"  (iwa-kusu-bune) .  "The  presence  of  neolithic  remains  on  tho 
islands  around  Japan  proves  that  the  boats  of  the  primitive  people  were  large 
enough  to  traverse  fifty  miles,  or  more,  of  open  sea."2  Only  one  distinct 
reference  to  sailing  occurs,  however,  in  the  ancient  annals.  On  the  occasion  of 
the  alleged  expedition  to  Korea  (A.D.  200)  under  the  Empress  Jingo,  the  Chronicles 
say,  "Sail  was  set  from  the  harbour  of  Wani."  At  a  date  nearly  three  centuries 
earlier,  there  appears  to  have  been  a  marked  deficiency  of  coasting  vessels,  for 
the  Chronicles  quote  an  Imperial  decree  issued  B.C.  81,  which  says:  "Ships  are 
of  cardinal  importance  to  the  Empire.  At  present  the  people  of  the  coast,  not 
having  ships,  suffer  grievously  by  land  transport.  Therefore  let  every  province 
be  caused  to  have  ships  built;"  3  and  it  is  related  that,  a  few  months  later,  the 
building  of  ships  was  begun.  Again,  in  A.D.  274,  a  vessel  (the  Karano)  one  hundred 
feet  in  length,  was  constructed  in  the  province  of  Izu,  and  twenty-six  years  later, 
according  to  the  Chronicles,  the  Emperor  issued  this  order:  "The  Government 
ship  named  Karano  was  sent  as  tribute  by  the  Lord  of  Izu.  It  is  rotten  and  un- 
fit for  use.  It  has,  however,  been  in  the  Government  use  for  a  long  time,  and 
its  services  should  not  be  forgotten.  Shall  we  not  keep  the  name  of  that  ship 
from  being  lost  and  hand  it  down  to  after  ages?"  The  Karano  was  then  broken 
and  her  timbers  being  employed  as  firewood  for  roasting  salt,  the  latter  was 
given  to  the  various  provinces,  which,  in  return,  were  caused  to  build  ships  for 
the  State,  the  result  being  a  fleet  of  five  hundred  vessels. 

It  would  seem  that  there  was  always  an  abundance  of  fishing-boats,  for  fish- 
ing by  traps,  hooks,  and  nets  was  industriously  carried  on.  A  passage  in  the 
Records  speaks  of  a  thousand-fathom  rope  of  paper-mulberry  which  was  used 
to  draw  the  net  in  perch  fishing.  Spearing  was  also  practised  by  fishermen,  and 
in  the  rivers  cormorants  were  used  just  as  they  are  to-day. 


MARRIAGE 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  marriage  tie  possessed  any  grave  significance  in 
ancient  Japan,  or  that  any  wedding  ceremony  was  performed;  unless,  indeed, 
the  three  circuits  made  by  Izanagi  and  Izanami  prior  to  cohabitation  round  a 
"  heavenly  august  pillar"  be  interpreted  as  the  circumambulatory  rite  observed 
in  certain  primitive  societies.  Pouring  water  over  a  bride  seems,  however,  to 
have  been  practised  and  is  still  customary  in  some  provinces,  though  as  to  its 
antiquity  nothing  can  be  said.  An  exchange  of  presents  is  the  only  fact  made 
clear  by  the  annals.  There  did  not  exist  in  Japan,  as  in  China,  a  veto  on  mar- 
riages between  people  of  the  same  tribe,  but  this  difference  does  not  signify  any 
reproach  to  Japan:  the  interdict  was  purely  political  in  China's  case,  and  corre- 
sponding conditions  did  not  exist  in  Japan. 

f:  ' 

['Munro.J  p  Aston 's  Nihongi.]  p  Aston's  Nihongi.] 


73 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Japanese  system  permitted  a  degree  of  licence  which 
in  the  Occident  is  called  incest:  brothers  and  sisters  might  intermarry  provided 
that  they  had  not  been  brought  up  together.  To  understand  this  condition  it 
is  necessary  to  observe  that  a  bride  generally  continued  to  live  in  her  family 
dwelling  where  she  received  her  husband 's  visits,  and  since  there  was  nothing  to 
prevent  a  husband  from  contracting  many  such  alliances,  it  was  possible  for 
him  to  have  several  groups  of  children,  the  members  of  each  group  being  alto-j 
gether  unknown  to  the  members  of  all  the  rest.  In  a  later,  but  not  definitely 
ascertained  era,  it  became  customary  for  a  husband  to  take  his  wife  to  his  own 
home,  and  thereafter  the  veto  upon  such  unions  soon  became  imperative,  so  that 
a  Prince  Imperial  in  the  fifth  century  who  cohabited  with  his  sister  forfeited  the 
succession  and  had  to  commit  suicide,  his  conduct  being  described  in  the  Chron- 
icles as  "a  barbarous  outrage." 

In  all  eras  sisters  might  marry  the  same  man,  and  polygamy  was  common. 
A  Chinese  book,  compiled  in  the  early  years  of  the  Christian  epoch,  speaks  of 
women  being  so  numerous  in  Japan  that  nobles  had  four  or  five  wives  and  com- 
moners two  or  three.  Of  course,  the  reason  assigned  for  this  custom  is  incorrect: 
not  plenitude  of  females  but  desire  of  abundant  progeny  was  primarily  the  cause. 
It  is  notable  that  although  the  line  between  nobles  and  commoners  was  strictly 
drawn  and  rigidly  observed,  it  did  not  extend  to  marriage  in  one  sense :  a  noble- 
man could  always  take  a  wife  or  a  concubine  from  the  family  of  an  inferior.  In 
fact,  orders  were  commonly  issued  to  this  or  that  province  to  furnish  so  many 
ladies-in-waiting  (uneme)  —  a  term  having  deeper  significance  than  it  suggests  — 
and  several  instances  are  recorded  of  sovereigns  summoning  to  court  girls  famed 
for  beauty.  That  no  distinction  was  made  between  wives  and  concubines  has 
been  alleged,  but  is  not  confirmed  by  the  annals.  Differentiation  by  rank 
appears  to  have  been  always  practised,  and  the  offspring  was  certainly  thus 
distinguished. 

BIRTH  AND  EDUCATIOrf>nJi 

fc-iasrnwnol  .    urns  ul.)  wdajuq-^odj xil 

A  child  in  ancient  Japan  was  born  under  considerable  difficulties:  its  mother 

had  to  segregate  herself  in  a  parturition  hut  (ubuya),  whence  even  light  was  ex- 
cluded and  where  she  was  cut  off  from  all  attendance.  This  strange  custom  was 
an  outcome  of  the  Shinto  canon  of  purity.  Soon  after  birth,  a  child  received 
from  its  mother  a  name  "generally  containing  some  appropriate  personal  refer- 
ence. In  the  most  ancient  times  each  person  (so  far  as  we  can  judge)  bore  one 
name,  or  rather  one  string  of  words  compounded  together  into  a  sort  of  personal 
designation.  But  already  at  the  dawn  of  the  historical  epoch  we  are  met  by  the 
mention  of  surnames  and  of  'gentile  names/  bestowed  by  the  sovereign  as  a 
recompense  for  some  noteworthy  deed."1  These  names  constantly  occur.  The 
principal  of  them  are  suzerain  (atae),  departmental  suzerain  (agata-no-atae) , 
departmental  lord  (agata-no-nushi) ,  Court  noble  (ason),  territorial  lord 
(inaki),  lord  (iratsuko),  lady  .(iratsume),  duke  (kimi),  ruler  (miyatsuko) , 
chief  (muraji),  grandee  (omi),  noble  (sukune),  and  lord  (wake).  In  the 
case  of  the  Emperors  there  are  also  canonical  names,  which  were  applied  at  a 
comparatively  late  date  in  imitation  of  Chinese  usages,  and  which  may  be  said 
to  have  completely  replaced  the  names  borne  during  life.  Thus,  the  Emperor 
known  to  posterity  as  Jimmu  was  called  I  ware  in  lifej  the  Emperor  named 
Homuda  while  he  sat  on  the  throne  is  now  designated  Ojin,  and  the  Emperor 
who  ruled  as  Osazaki  is  remembered  as  Nintoku.  In  the  Imperial  family,  and 

PB-.H.  Chamberlain.-; 


H  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

doubtless  in  the  households  of  the  nobility,  wet-nurses  were  employed,  if  neces- 
sary, as  also  were  bathing- women,  washing-women,  and  rice-chewers.1 

"  To  what  we  should  call  education,  whether  mental  or  physical,  there  is  :ib- 
solutely  no  reference  made  in  the  histories.  All  that  can  be  inferred  is  that, 
whon  old  enough  to  do  so;  the  boys  began  to  follow  one  of  the  callings  of  hunter 
or  fisherman,  while  the  girls  stayed  at  home  weaving  the  garments  of  the  family. 
There  was  a  great  deal  of  fighting,  generally  of  a  treacherous  kind,  in  the  intervals 

of  which  the  warriors  occupied  themselves  in  cultivating  patches  of  ground."2 

• 

BURIAL  OF  THE  DEAD 

Burial  rites  were  important  ceremonials.  The  house  hitherto  tenanted  by 
the  deceased  was  abandoned  —  a  custom  exemplified  in  the  removal  of  the  capi- 
tal to  a  new  site  at  the  commencement  of  each  reign  —  and  the  body  was  trans- 
ferred to  a  specially  erected  mourning-hut  draped  inside  with  fine,  white  cloth. 
The  relatives  and  friends  then  assembled,  and  for  several  days  performed  a 
ceremony  which  resembled  an  Irish  wake,  food  and  sake  being  offered  to  the 
spirit  of  the  dead,  prayers  put  up,  and  the  intervals  devoted  to  weird  singing 
and  solemn  dancing.  Wooden  coffins  appear  to  have  been  used  until  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Christian  era,  when  stone  is  said  to  have  come  into  vogue. 

At  the  obsequies  of  nobles  there  was  considerable  organization.  Men 
(mike-hito)  were  duly  told  off  to  take  charge  of  the  offerings  of  food  and  liquor; 
others  (kisari-mochi)  were  appointed  to  carry  the  viands;  others  (hahaki-mochi) 
carried  brooms  to  sweep  the  cemetery;  there  were  females  (usu-me)  who  pounded 
rice,  and  females  (naki-me)  who  sung  dirges  interspersed  with  eulogies  of  the 
deceased.  The  Records  mention  that  at  the  burial  of  Prince  Waka  a  number  of 
birds  were  used  instead  of  these  female  threnodists.  It  appears,  further,  that 
those  following  a  funeral  walked  round  the  coffin  waving  blue-and-red  banners, 
carrying  lighted  torches,  and  playing  music. 

In  the  sepulchres  the  arms,  utensils,  and  ornaments  used  daily  by  the  deceased 
were  interred,  and  it  was  customary  to  bury  alive  around  the  tombs  of  Imperial 
personages  and  great  nobles  a  number  of  the  deceased 's  principal  retainers.  The 
latter  inhuman  habit  was  nominally  abandoned  at  the  close  of  the  last  century 
before  Christ,  images  of  baked  clay  being  substituted  for  human  sacrifices,  but 
the  spirit  which  informed  the  habit  survived,  and  even  down  to  modem  times 
there  were  instances  of  men  and  women  committing  suicide  for  the  purpose  of 
rejoining  the  deceased  beyond  the  grave.  As  to  the  nature  of  the  tombs  raised 
over  the  dead,  the  main  facts  have  been  stated  in  Chapter  VI. 

yffT 

TEETH  BLACKENING  AND  FACE  PAINTING 

The  habit  of  blackening  the  teeth  has  long  prevailed  among  married  women 
in  Japan,  but  the  Yamato  tombs  have  thus  far  furnished  only  one  example  of  the 
pract  ire,  and  no  mention  occurs  in  the  ancient  annals.  Face  painting,  however, 
would  seem  to  have  been  indulged  in  by  both  sexes.  Several  of  the  pottery 
images  (haniwa)  taken  from  the  tombs  indicate  that  red  pigment  was  freely  and 
invariably  used  for  that  purpose.  It  was  applied  in  broad  streaks  or  large 

['  "Rice,  which  is  mainly  carbohydrate,  is  transformed  into  grape-sugar  by  the  action  of 
the  saliva.  This  practice  is  still  common  in  China  and  used  to  be  so  in  Japan  where  it  is  now 
rarely  met  with.  It  was  employed  only  until  dentition  was  complete."  (Munro.)] 

PB.  H.  Chamberlain.] 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  IN  REMOTE  ANTIQUITY  75. 

patches,  the  former  encircling  the  face  or  forming  bands  across  it;  the  latter, 
covering  the  eyes  or  triangulating  the  cheeks.  It  is  probable  that  this  bizarre 
decoration  was  used  only  on  ceremonial  occasions  and  that  it  appears  in  a  great- 
ly accentuated  form  on  the  haniwa. 

^\ 

'.".;. 

AMUSEMENTS 

,  : 

As  to  amusements  in  prehistoric  times  little  information  is  furnished.  Hunt- 
ing the  boar  and  the  stag  was  the  principal  pastime,  and  hawking  is  described  as 
having  been  practised  in  the  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  era.  Music  and 
dancing  seem  to  have  been  in  vogue  from  time  immemorial,  but  there  is  nothing 
to  tell  what  kind  of  musical  instruments  were  in  the  hands  of  the  early  Yamato. 
The  koto,  a  kind  of  horizontal  lute,  and  the  flute  are  spoken  of  in  the  Chronicles, 
but  the  date  of  their  introduction  is  not  indicated.  Wrestling,  cockfighting  (with 
metal  spurs),  picnics,  a  kind  of  drafts,  gambling  with  dice,  and  football  are  all 
referred  to,  and  were  probably  indulged  in  from  a  very  early  date. 

SLAVERY 

The  institution  of  slavery  existed  among  the  Yamato.     It  will  be  presently 

spoken  of. 

i  arnato../  a.  a-|'i«'-:ir^  iny;    u?  ui;'  •••£-•"  "iv-:.  ?.;;,:  wtiolo 

POSITION  OF  WOMEN 

. 

There  is  evidence  to  show  that  in  the  prehistoric  age  a  high  position  was 
accorded  to  women  and  that  their  rights  received  large  recognition.  The  facts 
that  the  first  place  in  the  Japanese  pantheon  was  assigned  to  a  goddess;  that  the 
throne  was  frequently  occupied  by  Empresses;  that  females  were  chiefs  of  tribes 
and  led  armies  on  campaign;  that  jealous  wives  turned  their  backs  upon  faith- 
less husbands;  that  mothers  chose  names  for  their  children  and  often  had  com- 
plete charge  of  their  upbringing  —  all  these  things  go  to  show  that  the  self- 
effacing  rank  taken  by  Japanese  women  in  later  ages  was  a  radical  departure 
from  the  original  canon  of  society.  It  is  not  to  be  inferred,  however,  that 
fidelity  to  the  nuptial  tie  imposed  any  check  on  extra-marital  relations  in  the  case 

of  men :  it  had  no  such  effect. 

:!t  not)  W'*K  on  ^aKs&ms  10 


1 1 

- 


njs 
h 


^ 

f --—        ^ 

"IKEBANA"  FLOWER  ARRANGEMENT 


roi/"-r,T  tef  3 

.    v.'.  v  y 

i>irt.B .'-. 
>* 

&'4& 


stn 

s'-.r»rn7r:              —  -' 
:>'—  -  -  37^-  ?1 


T    „ 
--          -   .  ^L^-jJIp^  ' 


ENTBANCB  TO  THE  TOMB  OF  TUB  EMPEBOB  JIMMU  IN  UNEBI-YAMA 


•>cf  Tfiw  tl 


oilt  snorns  i-' 
CHAPTER 


IX 


v 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS 

"«*/•'"  noitfeoq  rf^id  tf  ;»p,n  onolsfJiTif   uft  ::i  * .:;[}  "vo 

JIMMU 

IT  is  held  by  eminent  Japanese  historians  that  the  Emperor  Jimmu,  when  he 
set  out  for  Yamato,  did  not  contemplate  an  armed  campaign  but  merely  intend- 
ed to  change  his  capital  from  the  extreme  south  to  the  centre  of  the  country. 
This  theory  is  based  on  the  words  of  the  address  he  made  to  his  elder  brothers 
and  his  sons  when  inviting  them  to  accompany  him  on  the  expedition • — "Why 
should  we  not  proceed  to  Yamato  and  make  it  the  capital?"  —  and  on  the  fact 
that,  on  arriving  in  the  Kibi  district,  namely,  the  region  now  divided  into  the 
three  provinces  of  Bizen,  Bitchu,  and  Bingo,  he  made  a  stay  of  three  years  for  the 
purpose  of  amassing  an  army  and  provisioning  it,  the  perception  that  he  would 
have  to  fight  having  been  realized  for  the  first  time.  Subsequently  he  encountered 
strongest  resistance  at  the  hands  of  Prince  Nagasune,  whose  title  of  Hiko 
(Child  of  the  Sun)  showed  that  he  belonged  to  the  Yamato  race,  and  who 
exercised  military  control  under  the  authority  of  Nigihayahi,  elder  brother  of 
Jimmu 's  father.  This  Nigihayahi  had  been  despatched  from  the  continental 
realm  of  the  Yamato  —  wherever  that  may  have  been  —  at  a  date  prior  to  the 
despatch  of  his  younger  brother,  Ninigi,  for  the  purpose  of  subjugating  the 
"land  of  fair  rice-ears  and  fertile  reed  plains,"  but  of  the  incidents  of  his  expedi- 
tion history  takes  no  notice:  it  merely  shows  him  as  ruling  in  Yamato  at  the  time 
of  Jimmu 's  arrival  there,  and  describes  how  Nigihayahi,  having  been  con- 
vinced by  a  comparison  of  weapons  of  war  that  Jimmu  was  of  his  own  lineage, 
surrendered  the  authority  to  him  and  caused,  Prince  Nagasune  to  be  put  to  death. 

From  a  chronological  point  of  view  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  the  co-existence 
of  Jimmu  and  his  great-granduncle,  but  the  story  may  perhaps  be  accepted  in 
so  far  as  it  confirms  the  tradition  that,  in  prosecuting  his  Yamato  campaign, 
Jimmu  received  the  submission  of  several  chieftains  (Kami)  belonging  to  the 

76 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS^IH  77 

same  race  as  himself.  Reference  to  these  facts  is  essential  to  an  understanding 
of  the  class  distinctions  found  in  the  Japanese  social  system.  All  the  chieftains 
who  led  the  expedition  from  Kyushu  were  subsequently  designated  Tenshin  — 
a  term  which  may  be  conveniently  rendered  "Kami  of  the  descent"  —  and  all 
those  who,  like  Nigihayahi,  had  previously  been  in  occupation  of  the  country, 
were  styled  kum-tsu-Kami,  or  "territorial  Kami."  Another  method  of  dis- 
tinguishing was  to  include  the  former  in  the  Kwobetsu  and  the  latter  in  the  Shim- 
betsu  —  distinctions  which  will  be  more  fully  explained  hereafter  —  and  after 
apotheosis  the  members  of  these  two  classes  became  respectively  "deities  of 
heaven"  and  "deities  of  earth,"  a  distinction  possessing  historical  rather  than 
qualificatory  force. 

As  for  subdivisions,  the  head  of  a  Kwobetsu  family  had  the  title  of  omi 
(grandee)  and  the  head  of  a  Shimbetsu  family  that  of  muraji  (chief).  Thus,  the 
organization  of  the  State  depended  primarily  on  the  principle  of  ancestor  wor- 
ship. The  sceptre  descended  by  divine  right  without  any  regard  to  its  holder's 
competence,  while  the  administrative  posts  were  filled  by  men  of  the  same  race 
with  a  similar  hereditary  title.  Aliens  like  the  Yezo,  the  Tsuchi-gumo,  and  the 
Kumaso  were  either  exterminated  or  made  slaves  (nuhi). 

• 

THE  TERM  "YAMATO" 

• 

As  to  the  term  "  Yamato,"  it  appears  that,  in  the  earliest  times,  the  whole 
country  now  called  Japan  was  known  as  Yamato,  and  that  subsequently  the 
designation  became  restricted  to  the  province  which  became  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. The  Chinese,  when  they  first  took  cognizance  of  the  islands  lying  on  their 
east,  seem  to  have  applied  the  name  Wado  —  pronounced  "Yamato"  by  the 
Japanese  —  to  the  tribes  inhabiting  the  western  shores  of  Japan,  namely,  the 
Kumaso  or  the  Tsuchi-gumo,  and  in  writing  the  word  they  used  ideographs 
conveying  a  sense  of  contempt.  The  Japanese,  not  unnaturally,  changed  these 
ideographs  to  others  having  the  same  sounds  but  signifying  "great  peace."  At 
a  later  time  the  Chinese  or  the  Koreans  began  to  designate  these  eastern  islands, 
Jih-pen,  or  "Sunrise  Island,"  a  term  which,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  was  per- 
verted by  the  Dutch  into  Japan. 

. 

THE  FIRST  NINE  EMPERORS 

In  attempting  to  construct  coherent  annals  out  of  the  somewhat  fragmentary 
Japanese  histories  of  remote  ages,  the  student  is  immediately  confronted  by 
chronological  difficulties.  Apart  from  the  broad  fact  that  the  average  age  of  the 
first  seventeen  Emperors  from  Jimmu  downwards  is  109  years,  while  the  average 
age  of  the  next  seventeen  is  only  sixty-one  and  a  half  years,  there  are  irreconcil- 
able discrepancies  in  some  of  the  dates  themselves.  Thus,  according  to  the 
Records,  the  eighth  Emperor,  Kogen,  died  at  fifty-seven,  but  according  to  the 
Chronicles  he  ascended  the  throne  at  fifty-nine  and  reigned  fifty-six  years. 
Again,  whereas  the  ninth  sovereign,  Kaikwa,  is  by  the  Records  given  a  life  of  only 
sixty-three  years,  the  Chronicles  make  him  assume  the  sceptre  at  fifty-one  and 
wield  it  for  fifty-nine  years.  Such  conflicts  of  evidence  are  fatal  to  confidence. 
Nor  do  they  disappear  wholly  until  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  at  which 
time,  moreover,  the  incidents  of  Japanese  history  receive  their  first  confirmation 
from  the  history  of  China  and  Korea. 

It  is  therefore  not  extravagant  to  conclude  that  the  first  ten  and  a  half  cen- 


78  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

tunes  covered  by  Japanese  annals  must  "be  regarded  as  prehistoric.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  incidents  attributed  to  this  long  interval  are  not  by  any  means 
of  such  a  nature  as  to  suggest  deliberate  fabrication.  An  annalist  who  was  also 
a  courtier,  applying  himself  to  construct  the  story  of  his  sovereign 's  ancestors, 
would  naturally  be  disposed  to  embellish  his  pages  with  narratives  of  great 
exploits  and  brilliant  achievements.  Neither  the  Records  nor  the  Chronicles 
can  be  said  to  display  such  a  propensity  in  any  marked  degree.  The  Chronicles 
do,  indeed,  draw  upon  the  resources  of  Chinese  history  to  construct  ethical  codes 
and  scholarly  diction  for  their  Imperial  figures,  but  the  Records  show  no  traces 
of  adventitious  colour  nor  make  an  attempt  to  minimize  the  evil  and  magnify 
the  good. 

Thus,  while  it  is  evident  that  to  consolidate  Jimmu  's  conquest  and  to  estab- 
lish order  among  the  heterogeneous  elements  of  his  empire  he  must  have  been 
followed  by  rulers  of  character  and  prowess,  the  annals  show  nothing  of  the  kind. 
On  the  contrary,  the  reigns  of  his  eight  immediate  successors  are  barren  of  all 
striking  incident.  The  closing  chapter  of  Jimmu  himself  is  devoted  chiefly  to 
his  amours,  and  the  opening  page  in  the  life  of  his  immediate  successor,  Suisei, 
shows  that  the  latter  reached  the  throne  by  assassinating  his  elder  brother.  For 
the  rest,  the  annals  of  the  eight  sovereigns  who  reigned  during  the  interval  be- 
tween 561  and  98  B.C.  recount  mainly  the  polygamous  habits  of  these  rulers  and 
give  long  genealogies  of  the  noble  families  founded  by  their  offspring  —  a  dearth 
of  romance  which  bears  strong  witness  to  the  self-restraint  of  the  compilers. 
We  learn  incidentally  that  on  his  accession  each  sovereign  changed  the  site  of  his 
palace,  seldom  passing,  however,  beyond  the  limits  of  the  province  of  Yamato, 
and  we  learn,  also,  that  the  principle  of  primogeniture,  though  generally  observed, 
was  often  violated. 

HSU  FUH 

. 

A  Japanese  tradition  assigns  to  the  seventy-second  year  of  the  reign  of  Korei 
the  advent  of  a  Chinese  Taoist,  by  name  Hsu  Fuh.  Korei,  seventh  in  descent 
from  Jimmu,  held  the  sceptre  from  290  to  215  B.C.,  and  the  seventy-second  year 
of  his  reign  fell,  therefore,  in  219  B.C.  Now,  to  the  east  of  the  town  of  Shingu  in 
Kii  province,  at  a  place  on  the  seashore  in  the  vicinity  of  the  site  of  an  ancient 
castle,  there  stands  a  tomb  bearing  the  inscription  "Grave  of  Hsu  Fuh  from 
China,"  and  near  it  are  seven  tumuli  said  to  be  the  burial-places  of  Hsu's  com- 
panions. Chinese  history  states  that  Hsu  Fuh  was  a  learned  man  who  served 
the  first  Emperor  of  the  Chin  dynasty  (255-206  B.C.),  and  that  he  obtained  his 
sovereign 's  permission  to  sail  to  the  islands  of  the  east  in  search  of  the  elixir  of 
life.  Setting  out  from  Yentai  (the  present  Chefoo)  in  his  native  province  of 
Shantung,  Hsu  landed  at  Kumano  in  the  Kii  promontory,  and  failing  to  find  the 
elixir,  preferred  to  pass  his  life  in  Japan  rather  than  to  return  unsuccessful  to  the 
Court  of  the  tyranical  Chin  sovereign,  burner  of  the  books  and  builder  of  the 
Great  Wall.  A  poem  composed  in  the  Sung  dynasty  (A.D.  960-1280)  says  that 
when  Hsu  Fuh  set  out,  the  books  had  not  been  burned,  and  that  a  hundred 
volumes  thus  survived  in  his  keeping.  Of  course,  the  date  assigned  by  Japanese 
tradition  to  the  coming  of  Hsu  may  have  been  adapted  to  Chinese  history,  and 
it  therefore  furnishes  no  evidence  as  to  the  accuracy  of  the  Chronicles '  chronology. 
But  the  existence  of  the  tomb  may  be  regarded  as  proving  that  some  communica- 
tion took  place  between  China  and  Japan  at  that  remote  epoch.1 

I1  The  route  taken  by  Hsu  Fuh — namely,  from  Chefoo  down  the  China  Sea  and  round  the 
south  of  Japan  —  is  difficult  to  understand.] 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  79 

on 
THE  TENTH  EMPEROR,  SUJIN 

The  reign  of  this  sovereign  (97-30  B.C.)  is  the  first  eventful  period  since  the 
death  of  Jimmu.  It  is  memorable  for  the  reorganization  of  religious  rites;  for 
the  extension  of  the  effective  sway  of  the  Throne,  and  for  the  encouragement  of 
agriculture.  When  the  first  Emperor  installed  the  sacred  insignia  in  the  palace 
where  he  himself  dwelt,  the  instinct  of  filial  piety  and  the  principle  of  ancestor 
worship  were  scarcely  distinguishable.  But  as  time  passed  and  as  the  age  of  the 
Kami  became  more  remote,  a  feeling  of  awe  began  to  pervade  the  rites  more 
strongly  than  a  sense  of  family  affection,  and  the  idea  of  residing  and  worship- 
ping in  the  same  place  assumed  a  character  of  sacrilege.  This  may  have  been 
directly  suggested  by  a  pestilence  which,  decimating  the  nation,  was  interpreted 
as  implying  the  need  of  greater  purity.  A  replica  of  the  sacred  mirror  was 
manufactured,  and  the  grandson  of  the  great  worker  in  metal  —  Mahitotsu,  the 
"One-eyed"  —  was  ordered  to  forge  an  imitation  of  the  sacred  sword.  These 
imitations,  together  with  the  sacred  jewel,  were  kept  in  the  palace,  but  the  origi- 
nals were  transferred  to  Kasanui  in  Yamato,  where  a  shrine  for  the  worship  of 
the  Sun  goddess  had  been  built.  But  though  the  pestilence  was  stayed,  it 
brought  an  aftermath  of  lawlessness  and  produced  much  unrest  in  the  regions 
remote  from  Yamato.  Sujin  therefore  organized  a  great  military  movement, 
the  campaign  of  the  Shido  shogun,  or  "Generalissimo  of  the  four  Circuits."1 

The  leaders  chosen  for  this  task  were  all  members  of  the  Imperial  family  — 
a  great-uncle,  an  uncle,  a  younger  brother,  and  a  first  cousin  of  the  Emperor  — 
and  the  fields  of  operation  assigned  to  them  were:  first,  to  the  west  along  the 
northern  shore  of  the  Inland  Sea;  secondly,  to  the  northwest  into  Tamba, 
Tango,  and  Tajima;  thirdly,  to  the  north  along  the  sea  of  Japan,  and  finally  to 
the  east  along  the  route  now  known  as  the  Tokaido.  No  attempt  is  made  by  the 
writers  of  either  the  Records  or  the  Chronicles  to  describe  the  preparations  for 
this  extensive  campaign.  Tradition  seems  to  have  preserved  the  bare  fact  only. 

One  interesting  interlude  is  described,  however.  Before  the  first  body  of 
troops  had  passed  beyond  range  of  easy  communication  with  Mizugaki  in  Yama- 
to, where  the  Court  resided,  the  prince  in  command  heard  a  girl  singing  by  the 
wayside,  and  the  burden  of  her  song  seemed  to  imply  that,  while  foes  at  home 
menaced  the  capital,  foes  abroad  should  not  be  attacked.  The  prince,  halting 
his  forces,  returned  to  Mizugaki  to  take  counsel,  and  the  Emperor 's  aunt  inter- 
preted the  song  to  signify  that  his  Majesty's  half-brother,  Haniyasu,  who 
governed  the  adjacent  province  of  Yamato,  was  plotting  treason.  Then  all  the 
troops  having  been  recalled,  preparations  to  guard  the  capital  were  made,  and 
soon  afterwards,  news  came  that  Haniyasu,  at  the  head  of  an  army,  was  advan- 
cing from  the  direction  of  Yamashiro,  while  his  wife,  Ata,  was  leading  another 
force  from  Osaka,  the  plan  being  to  unite  the  two  armies  for  the  attack  on  Yama- 
to. The  Emperor's  generals  at  once  assumed  the  offensive.  They  moved  first 
against  Princess  Ata,  killed  her  and  exterminated  her  forces;  after  which  they 
dealt  similarly  with  Haniyasu.  This  chapter  of  history  illustrates  the  important 
part  taken  by  women  in  affairs  of  State  at  that  epoch,  and  incidentally  confirms 
the  fact  that  armour  was  worn*  by  men  in  battle. 

The  four  Imperial  generals  were  now  able  to  resume  their  temporarily  in- 
terrupted campaigns.  According  to  the  Chronicles  they  completed  the  tasks 
assigned  to  them  and  returned  to  the  capital  within  six  months.  But  such  chron- 
ology cannot  be  reconciled  with  facts.  For  it  is  related  that  the  generals  sent 
I1  The  term  "do"  indicates  a  group  of  provinces.] 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

northward  by  the  western  seaboard  and  the  eastern  seaboard,  respectively,  came 
together  at  Aizu,1  one  reaching  that  place  vid  Hitachi,  the  other  vid  Echigo. 
Thus,  it  would  result  that  YamatO  armies  at  that  remote  epoch  marched  hun- 
dreds of  miles  through  country  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  within  a  few  months. 
Further,  to  bring  the  aboriginal  tribes  into  subjugation,  an  isolated  campaign 
would  have  been  quite  inadequate.  Some  kind  of  permanent  control  was 
essential,  and  there  is  collateral  evidence  that  the  descendants  of  the  four  prince- 
ly generals,  during  many  generations,  occupied  the  position  of  provincial  mag- 
nates and  exercised  virtually  despotic^  sway  within  the  localities  under  their 
j  urisdiction.  Thus  in  the  provinces  of  Omi,  of  Suruga,  of  Mutsu,  of  Iwashiro,  of 
Iwaki,  of  Echigo,  of  Etchu,  of  Echizen,  of  Bizen,  of  Bitchu,  of  Bingo,  of  Harima,  of 
Tamba,  and  elsewhere,  there  are  found  in  later  ages  noble  families  all  tracing 
their  descent  to  one  or  another  of  the  Shido  shoguns  despatched  on  the  task  of 
pacifying  the  country  in  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Sujin.  The  genealogies  which 
fill  pages  of  the  Records  from  the  days  of  Jimmu  downwards  point  clearly  to  the 
growth  of  a  powerful  feudal  aristocracy,  for  the  younger  sons  born  to  successive 
sovereigns  bear,  for  the  most  part,  names  indicative  of  territorial  lordship;  but 
it  seems  justifiable  to  conclude  that  the  first  great  impetus  to  that  kind  of  decen- 
tralization was  given  by  Sujin's  despatch  of  the  Shido  shoguns. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  TAXATION 

The  digging  of  reservoirs  and  tunnels  for  irrigating  rice-fields  received  un- 
precedented attention  in  the  reign  of  this  Emperor,  and  mention  is  for  the  first 
time  made  of  taxes  —  tributes  of  "bow-notches  and  of  finger-tips,"  in  other 
words,  the  produce  of  the  chase  and  the  products  of  the  loom.  A  census  was 
taken  for  taxation  purposes,  but  unhappily  the  results  are  nowhere  recorded. 
The  Court  gave  itself  some  concern  about  maritime  transport  also.  A  rescript 
ordered  that  ships  should  be  built  by  every  province,  but  nothing  is  stated  as  to 
their  dimensions  or  nature.  In  this  rescript  it  is  mentioned  that  "  the  people  of 
the  coast^  not  having  ships,  suffer  grievously  by  land  transport."  What  they 
suffered  may  be  inferred  from  .a  description  in  the  Chronicles  where  we  read  that 
at  the  building  of  the  tomb  of  a  princess,  "the  people,  standing  close  to  each 
other,  passed  the  stones  from  hand  to  hand,  and  thus  transported  them  from 
Osaka  to  Yamato." 

rn'.rr    \\r.h-r\nxH.    ieriJm«Pl&£ 

FOREIGN  INTERCOURSE 

Korea,  when  Japanese  history  is  first  explicitly  concerned  with  it,  was 
peopled  by  a  number  of  semi-independent  tribes,  and  the  part  of  the  peninsula 
lying  southward  of  the  Han  River  —  that  is  to  say,  southward  of  the  present 
Seoul  —  comprised  three  kingdoms.  Of  these  Ma-Han  occupied  the  whole  of  the 
western  half  of  the  peninsula  along  the  coast  of  the  Yellow  Sea;  while  Sin-Han 
and  Pyong-Han  formed  the  eastern  half,  lying  along  the  shore  of  the  Sea  of  Japan. 
The  three  were  collectively  spoken  of  as  Sam-Han  (the  three  Han).  But 
Japan's  relations  with  the  peninsula  did  not  always  involve  these  major  divi- 
sions. Her  annals  speak  of  Shiragi  (or  Sinra),  Kara,  Kudara,  and  Koma. 
Shiragi  and  Kara  were  principalities  carved  respectively  out  of  the  southeast 
and  south  of  Pyong-Han.  Thus,  they  lay  nearest  to  Japan,  the  Korea  Strait 
alone  intervening,  and  the  Korea  Strait  was  almost  bridged  by  islands.  Kudara 
constituted  the  modern  Seoul  and  its  vicinity;  Koma,  (called  also  Korai  and  in 
I1  Hence  the  term  "Aizu,"  form,  signifies  "to  meet.") 


f  'TEE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS*!!!  81 

Korea,  Kokuli),  the  modern  Pyong-yang  and  its  district.  These  two  places 
were  rendered  specially  accessible  by  the  rivers  Han  and  Tadong  which  flowed 
through  them  to  the  Yellow  Sea;  but  of  course  in  this  respect  they  could  not 
compare  with  Shiragi  (Sinra)  and  Kara,  of  which  latter  place  the  Japanese  usual- 
ly spoke  as  Mimana. 

There  can  scarcely  be  any  doubt  that  the  Korean  peninsula  was  largely 
permeated  with  Chinese  influences  from  a  very  early  date,  but  the  processes 
which  produced  that  result  need  not  be  detailed  here.  It  has  been  also  shown 
above  that,  in  the  era  prior  to  Jimmu,  indications  are  found  of  intercourse  be- 
tween Japan  and  Korea,  and  even  that  Susanoo  and  his  son  held  sway  in  Shiragi. 
But  the  first  direct  reference  made  by  Japanese  annals  to  Korea  occurs  in  the 
reign  of  Sujin,  33  B.C.  when  an  envoy  from  Kara  arrived  at  the  Mizugaki  Court, 
praying  that  a  Japanese  general  might  be  sent  to  compose  a  quarrel  which  had 
long  raged  between  Kara  and  Shiragi,  and  to  take  the  former  under  Japan's 
protection.  It  appears  that  this  envoy  had  travelled  by  a  very  circuitous 
route.  He  originally  made  the  port  of  Anato  (modern  Nagato),  but  Prince 
Itsutsu,  who  ruled  there,  claimed  to  be  the  sole  monarch  of  Japan  and  refused  to 
allow  the  envoy  to  proceed,  so  that  the  latter  had  to  travel  north  and  enter 
Japan  vid  Kehi-no-ura  (now  Tsuruga)qjj  ! 

Incidentally  this  narrative  corroborates  a  statement  made  in  Chinese  history 
(compiled  in  the  Later  Han  era,  A.D.  25-220)  to  the  effect  that  many  Japanese 
provinces  claimed  to  be  under  hereditary  rulers  who  exercised  sovereign  rights. 
Such,  doubtless,  was  the  attitude  assumed  by  several  of  the  Imperial  descendants 
who  had  obtained  provincial  estates.  The  Emperor  Sujin  received  the  envoy 
courteously  and  seemed  disposed  to  grant  his  request,  but  his  Majesty's  death 
(30  B.C.)  intervened,  and  not  until  two  years  later  was  the  envoy  able  to  return. 
His  mission  had  proved  abortive,  but  the  Emperor  Suinin,  Sujin 's  successor,  gave 
him  some  red-silk  fabrics  to  carry  home  and  conferred  on  his  country  the  name 
Mimana,  in  memory  of  Sujin,  whose  appellation  during  life  had  been  Mimaki. 

These  details  furnish  an  index  to  the  relations  that  existed  in  that  era  between 
the  neighbouring  states  of  the  Far  East.  The  special  interest  of  the  incident 
lies,  however,  in  the  fact  that  it  furnishes  the  first  opportunity  of  comparing 
Japanese  history  with  Korean.  The  latter  has  two  claims  to  credence.  The 
first  is  that  it  assigns  no  incredible  ages  to  'the  sovereigns  whose  reigns  it  records. 
According  to  Japanese  annals  there  were  only  seven  accessions  to  the  throne  of 
Yamato  during  the  first  four  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  According  to 
Korean  annals,  the  three  peninsular  principalities  had  sixteen,  seventeen,  and 
sixteen  accessions,  respectively,  in  the  same  interval.  The  second  claim  is  that, 
during  the  same  four  centuries,  the  histories  of  China  and  Korea  agree  in  ten 
dates  and  differ  in  two  only.1  On  the  whole,  therefore,  Korean  annals  deserve 
to  be  credited.  But  whereas  Japanese  history  represents  warfare  as  existing 
between  Kara  and  Shiragi  in  33  B.C.,  Korean  history  represents  the  conflict  as 
having  broken  out  in  A.D.  77.  There  is  a  difference  of  just  110  years,  and  the 
strong  probability  of  accuracy  is  on  the  Korean  side. 

THE  ELEVENTH  SOVEREIGN,  SUININ   (29  B.C. — A.D.  70) 

Suinin,  second  son  of  his  predecessor,  obtained  the  throne  by  a  process  which 
frankly  ignored  the  principle  of  primogeniture.  For  Sujin,  having  an  equal 

P  For  a  masterly  analysis  of  this  subject  see  a  paper  on  Early  Japanese  History  by  Mr. 
W.  G.  Aston  in  Vol.  XVI  of  the  "Translations  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan."]/ -a-" 


s_>  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

affection  for  his  two  sons,  confessed  himself  unable  to  choose  which  of  them  should 
be  his  successor  and  was  therefore  guided  by  a  comparison  of  their  dreams,  the 
result  being  that  the  younger  was  declared  Prince  Imperial,  and  the  elder  be- 
came duke  of  the  provinces  of  Kamitsuke  (now  Kotsuke)  and  Shimotsuke. 
Suinin,  like  all  the  monarchs  of  that  age,  had  many  consorts:  nine  are  catalogued 
in  the  Records  and  their  offspring  numbered  sixteen,  many  of  whom  received 
local  titles  and  had  estates  conferred  in  the  provinces.  In  fact,  this  process  of 
ramifying  the  Imperial  family  went  on  continuously  from  reign  to  reign. 

There  are  in  the  story  of  this  sovereign  some  very  pathetic  elements.  Prince 
Saho,  elder  brother  of  the  Empress,  plotted  to  usurp  the  throne.  Having  cajoled 
his  sister  into  an  admission  that  her  brother  was  dearer  than  her  husband,  he 
bade  her  prove  it  by  killing  the  Emperor  in  his  sleep.  But  when  an  opportunity 
offered  to  perpetrate  the  deed  as  the  sovereign  lay  sleeping  with  her  knees  as 
pillow,  her  heart  melted,  and  her  tears,  falling  on  the  Emperor's  face,  disturbed 
his  slumber.  He  sought  the  cause  of  her  distress,  and  learning  it,  sent  a  force 
to  seize  the  rebel.  Remorse  drove  the  Empress  to  die  with  Prince  Saho.  Carry- 
ing her  little  son,  she  entered  the  fort  where  her  brother  with  his  followers  had 
taken  refuge.  The  Imperial  troops  set  fire  to  the  fort  —  which  is  described  as 
having  been  built  with  rice-bags  piled  up  —  and  the  Empress  emerged  with  the 
child  in  her  arms;  but  having  thus  provided  for  its  safety,  she  fled  again  to  the 
fort  and  perished  with  her  brother.  This  terrible  scene  appears  to  have  given  the 
child  such  a  shock  that  he  lost  the  use  of  speech,  and  the  Records  devote  large 
space  to  describing  the  means  employed  for  the  amusement  of  the  child,  the  long 
chase  and  final  capture  of  a  swan  whose  cry,  as  it  flew  overhead,  had  first  moved 
the  youth  to  speech,  and  the  cure  ultimately  effected  by  building  a  shrine  for 
the  worship  of  the  deity  of  Izumo,  who,  in  a  previous  age,  had  been  compelled 
to  abdicate  the  sovereignty  of  the  country  in  favour  of  a  later  descendant  of  the 
Sun  goddess,  and  whose  resentment  was  thereafter  often  responsible  for  calami- 
ties overtaking  the  Court  or  the  people  of  Japan. 

'    «1  JiU  .Jjllli    !i!    b-^.7    ,     :•    (it    -Ji:';    .     ;i 


THE  ISE  SHRINE  AND  THE  PRACTICE  OF  JUNSH1 

Two  events  specially  memorable  in  this  reign  were  the  transfer  of  the  shrine 
of  the  Sun  goddess  to  Ise,  where  it  has  remained  ever  since,  and  the  abolition  of 
the  custom  of  junshi,  or  following  in  death.  The  latter  shocking  usage,  a  common 
rite  of  animistic  religion,  was  in  part  voluntary,  in  part  compulsory.  In  its 
latter  aspect  it  came  vividly  under  the  notice  of  the  Emperor  Suinin  when  the 
tomb  of  his  younger  brother,  Yamato,  having  been  built  within  earshot  of  the 
palace,  the  cries  of  his  personal  attendants,  buried  alive  around  his  grave,  were 
heard,  day  and  night,  until  death  brought  silence.  In  the  following  year  (A.D.  3), 
the  Empress  having  died,  a  courtier,  Nomi-no-Sukune,  advised  the  substitution 
of  clay  figures  for  the  victims  hitherto  sacrificed.  Nominally,  the  practice  of 
compulsory  junshi  ceased  from  that  date,1  but  voluntary  junshi  continued  to 
find  occasional  observance  until  modern  times. 

WRESTLING 

The  name  of  Nomi-no-Sukune  is  associated  with  the  first  mention  of  wrestling 
in  Japanese  history.  By  the  Chronicles  a  brief  account  is  given  of  a  match  be- 

P  Of  course  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  dates  given  by  Japanese  historians  prior  to  the 
fifth  century  A.D.  are  very  apocryphal.] 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  83 

tween  Nomi  and  Taema-no-Kuehaya.  The  latter  was  represented  to  be  so  strong 
that  he  could  break  horns  and  straighten  hooks.  His  frequently  expressed  de- 
sire was  to  find  a  worthy  competitor.  Nomi-no-Sukune,  summoned  from  Izumo 
by  the  Emperor,  met  Kuehaya  in  the  lists  of  the  palace  of  Tamaki  and  kicked 
him  to  death.  Wrestling  thereafter  became  a  national  pastime,  but  its  methods 
underwent  radical  change,  kicking  being  abolished  altogether. 


FOREIGN  INTERCOURSE 

It  is  believed  by  Japanese  historians  that  during  the  reign  of  Suinin  a  local 
government  station  (chinju-fu)  was  established  in  Anra  province  of  Mimana, 
and  that  this  station,  subsequently  known  as  Nippon-fu,  was  transferred  to 
Tsukushi  (Kyushu)  and  named  Dazai-fu  when  Japan's  influence  in  Mimana 
waned.  The  first  general  (shoguri)  of  the  chinju-fu  was  Prince  Shihotari,  and 
the  term  kishi  —  which  in  Korea  signified  headman  —  was  thenceforth  incor- 
porated into  his  family  name.  To  the  members  of  that  family  in  later  genera- 
tions was  entrusted  the  conduct  of  the  Empire 's  foreign  affairs.  But  it  does  not 
appear  that  the  Imperial  Court  in  Yamato  paid  much  attention  to  oversea 
countries  in  early  eras.  Intercourse  with  these  was  conducted,  for  the  most 
part,  by  the  local  magnates  who  held  sway  in  the  western  regions  of  Japan. 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  Suinin,  if  Japanese  chronology  be  accepted,  that 
notices  of  Japan  began  to  appear  in  Chinese  history  —  a  history  which  justly 
claims  to  be  reliable  from  145  B.C.  Under  the  Later  Han  dynasty  (A.D.  25-220), 
great  progress  was  made  in  literature  and  art  by  the  people  of  the  Middle  King- 
dom, and  this  progress  naturally  extended,  not  only  to  Korea,  which  had  been 
conquered  by  the  Chinese  sovereign,  Wu-Ti,  in  the  second  century  before  Christ 
and  was  still  partly  under  the  rule  of  Chinese  governors,  but  also  to  the  maritime 
regions  of  Japan,  whence  the  shores  of  Korea  were  almost  within  sight.  China 
in  those  ages  was  incomparably  the  greatest  and  most  enlightened  country  in  the 
Orient,  and  it  had  become  the  custom  with  adjacent  States  to  send  emissaries 
to  her  Court,  bearing  gifts  which  she  handsomely  requited;  so  that  while,  from 
one  point  of  view,  the  envoys  might  be  regarded  as  tribute-carriers,  from  another, 
the  ceremony  presented  the  character  of  a  mere  interchange  of  neighbourly 
civilities.  In  Japan,  again,  administrative  centralization  was  still  imperfect. 
Some  of  the  local  magnates  had  not  yet  been  brought  fully  under  the  sway  of  the 
TamatO  invaders,  and  some,  as  scions  of  the  Imperial  family,  arrogated  a  con- 
siderable measure  of  independence.  Thus  it  resulted  that  several  of  these  pro- 
vincial dukes — or  "kings,"  as  not  a  few  of  them  were  called — maintained  rela- 
tions with  Korea,  and  through  her  despatched  tribute  missions  to  the  Chinese 
Court  from  time  to  time. 

In  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  the  Chinese  historians  of  the 
first  centuiy  A.D.  writing:  " The  Wa  (Japanese)  dwell  southeast  of  Han1  (Korea) 
on  a  mountainous  island  in  midocean.  Their  country  is  divided  into  more  than 
one  hundred  provinces.  Since  the  time  when  Wu-Ti  (140-86  B.C.)  overthrew 
Korea,  they  (the  Japanese)  have  communicated  with  the  Han  (Korean)  authori- 
ties by  means  of  a  postal  service.  There  are  thirty-two  provinces  which  do  so, 
all  of  which  style  their  rulers 'kings/ who  are  hereditary.  The  sovereign  of  Great 
Wa  resides  in  Yamato,  distant  12,000  li  (4000  miles)  from  the  frontier  of  the 
province  of  Yolang  (the  modern  Pyong-yang  in  Korea).  In  the  second  year  of 

t1  It  is  necessary  to  distinguish  carefully  between  the  Han  dynasty  of  China  and  the  term 
"Han"  as  a  designation  of  Korea.] 


84  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Chung-yuan  (A.D.  57),  in  the  reign  of  Kwang-wu,  the  Ito l  country  sent  an  envoy 
with  trilmtr,  who  styled  himself  Ta-fu.  He  came  from  the  most  western  part 
of  the  Wa  country.  Kwang-wu  presented  him  with  a  seal  and  ribbon."  [As- 
ton's  translation.] 

These  passages  have  provoked  much  discussion,  but  Japanese  annalists  are 
for  the  most  part  agreed  that  "Ito"  should  be  read  "I-no-na,"  which  corresponds 
with  the  ancient  Na-no-Agata,  the  present  Naka-gori  in  Chikuzen,  an  identifica- 
tion consistent  with  etymology  and  supported  by  the  fact  that,  in  1764,  a  gold 
seal  supposed  to  be  the  original  of  the  one  mentioned  above,  was  dug  out  of  the 
ground  in  that  region.  In  short,  Na-no-Agata  is  identical  with  the  ancient 
Watazumi-no-Kuni,  which  was  one  of  the  countries  of  Japan's  intercourse. 
Further,  the  Yamato  of  the  Hou-Han  historians  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  the  prov- 
ince of  that  name  in  central  Japan,  but  as  one  of  the  western  districts,  whether 
Yamato  in  Higo,  or  Yamato  in  Chikugo.  It  has  been  shrewdly  suggested 2  that 
the  example  of  Korea  had  much  influence  in  inducing  the  local  rulers  in  the 
western  and  southern  provinces  to  obtain  the  Chinese  Court's  recognition  of 
their  administrative  status,  but,  whatever  may  have  been  the  dominant  motive, 
it  seems  certain  that  frequent  intercourse  took  place  between  Japan  and  China 
vid  Korea  immediately  before  and  after  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 
Again,  that  Koreans  came  freely  to  Japan  and  settled  there  is  attested  by  the 
case  of  a  son  of  the  King  of  Shiragi  who,  coming  to  the  Tajima  region,  took  a 
Japanese  wife  and  established  himself  there,  founding  a  distinguished  family. 
The  closing  episode  of  the  Emperor  Suinin's  life  was  the  despatch  of  Tajima 
Mori,  this  immigrant 's  descendant,  to  the  country  of  Tokoyo,  nominally  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  orange-seeds,  but  probably  with  the  ulterior  motive  of 
exploration. 

The  reader  is  already  familiar  with  this  Tokoyo-no-Kuni  (Eternal  Land) .  We 
hear  of  it  first  as  the  home  of  "long-singing  birds"  summoned  to  take  part  in 
enticing  the  Sun  goddess  from  her  cave.  Then  it  figures  as  the  final  retreat  of 
Sukuna-hikona,  the  ^Escalapius  of  the  mythological  age.  Then  we  find  one  of 
Jimmu's  elder  brothers  treading  on  the  waves  to  reach  it.  Then  we  hear  of  it 
as  the  birthplace  of  the  billows  that  make  Ise  their  bourne,  and  now  it  is  described 
by  Tajima  Mori  in  his  death-song  as  the  "mysterious  realm  of  gods  and 
genii,"  so  distant  that  ten  years  were  needed  to  reach  it  and  return.  It  appears 
in  fact  to  have  been  an  epithet  for  China  in  general,  and  the  destination  of  Tajima 
Mori  is  believed  to  have  been  Shantung,  to  reach  which  place  by  sea  from  Japan 
was  a  great  feat  of  navigation  in  those  primitive  days.  Tajima  Mori  returned 
to  find  the  Emperor  dead,  and  in  despair  he  committed  suicide. 

AGRICULTURE  AND  ADMINISTRATION 

The  reclamation  of  land  for  purposes  of  rice  cultivation  went  on  vigorously 
during  Suinin's  reign.  More  than  eight  hundred  ponds  and  aqueducts  are  said 
to  have  been  constructed  by  order  of  the  sovereign  for  irrigation  uses  throughout 
the  provinces.  It  would  seem,  too,  that  the  practice  of  formally  consulting 
Court  officials  about  administrative  problems  had  its  origin  at  this  time.  No 
definite  organization  for  the  purpose  was  yet  created,  but  it  became  customary 

(l  The  ideographs  composing  this  word  were  pronounced  "  I-to  "  at  the  time  when  they  were 
it  ton  by  the  Hou-Han  historians,  but  they  subsequently  received  the  sound  of  "Wo-nu"  or 
wa-do."J 

I*  By  Dr.  Ariga,  an  eminent  Japanese  authority.] 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  85 

to  convene  distinguished  scions  of  the  Imperial  line  and  heads  of  great  subject- 
families  to  discuss  and  report  upon  affairs  of  State.  Another  innovation  referred 
to  in  this  era  was  the  offering  of  weapons  of  war  at  the  shrines.  We  read  of  as 
many  as  a  thousand  swords  being  forged  to  form  part  of  the  sacred  treasures  at 
the  shrine  of  Ise-no-Kami,  and  the  occasion  was  seized  to  organize  a  number  of 
hereditary  corporations  (be)  of  arm-makers  and  armourers.  These  were  placed 
under  the  control  of  Prince  Inishiki,  another  of  the  captains  of  the  Imperial 
life-guards  (mononobe  no  Obito).  It  is  thus  evident  that  something  more  than 
a  religious  rite  was  involved  in  these  measures. 

THE  TWELFTH  EMPEROR,  KEIKO   (A.D.  71—130) 

According  to  the  Records,  Keiko  was  ten  feet  two  inches  high,  and  his  shank 
measured  four  feet  one  inch.  His  nomination  as  Prince  Imperial  was  an  even 
more  arbitrary  violation  of  the  right  of  primogeniture  than  the  case  of  his  prede- 
cessor had  been,  for  he  was  chosen  in  preference  to  his  elder  brother  merely  be- 
cause, when  the  two  youths  were  casually  questioned  as  to  what  they  wished  for, 
the  elder  said,  "a  bow  and  arrows, "  and  the  younger,  " the  empire."  The  delu- 
sive nature  of  the  Nihongi  's  chronology  in  these  prehistoric  epochs  is  exemplified 
in  the  annals  of  this  sovereign,  for  he  is  represented  as  having  been  in  his  eighty- 
third  year  when  he  ascended  the  throne,  yet,  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign,  he 
took  a  consort  who  bore  him  thirteen  children,  and  altogether  his  progeny  num- 
bered eighty  sons  and  daughters  by  seven  wives.  His  plan  of  providing  for  these 
numerous  scions  constituted  the  first  systematization  of  a  custom  which  had  been 
observed  in  a  fitful  manner  by  several  of  his  predecessors.  They  had  given  to 
their  sons  local  titles  and  estates  but  had  not  required  them  to  leave  the  capital. 
Keiko,  however,  appointed  his  sons,  with  three  exceptions,  to  the  position  of 
provincial  or  district  viceroy,  preserving  their  Imperial  connexion  by  calling 
them  wake,  or  branch  families.  This  subject  will  present  itself  for  further  notice 
during  the  reign  of  Keiko 's  successor. 

One  of  the  most  memorable  events  in  this  epoch  was  the  Emperor 's  military 
expedition  in  person  to  quell  the  rebellious  Kumaso  (q.v.)  in  Kyushu.  There 
had  not  been  any  instance  of  the  sovereign  taking  the  field  in  person  since 
Jimmu  's  time,  and  the  importance  attaching  to  the  insurrection  is  thus  shown. 
Allowance  has  to  be  made,  however,  for  the  fact  that  the  territory  held  by  these 
Kumaso  in  the  south  of  Kyushu  was  protected  by  a  natural  rampart  of  stupen- 
dous mountain  ranges  which  rendered  military  access  arduous,  and  which,  in 
after  ages,  enabled  a  great  feudatory  to  defy  the  Central  Government  for  cen- 
turies. In  connexion  with  this  expedition  a  noteworthy  fact  is  that  female 
chieftains  were  found  ruling  in  the  provinces  of  Suwo  and  Bingo.  They  were 
not  aliens,  but  belonged  to  the  Yamato  race,  and  their  existence  goes  far  to 
account  for  the  appellation,  "Queens'  Country,"  applied  by  Chinese  historians 
to  the  only  part  of  Japan  with  which  the  people  of  the  Middle  Kingdom  were 
familiar,  namely,  Kyushu*  and  the  west-coast  provinces.  Keiko 's  reign  is  re- 
markable chiefly  for  this  expedition  to  the  south,  which  involved  a  residence  of 
six  years  in  Hyuga,  and  for  the  campaigns  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  Japan's 
heroes,  Prince  Yamato-dake.  The  military  prowess  of  the  sovereign,  the  fight- 
ing genius  of  Yamato-dake,  and  the  administrative  ability  of  Takenouchi-no- 
Sukune,  the  first  "prime  minister"  mentioned  in  Japanese  history,  combined  to 
give  signal  eclat  to  the  reign  of  Keiko. 

Arriving  at  this  stage  of  the  annals,  we  are  able  to  perceive  what  an  influence 

°  '  v 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

was  exercised  on  the  fortunes  of  the  country  by  its  topographical  features.  The 
southwestern  sections  of  the  islands  are  comparatively  accessible  from  the  centre 
(ChQgoku  or  Kinai),  whether  by  sea  or  by  land,  but  the  northeastern  are  guard- 
ed by  mountain  chains  which  can  be  crossed  only  by  arduous  and  easily  defended 
passes.  It  was,  therefore,  in  these  northeastern  provinces  that  the  Yemishi 
maintained  their  independence  until  their  strength  was  broken  by  the  splendid 
campaign  of  Yamato-dake;  it  was  in  these  northeastern  provinces  that  the  bushi, 
noblest  product  of  Japanese  civilization,  was  nurtured;  it  was  in  the  same  prov- 
inces that  the  Taira  family  made  its  brilliant  debut,  and  it  was  by  abandoning 
these  provinces  for  the  sweets  of  Kyoto  that  the  Taira  fell;  it  was  in  the  north- 
eastern provinces  that  Minamoto  Yoritomo,  the  father  of  military  feudalism, 
established  himself,  to  be  followed  in  succession  by  the  Hojo,  the  Ashikaga,  and 
the  Tokugawa,  and  it  is  in  the  northeastern  provinces  that  the  Meiji  Govern- 
ment has  its  seat  of  power. 

We  can  not  wonder,  therefore,  that  modern  historiographers  have  devoted 
much  labour  to  tracing  the  route  followed  by  Yamato-dake 's  troops  and  ration- 
alizing the  figurative  or  miraculous  features  of  the  narratives  told  in  the  Kojiki 
and  the  Nihongi.  It  is  enough  to  know,  however,  that  he  overran  the  whole 
region  stretching  from  the  provinces  along  the  Eastern  Sea  as  far  as  Iwaki; 
crossed  westward  through  Iwashiro  to  Echigo  on  the  west  coast,  and  turning 
southward,  made  his  way  through  Shinano  and  Mino  to  Owari,  whence,  suffer- 
ing from  a  wound  caused  by  a  poisoned  arrow,  he  struggled  on  to  Ise  and  died 
there.  This  campaign  seems  to  have  occupied  ten  years,  and  Yamato-dake  was 
only  thirty  at  the  time  of  his  death.  He  had  marched  against  the  Kumaso  in 
the  south  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  The  Chronicles  relate  that  when  crossing  the 
Usui  Pass  and  looking  down  on  the  sea  where  his  loved  consort  had  cast  herself 
into  the  waves  to  quell  their  fury,  the  great  warrior  sighed  thrice  and  exclaimed, 
"My  wife,  my  wife,  my  wife!"  (Ago,  tsuma  haya),  whereafter  the  provinces 
east  of  the  mountain  were  designated  Azuma. 

It  was  imagined  until  quite  recent  times  that  the  pass  referred  to  was  the 
well-known  Usui  Toge  on  the  Nakasendo  road;  but  Dr.  Kume  has  shown  that 
such  a  supposition  is  inconsistent  with  any  rational  itinerary  of  Yamato-dake 's 
march,  and  that  the  sea  in  question  cannot  be  seen  from  that  defile.  The  pass 
mentioned  in  the  Chronicles  is  another  of  the  same  name  not  far  from  the  Hakone 
region,  and  the  term  "Azuma"  "had  always  been  used  to  designate  the  Eastern 
Provinces."  Throughout  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles  frequent  instances 
occur  of  attempts  to  derive  place-names  from  appropriate  legends,  but  probably 
in  many  cases  the  legend  was  suggested  by  the  name.  In  connexion  with 
Yamato-dake 's  career,  a  circumstance  is  recorded  which  indirectly  points  to  the 
absence  of  history  at  that  period.  In  order  to  immortalize  the  memory  of  the 
hero,  hereditary  corporations  (be)  called  after  him  were  created.  These  Take-be 
gave  their  names  to  the  districts  where  they  lived,  in  Ise,  Izumo,  Mimasaka, 
and  Bizen. 

FEMALE  HOSTAGES 

Another  custom  inaugurated  by  this  sovereign  was  to  require  that  the  rulers 
of  provinces  should  send  to  the  Yamato  Court  female  hostages.  The  first  exam- 
ple of  this  practice  took  place  on  the  occasion  of  an  Imperial  visit  to  the  regions 
overrun  by  Yamato-dake 's  forces.  Each  of  twelve  kuni-yatsuko  (provincial 
rulers)  was  required  to  send  one  damsel  for  the  purpose  of  serving  in  the  culinary 
department  of  the  palace.  They  were  called  makura-ko  (pillow-child)  and  they 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS-.  HI  87 

seem  to  have  been  ultimately  drafted  into  the  ranks  of  the  uneme  (ladies-in- 
waiting).  Japanese  historians  hold  that  the  makura-ko  were  daughters  of  the 
local  magnates  by  whom  they  were  sent,  though  the  fact  of  that  relationship  is 
not  clearly  stated  in  either  the  Records  or  the  Chronicles.  ],<}  s 


TABE  AND  MIYAKE 

In  the  annals  of  Suinin  's  reign  brief  reference  is  made  to  granaries  (miyake) 
erected  by  order  of  the  Court.  The  number  of  these  was  increased  in  Keiko  's 
time,  and  it  is  further  mentioned  that  a  hereditary  corporation  of  rice-field 
cultivators  (tabe)  were  organized  for  service  on  the  Imperial  estates.  The  miyake 
were  at  once  storehouse  and  offices  for  administering  agricultural  affairs. 

)iil  '/i.f  gnnjjocidsfefl &  10  otsr/wjY  ui  ertjJ^q  wen orit  iol sirs  £ 

THE  THIRTEENTH  EMPEROR,  SEIMU  (A.D.   131—190) 

' 

The  thirteenth  Emperor,  Seimu,  occupied  the  throne  for  fifty-nine  years, 
according  to  the  Chronicles,  but  the  only  noteworthy  feature  of  his  reign  was  the 
organization  of  local  government,  and  the  details  of  his  system  are  so  vaguely 
stated  as  to  be  incomprehensible  without  much  reference  and  some  hypotheses. 
Speaking  broadly,  the  facts  are  these:  Imperial  princes  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  by  evidences  of  ability  or  courage  were  despatched  to  places  of 
special  importance  in  the  provinces,  under  the  name  of  wake,  a  term  conveying 
the  signification  of  "branch  of  the  Imperial  family."  There  is  reason  to  think 
that  these  appointments  were  designed  to  extend  the  prestige  of  the  Court  rather 
than  to  facilitate  the  administration  of  provincial  affairs.  The  latter  duty  was 
entrusted  to  officials  called  kuni-no-miyatsuko  and  agata-nushi,  which  may  be 
translated  "provincial  governor "  and  " district  headman."  The  word  miyatsu- 
ko  literally  signifies  "honourable  (mi)  servant  (yatsuko  or  yakko)." 

In  the  most  ancient  times  all  subjects  were  yakko,  but  subsequently  those 
holding  office  at  Court  were  distinguished  as  omi  (grandee).  Persons  eligible 
for  the  post  of  provincial  governor  seem  to  have  been  chosen  from  among  men  of 
merit,  or  Imperial  princes,  or  chiefs  of  aboriginal  tribes.  There  was  little 
exclusiveness  in  this  respect.  The  rate  of  expansion  of  the  area  under  Imperial 
sway  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  whereas  there  were  nine  provinces 
(kuni)  in  Jimmu's  time,  one  was  added  by  Kaikwa,  eleven  by  Sujin,  seven  by 
Keiko,  and  sixty-three  by  Seimu,  making  a  total  of  ninety-one.  Yet,  though 
by  the  time  of  the  last  named  sovereign  almost  the  whole  of  the  southern  and 
central  regions  were  included  in  the  administrative  circle,  the  northern  prov- 
inces, some  of  the  western,  and  certain  regions  in  the  south  (Kyushu)  were  not 
yet  fully  wrested  from  the  Yemishi  and  the  Kumaso.  In  subsequent jreigns  the 
rate  of  growth  was  as  follows:  Chuai  (A.D.  192-200),  two  provinces;  Ojin  (270- 
310),  twenty-one;  Nintoku  (313-399),  seven;  Hansho  (406-411)  and  Inkyo  (412- 
453),  one  each;  Yuryaku  (457-459),  three;  Keitai  (507-531),  one;  and  eight  others 
at  untraceable  periods,  the  total  being  one  hundred  thirty-five. 

The  agata  was  a  division  smaller  than  a  province  (kuni).  It  corresponded  to 
the  modern  kori  or  gun,  and  its  nearest  English  equivalent  is  "district."  A 
distinction  must  be  made,  however,  between  agata  and  mi-agata.  The  latter 
were  Imperial  domains  whence  the  Court  derived  its  resources,  and  their  dimen- 
sions varied  greatly.  A  smaller  administrative  district  than  the  agata  was  the 
inagi.1  This  we  learn  from  a  Chinese  book  —  the  Japanese  annals  being  silent 
[l  Supposed  to  be  derived  from  ine  (rice)  and  oki  (store).] 


88  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

on  the  subject  —  consisted  of  eighty  houses,  and  ten  inagi  constituted  a  kuni. 
The  terra  inagi  was  also  applied  to  the  chief  local  official  of  the  region,  who  may 
be  designated  "Mayor." 

THE    FOURTEENTH    EMPEROR,     CHUAI     (A.D.     192—200)     AND    THE     EMPRESS 

JINGO  (A.D.  201—269) 

Were  the  Records  our  sole  guide,  the  early  incidents  of  Chuai 's  reign  would 
be  wrapped  in  obscurity.  For  when  we  first  meet  him  in  the  pages  of  the 
Kojiki,  he  is  in  a  palace  on  the  northern  shores  of  the  Shimonoseki  Strait,  whence 
he  soon  crosses  to  the  Kashii  palace  in  Kyushu.  His  predecessors,  while  in- 
variably changing  their  residences  on  mounting  the  throne,  had  always  chosen 
a  site  for  the  new  palace  in  Yamato  or  a  neighbouring  province,  but  the  Records, 
without  any  explanation,  carry  Chuai  to  the  far  south  after  his  accession.  The 
Chronicles  are  more  explicit.  From  them  we  gather  that  Chuai  —  who  was  the 
second  son  of  Yamato-dake  and  is  described  as  having  been  ten  feet  high  with 
"a  countenance  of  perfect  beauty"  —  was  a  remarkably  active  sovereign.  He 
commenced  his  reign  by  a  progress  to  Tsuruga  (then  called  Tsunuga)  on  the 
west  coast  of  the  mainland,  and,  a  month  later,  he  made  an  expedition  to  Kii 
on  the  opposite  shore.  While  hi  the  latter  province  he  received  news  of  a  revolt 
of  the  Kumaso,  and  at  once  taking  ship,  he  went  by  sea  to  Shimonoseki,  whither 
he  summoned  the  Empress  from  Tsuruga.  An  expedition  against  the  Kumaso 
was  then  organized  and  partially  carried  out,  but  the  Emperor's  force  was 
beaten  and  he  himself  received  a  fatal  arrow-wound.  Both  the  Records  and  the 
Chronicles  relate  that,  on  the  eve  of  this  disastrous  move  against  the  Kumaso, 
the  Empress  had  a  revelation  urging  the  Emperor  to  turn  his  arms  against  Korea 
as  the  Kumaso  were  not  worthy  of  his  steel.  But  Chuai  rejected  the  advice 
with  scorn,  and  the  Kojiki  alleges  that  the  outraged  deities  punished  him  with 
death,  though  doubtless  a  Kumaso  arrow  was  the  instrument.  His  demise  was 
carefully  concealed,  and  the  Empress,  mustering  the  troops,  took  vengeance 
upon  the  Kumaso. 

Thereafter  her  Majesty  became  the  central  figure  in  a  page  of  history  —  or 
romance  —  which  has  provoked  more  controversy  than  any  incident  in  Japanese 
annals.  A  descendant  of  the  Korean  prince,  Ama-no-Hihoko,  who  settled  in  the 
province  of  Tajima  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Suinin,  she  must  have 
possessed  traditional  knowledge  of  Shiragi,  whence  her  ancestor  had  emigrated. 
She  was  the  third  consort  of  Chuai.  His  first  had  borne  him  two  sons  who  were 
of  adult  age  when,  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign,  he  married  Jingo,1  a  lady 
"intelligent,  shrewd,  and  with  a  countenance  of  such  blooming  loveliness  that 
her  father  wondered  at  it."  To  this  appreciation  of  her  character  must  be  added 
the  attributes  of  boundless  ambition  and  brave  resourcefulness.  The  annals 
represent  her  as  bent  from  the  outset  on  the  conquest  of  Korea  and  as  receiving 
the  support  and  encouragement  of  Takenouchi-no-Sukune,  who  had  served  her 
husband  and  his  predecessor  as  prime  minister.  A  military  expedition  over- 
sea led  by  a  sovereign  in  person  had  not  been  heard  of  since  the  days  of  Jimmu, 

('  It  should  be  clearly  understood  that  the  names  by  which  the  sovereigns  are  called  in 
these  pages,  are  the  posthumous  appellations  given  to  them  in  later  times  when  Chinese  ideo- 
is  came  into  use  and  Chinese  customs  began  to  be  followed  in  such  matters.     The  post- 
am^  was  compiled  with  reference  to  the  character  or  achievements  of  the  sovereign, 
hus    Jingo    signifies  "divine  merit, "  on  account  of  her  conquests;  "Chuai"  means  "lament- 
able second  eon,     with  reference  to  his  evil  fate,  and  "Keiko"  implies  "great  deeds."     These 
sovereigns  were  called  during  life,  Okinaga-Tarashi,  Tarashi-Nakatsu,  and  0-Tarashi, 
respectively.] 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  89 

and  to  reconcile  officials  and  troops  to  such  an  undertaking  the  element  of  divine 
revelation  had  to  be  introduced.  At  every  stage  signs  and  portents  were  vouch- 
safed by  the  guardian  deities.  By  their  intervention  the  Empress  was  shown  to 
be  possessed  of  miraculous  prowess,  and  at  their  instance  troops  and  ships 
assembled  spontaneously.  The  armada  sailed  under  divine  guidance,  a  gentle 
spirit  protecting  the  Empress,  and  a  warlike  spirit  leading  the  van  of  her  forces. 
The  god  of  the  wind  sent  a  strong  breeze;  the  god  of  the  sea  ruled  the  waves 
favourably;  all  the  great  fishes  accompanied  the  squadron,  and  an  unprecendent- 
ed  tide  bore  the  ships  far  inland.  Fighting  became  unnecessary.  The  King 
of  Shiragi  did  homage  at  once  and  promised  tribute  and  allegiance  forever,  and 
the  other  monarchs  of  the  peninsula  followed  his  example.  In  short,  Korea  was 
conquered  and  incorporated  with  the  dominions  of  Japan. 

. 

nil  '10  r  :-.ifc'j  silt  iii  bodfeiiiniil  ?.i  ioihio-j 

CRITICISM  OF  THE  ALLEGED  CONQUEST  OF  KOREA 

By  some  learned  historiographers  the  whole  of  the  above  account  is  pro- 
nounced a  fiction.  There  was  no  such  invasion  of  Korea,  they  say,  nor  does 
the  narrative  deserve  more  credit  than  the  legend  of  the  Argonauts  or  the  tale  of 
Troy.  But  that  is  probably  too  drastic  a  view.  There  can  indeed  be  little 
doubt  that  the  compilers  of  the  Nihongi  embellished  the  bald  tradition  with 
imaginary  details;  used  names  which  did  not  exist  until  centuries  after  the  epoch 
referred  to;  drew  upon  the  resources  of  Chinese  history  for  the  utterances  they 
ascribe  to  the  Empress  and  for  the  weapons  they  assign  to  her  soldiers,  and  were 
guilty  of  at  least  two  serious  anachronisms. 

But  none  of  these  faults  disfigures  the  story  as  told  in  the  pages  of  the  Kojiki, 
which  was  written  before  the  Nihongi.  It  has  always  to  be  remembered  that  the 
compilers  of  the  latter  essayed  the  impossible  task  of  adjusting  a  new  chronology 
to  events  extending  over  many  centuries,  and  that  the  resulting  discrepancies  of 
dates  does  not  necessarily  discredit  the  events  themselves.  It  has  also  to  be  re- 
membered that  the  same  compilers  were  required  to  robe  their  facts  in  Chinese 
costume  and  that  the  consequent  ill-fits  and  artificialities  do  not  of  necessity  viti- 
ate the  facts.  In  the  particular  case  under  consideration  did  the  Kojiki  stand 
alone,  little  doubt  would  ever  have  been  entertained  about  the  reality  of  an  armed 
expedition  to  Korea,  under  the  Empress  Jingo.  The  sober  and  unexaggerat- 
ed  narrative  of  that  history  would  have  been  accepted,  less  only  the  miraculous 
portents  which  accompany  it. 

As  to  the  date  of  the  invasion,  however,  it  must  have  remained  obscure :  the 
Kojiki 's  narrative  furnishes  one  clue.  According  to  Korean  history,  an  appar- 
ently unimportant  descent  upon  Sinra  (Shiragi)  took  place  in  A.D.  219;  a  more 
serious  one  in  233,  when  the  Japanese  ships  were  burned  and  their  crews  massa- 
cred, and  a  still  more'formidable  one  in  249,  when  a  Sinra  statesman  who  had 
brought  on  the  invasion  by  using  insulting  language  towards  the  sovereign  of 
Japan  in  presence  of  a  Japanese  ambassador,  gave  himself  up  to  the  Japanese 
in  the  hope  of  appeasing  their  anger.  They  burnt  him,  and  proceeded  to  be- 
seige  Keumsyong,  the  Sinra  capital,  but  were  ultimately  beaten  off.  "No  le.ss 
than  twenty-five  descents  by  Japanese  on  the  Sinra  coast  are  mentioned  in 
Korean  history  in  the  first  five  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  but  it  is  impossible 
to  identify  any  one  of  them  with  Jingo 's  expedition."  [Aston.]  Nevertheless, 
modern  Japanese  historians  are  disposed  to  assign  the  Jingo  invasion  to  the  year 
364,  when  Nai-mul  ruled  Shiragi,  from  which  monarch 's  era  tribute  seems  to 
have  been  regularly  sent  to  Yamato.  Indeed  the  pages  of  the  Nihongi  which 


90  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

deal  with  the  last  sixty  years  of  Jingo's  reign  are  devoted  almost  entirely  to 
descriptions  of  incidents  connected  with  the  receipt  of  tribute  and  the  advent 
or  despatch  of  envoys.  The  chronology  is  certainly  erroneous.  In  no  less  than 
four  several  cases  events  obviously  the  same  are  attributed  by  the  Korean  annals 
to  dates  differing  from  those  of  the  Nihongi  by  exactly  two  cycles;  and  in  one 
important  instance  the  Japanese  work  assigns  to  A.D.  205  an  occurrence  which 
the  Tongkan  l  puts  in  the  year  418. 

Whichever  annals  be  correct  —  and  the  balance  sways  in  favour  of  the  Korean 
so  far  as  those  protohistoric  eras  are  concerned  —  "there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Japan,  at  an  early  period,  formed  an  alliance  with  Paikche"  (spoken  of  in  Japan 
as  "Kudara,"  namely,  the  regions  surrounding  the  modern  Seoul),  "and  laid 
the  foundation  of  a  controlling  power  over  the  territory  known  as  Imna  (or 
Mimana),  which  lasted  for  several  centuries."  [Aston.]  One  evidence  of  this 
control  is  furnished  in  the  establishment  of  an  office  called  uchi-tsu-miyake  in 
addition  to  the  chinju-fu  already  spoken  of.  From  early  times  it  had  been 
customary  in  Japan  that  whenever  any  lands  were  acquired,  a  portion  of  them 
was  included  in  the  Imperial  domain,  the  produce  being  thenceforth  stored  and 
the  affairs  of  the  estate  managed  at  a  miyake  presided  over  by  a  mikoto-mochi. 
Thus,  on  the  inclusion  of  certain  Korean  districts  in  Japan's  dominions,  this 
usage  was  observed,  and  the  new  miyake  had  the  syllables  uchi-tsu  ("of  the 
interior")  prefixed  to  distinguish  it  as  a  part  of  Japan.  It  is  on  record  that  a 
mikoto-mochi  was  stationed  in  Shiragi,  and  in  the  days  of  Jingo's  son  (Ojin)  the 
great  statesman,  Takenouchi-no-Sukune,  took  up  his  residence  for  a  time  in 
Tsukushi  to  assist  this  mikoto-mochi  and  the  chinju-fu,  should  occasion  arise. 
Modern  Japanese  historians  describe  this  era  as  the  first  period  of  Japanese 
national  development,  for  an  almost  immediate  result  of  the  oversea  relations 
thus  established  was  that  silk  and  cotton  fabrics  of  greatly  improved  quality, 
gold,  silver,  iron,  implements,  arts,  and  literature  were  imported  in  increasing 
quantities  to  the  great  benefit  of  civilization. 


SHIFTING  OF  POLITICAL  INFLUENCE 

An  important  change  dates  from  the  reign  of  Jingo.  It  has  been  shown  above 
that,  from  a  period  prior  to  the  death  of  Suinin,  the  power  and  influence  of  the 
Imperial  princes  and  nobles  was  a  constantly  growing  quantity.  But  the 
political  situation  developed  a  new  phase  when  the  Sukune  family  appeared  up- 
on the  scene.  The  first  evidence  of  this  was  manifested  in  a  striking  incident. 
When  the  Emperor  Chuai  died,  his  consort,  Jingo,  was  enceinte*  But  the  Em- 
peror left  two  sons  by  a  previous  marriage,  and  clearly  one  of  them  should  have 
succeeded  to  the  throne.  Nevertheless,  the  prime  minister,  Takenouchi-no-Su- 
kune, contrived  to  have  the  unborn  child  recognized  as  Prince  Imperial.3  Nat- 
urally the  deceased  Emperor 's  two  elder  sons  refused  to  be  arbitrarily  set  aside 
in  favour  of  a  baby  step-brother.  The  principle  of  primogeniture  did  not  possess 
binding  force  in  those  days,  but  it  had  never  previously  been  violated  except  by 

['  Korean  history.    Its  full  title  is  Tong-kuk-lhong-kan.] 

I*  As  illustrating  the  confused  chronology  of  the  Nihongi,  it  may  be  noted  that,  calculated 
u- the,  l"9ldcnt  °'  ChGai  's  career,  he  must  have  been  fully  one  hundred  years  old  when  he  begot 
this  child.     That  is  marvellous  enough,  but  to  add  to  the  perplexity  the  Nihongi  says  that 
Chuai  died  at  fifty-two.] 

('  The  legend  says  of  this  child  that  its  birth  was  artificially  delayed  until  the  return  of  the 
,mpress  from  the  Korean  expedition,  but  the  fact  seems  to  be  that  the  Emperor  died  at  the 
end  of  June  and  the  Empress'  accouchement  took  place  in  the  following  April.] 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS 


91 


the  deliberate  and  ostensibly  reasonable  choice  of  an  Emperor.  The  two  princes, 
therefore,  called  their  partisans  to  arms  and  prepared  to  resist  the  return  of 
Jingo  to  Yamato.  Here  again  Takenouchi-no-Sukune  acted  a  great  part.  He 
carried  the  child  by  the  outer  sea  to  a  place  of  safety  in  Kii, while  the  forces  of  the 
Empress  sailed  up  the  Inland  Sea  to  meet  the  brothers  at  Naniwa  (modern 
Osaka).  Moreover,  when  the  final  combat  took  place,  this  same  Takenouchi 
devised  a  strategy  which  won  the  day,  and  in  every  great  event  during  the 
reign  of  the  Empress  his  figure  stands  prominent.  Finally,  his  granddaughter 
became  the  consort  of  the  Emperor  Nintoku  (313-399),  an  alliance  which  opened 
a  channel  for  exercising  direct  influence  upon  the  Throne  and  also  furnished 
a  precedent  adopted  freely  in  subsequent  times  by  other  noble  families  harbour- 
ing similarly  ambitious  aims.  In  short,  from  the  accession  of  the  Empress 
Jingo  a  large  part  of  the  sovereign  power  began  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  the 
prime  minister. 


- 


DEVIL  WITH  DRAGON  HEAD 
(Sculptured  Wood  Figure  in  the  Museum  at  KyOto) 


HORSE  RACE  IN  OLD  JAPAN 


CHAPTER   X 
THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  (Continued) 

THE  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  previous  chapter  brief  reference  was  made  to  the 
three  great  divisions  of  the  inhabitants  of  Japan;  namely,  the  Shimbetsu  (Kami 
class)  the  Kwobetsu  (Imperial  class)  and  the  Bambetsu  (aboriginal  class).  The 
Shimbetsu  comprised  three  sub-classes;  namely,  first,  the  Tenjin,  a  term  used  to 
designate  the  descendants  of  the  great  primeval  trinity  and  of  the  other  Kami 
prior  to  the  Sun  goddess;  secondly,  the  Tenson,  or  descendants  of  the  Sun 
goddess  to  Jimmu's  father  (Ugaya-fukiaezu),  and  thirdly,  the  Chigi,  an  appella- 
tion applied  to  the  chiefs  found  in  Izumo  by  the  envoys  of  the  Sun  goddess  and 
in  Yamato  by  Jimmu  —  chiefs  who,  though  deprived  of  power,  were  recognized 
to  be  of  the  same  lineage  as  their  conquerors.  It  is  plain  that  few  genealogical 
trees  could  be  actually  traced  further  back  than  the  Chigi.  Hence,  for  all 
practical  purposes,  the  Shimbetsu  consisted  of  the  descendants  of  vanquished 
chiefs,  and  the  fact  was  tacitly  acknowledged  by  assigning  to  this  class  the  second 
place  in  the  social  scale,  though  the  inclusion  of  the  Tenjin  and  the  Tenson 
should  have  assured  its  precedence.  The  Kwobetsu  comprised  all  Emperors 
and  Imperial  princes  from  Jimmu  downwards.  This  was  the  premier  class.  The 
heads  of  all  its  families  possessed  as  a  birthright  the  title  of  omi  (grandee),  while 
the  head  of  a  Shimbetsu  family  was  a  muraji  (group-chief).  The  Bambetsu 
ranked  incomparably  below  either  the  Kwobetsu  or  the  Shimbetsu.  It  consisted 
of  foreigners  who  had  immigrated  from  China  or  Korea  and  of  aboriginal  tribes 
alien  to  the  Yamato  race.  Members  of  the  Ban  class  were  designated  yakko 
(or  yatsuko),  a  term  signifying  "subject"  or  "servant." 


THE  UJI 


In  addition  to  the  above  three-class  distribution,  the  whole  Yamato  nation 
was  divided  into  uji,  or  families.  An  uji  founded  by  one  of  the  Tenson  took 
precedence  of  all  others,  the  next  in  rank  being  one  with  an  Imperial  prince  for 

92 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  93 

ancestor,  and  after  the  latter  came  the  families  of  the  Tenjin  and  Chigi.  All 
that  could  not  thus  trace  their  genealogy  were  attached  to  the  various  uji  in  a 
subordinate  capacity.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  one  of  these  families 
consisted  simply  of  a  husband  and  wife,  children,  and  servants.  There  were 
great  uji  and  small  uji,  the  former  comprising  many  of  the  latter,  and  the  small 
uji  including  several  households.  In  fact,  the  small  uji  (ko-uji)  may  be  described 
as  a  congeries  of  from  fifty  to  ninety  blood  relations. 

In  the  uji  the  principle  of  primogeniture  was  paramount.  A  successor  to 
the  headship  of  an  uji  must  be  the  eldest  son  of  an  eldest  son.  Thus  qualified, 
he  became  the  master  of  the  household,  ruled  the  whole  family,  and  controlled 
its  entire  property.  The  chief  of  an  ordinary  uji  (uji  no  Kami)  governed  all  the 
households  constituting  it,  and  the  chief  of  a  great  uji  (o-uji  no  Kami)  controlled 
all  the  small  uji  of  which  it  was  composed.  In  addition  to  the  members  of  a 
family,  each  uji,  small  and  great  alike,  had  a  number  of  dependants  (kakibe  or 
tomobe).  In  colloquial  language,  an  o-uji  was  the  original  family;  a  ko-uji,  a 
branch  family.  For  example,  if  the  Abe  family  be  considered,  Abe-uji  is  a 
great  uji  (o-uji) ,  while  such  names  as  Abe  no  Shii,  Abe  no  Osada,  Abe  no  Mutsu, 
etc.,  designate  small  uji  (ko-uji).  If  a  great  uji  was  threatened  with  extinction 
through  lack  of  heir,  the  proper  Kami  of  a  small  uji  succeeded  to  the  vacant 
place.  As  for  the  kakibe  or  tomobe,  they  were  spoken  of  as  "so  and  so  of  such 
and  such  an  uji:"  they  had  no  uji  of  their  own. 

All  complications  of  minor  importance  were  dealt  with  by  the  Kami  1  of  the 
uji  in  which  they  occurred,  consultation  being  held  with  the  Kami  of  the  appro- 
priate o-uji  in  great  cases.  Reference  was  not  made  to  the  Imperial  Court 
except  in  serious  matters.  On  the  other  hand,  commands  from  the  sovereign 
were  conveyed  through  the  head  of  an  o-uji,  so  that  the  chain  of  responsibility 
was  well  defined.  An  interesting  feature  of  this  ancient  organization  was  that 
nearly  every  uji  had  a  fixed  occupation  which  was  hereditary,  the  name  of  the 
occupation  being  prefixed  to  that  of  the  uji.  Thus,  the  uji  of  gem-polishers 
was  designated  Tamatsukuri-uji,  and  that  of  boat  builders,  Fune-uji. 

There  were  also  uji  whose  members,  from  generation  to  generation,  acted  as 
governors  of  provinces  (kuni  no  miyatsuko)  or  headmen  of  districts  (agata-nushi) . 
In  these  cases  the  name  of  the  region  was  prefixed  to  the  uji;  as  Munakata-uji, 
Izumo-uji,  etc.  Finally,  there  were  uji  that  carried  designations  given  by  the 
sovereign  in  recognition  of  meritorious  deeds.  These  designations  took  the  form 
of  titles.  Thus  the  captor  of  a  crane,  at  sight  of  which  a  dumb  prince  recovered 
his  speech,  was  called  Totori  no  Miyatsuko  (the  bird-catching  governor),  and 
Nomi-no-Sukune,  who  devisecf  the  substitution  of  clay  figures  (haniwa)  for 
human  sacrifices  at  Imperial  obsequies,  was  designated  as  Hashi  no  Omi  (the 
Pottery  Grandee). 

THE  TOMOBE 

The  tomobe  (attendants)  —  called  also  mure  (the  herd)  or  kakibe  (domestics) 
—  constituted  an  important  element  of  the  people.  They  were,  in  fact,  serfs. 
We  find  them  first  spoken  of  in  an  active  role  as  being  sent  to  the  provinces  to 
provide  foodstuffs  for  the  Imperial  household,  and  in  that  capacity  they  went  by 
the  name  of  provincial  Imibe.  Perhaps  the  most  intelligible  description  of 
them  is  that  they  constituted  the  peasant  and  artisan  class,  and  that  they  were 
attached  to  the  uji  in  subordinate  positions  for  purposes  of  manual  labour.  By 
degrees,  when  various  kinds  of  productive  operations  came  to  be  engaged  in  as 
[x  An  uji  no  Kami  was  called  uji  no  choja  in  later  ages.] 


94  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

hereditary  pursuits,  the  tomobe  were  grouped  according  to  the  specialty  of  the 
uji  to  which  they  wore  attached,  and  we  hear  of  Kanuchibe,  or  the  corporation 
of  blacksmiths;  Yumibc,  or  the  corporation  of  bow-makers;  Oribe,  or  the  corpora- 
tion of  weavers,  and  so  on. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  however,  that  all  the  tomobe  were  thus  organized  as 
special  classes.  Such  wras  the  case  only  when  the  uji  to  which  they  belonged 
pursued  some  definite  branch  of  productive  work.  Moreover,  there  were 
corporations  instituted  for  purposes  quite  independent  of  industry;  namely,  to 
perpetuate  the  memory  of  an  Imperial  or  princely  personage  who  had  died  with- 
out issue  or  without  attaining  ancestral  rank.  Such  tomobe  were  collectively 
known  as  nashiro  (namesakes)  or  koshiro  (child  substitutes).  For  example, 
when  Prince  Itoshi,  son  of  the  Emperor  Suinin,  died  without  leaving  a  son  to 
perpetuate  his  name,  the  Itoshibe  was  established  for  that  purpose;  and  when 
Prince  Yamato-dake  perished  without  ascending  the  throne,  the  Takebe  was 
formed  to  preserve  the  memory  of  his  achievements.  A  be  thus  organized  in 
behalf  of  an  Emperor  had  the  title  of  toneri  (chamberlain)  suffixed.  Thus,  for 
the  Emperor  Ohatsuse  (known  in  history  as  Yuryaku)  the  Hatsuse-be-no-toneri 
was  formed;  and  for  the  Emperor  Shiraga  (Seinei),  the  Shiraga-be-no-toneri. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  underlying  the  creation  of  these  nashiro  was  the 
aim  of  extending  the  Imperial  estates,  as  well  as  the  number  of  subjects  over 
whom  the  control  of  the  Throne  could  be  exercised  without  the  intervention 
of  an  uji  no  Kami.  For  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  sovereign  himself  was 
an  o-uji  no  Kami,  and  all  tomobe  created  for  nashiro  purposes  or  to  discharge 
some  other  functions  in  connexion  with  the  Court  were  attached  to  the  Im- 
perial uji. 


TAMIBE 

oil)  iw  'i^run  £  ;  T«3rt 

Another  kind  of  be  consisted  of  aliens  who  had  been  naturalized 'in  Japan  or 
presented  to  the  Japanese  Throne  by  foreign  potentates.  These  were  formed 
into  tamibe  (corporations  of  people).  They  became  directly  dependent  upon 
the  Court,  and  they  devoted  themselves  to  manufacturing  articles  for  the  use  of 
the  Imperial  household.  These  naturalized  persons  were  distinguished,  in  many 
cases,  by  technical  skill  or  literary  attainments.  Hence  they  received  treatment 
different  from  that  given  to  ordinary  tomobe,  some  of  them  being  allowed  to  as- 
sume the  title  and  enjoy  the  privilege  of  uji,  distinguished,  however,  as  uji  of  the 
Bambetsu.  Thus,  the  descendants  of  the  seamstresses,  E-hime  and  Oto-hime,  and 
of  the  weavers,  Kure-hatori  and  Ana-hatori,  who  were  presented  to  the  Yamato 
Court  by  an  Emperor  of  the  Wu  dynasty  in  China,  were  allowed  to  organize 
themselves  into  Kinu-nui-uji  (uji  of  Silk-robe  makers) ;  and  that  a  Hata-uji 
(Weavers'  uji)  was  similarly  organized  is  proved  by  a  passage  in  the  records  of 
the  Emperor  Ojin  (A.D.  284)  which  relates  that  the  members  of  the  Hata-uji  had 
become  scattered  about  the  country  and  were  carrying  on  their  manufacturing 
work  in  various  jurisdictions.  This  fact  having  been  related  to  the  Throne?, 
steps  were  taken  to  bring  together  all  these  weavers  into  the  Hata-uji,  and  to 
make  them  settle  at  villages  to  which  the  name  of  Kachibe  was  given  in  com- 
memoration of  the  weavers'  ancestor,  Kachi.  The  records  show  that  during 
the  first  four  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  the  people  presented  to  the  Yamato 
Court  by  the  sovereigns  of  the  Wu  dynasty  and  of  Korea  must  have  been  very 
numerous,  for  no  less  than  710  uji  were  formed  by  them  in  consideration  of  their 
skill  in  the  arts  and  crafts. 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  95 


SLAVES 

The  institution  of  slavery  (nuhi)  existed  in  ancient  Japan  as  in  so  many  other 
countries.  The  slaves  consisted  of  prisoners  taken  in  war  and  of  persons  who, 
having  committed  some  serious  offence,  were  handed  over  to  be  the  property  of 
those  that  they  had  injured.  The  first  recorded  instance  of  the  former  practice 
was  when  Yamato-dake  presented  to  the  Ise  shrine  the  Yemishi  chiefs  who  had 
surrendered  to  him  in  the  sequel  of  his  invasion  of  the  eastern  provinces.  The 
same  fate  seems  to  have  befallen  numerous  captives  made  in  the  campaign 
against  the  Kumaso,  and  doubtless  wholesale  acts  of  self-destruction  committed 
by  Tsuchi-gumo  and  Kumaso  when  overtaken  by  defeat  were  prompted  by 
preference  of  death  to  slavery.  The  story  of  Japan's  relations  with  Korea 
includes  many  references  to  Korean  prisoners  who  became  the  property  of  their 
captors,  and  that  a  victorious  general's  spoils  should  comprise  some  slaves  may 
be  described  as  a  recognized  custom.  Of  slavery  as  a  consequence  of  crime  there 
is  also  frequent  mention,  and  it  would  appear  that  even  men  of  rank  might  be 
overtaken  by  that  fate,  for  when  (A.D.  278)  Takenouchi-no-Sukune 's  younger 
brother  was  convicted  of  slandering  him,  the  culprit's  punishment  took  the 
form  of  degradation  and  assignment  to  a  life  of  slavery.  The  whole  family  of 
such  an  offender  shared  his  fate.  There  is  no  evidence,  however,  that  the  treat- 
ment of  the  nuhi  was  inhuman  or  even  harsh :  they  appear  to  have  fared  much  as 
did  the  tomobe  in  general. 

THE  LAND 

There  are  two  kinds  of  territorial  rights,  and  these,  though  now  clearly 
differentiated,  were  more  or  less  confounded  in  ancient  Japan.  One  is  the 
ruler's  right  —  that  is  to  say,  competence  to  impose  taxes;  to  enact  rules  govern- 
ing possession;  to  appropriate  private  lands  for  public  purposes,  and  to  treat 
as  crown  estates  land  not  privately  owned.  The  second  is  the  right  of  possession  ; 
namely,  the  right  to  occupy  definite  areas  of  land  and  to  apply  them  to  one 's 
own  ends.  At  present  those  two  rights  are  distinct.  A  landowner  has  no 
competence  to  issue  public  orders  with  regard  to  it,  and  a  lessee  of  land  has  to 
discharge  certain  responsibilities  towards  the  lessor.  It  was  not  so  in  old  Japan. 
As  the  Emperor 's  right  to  rule  the  people  was  not  exercised  over  an  individual 
direct  but  through  the  uji  no  Kami  who  controlled  that  individual,  so  the 
sovereign's  right  over  the  land  was  exercised  through  the  territorial  owner,  who 
was  usually  the  uji  no  Kami.  The  latter,  being  the  owner  of  the  land,  leased  a 
part  of  it  to  the  members  of  the  uji,  collected  a  percentage  of  the  produce,  and 
presented  a  portion  to  the  Court  when  occasion  demanded.  Hence,  so  long  as 
the  sovereign's  influence  was  powerful,  the  uji  no  Kami  and  other  territorial 
magnates,  respecting  his  orders,  refrained  from  levying  taxes  and  duly  paid 
their  appointed  contributions  to  the  Court. 

But  in  later  times,  when  the  Throne's  means  of  enforcing  its  orders  ceased  to 
bear  any  sensible  ratio  to  the  puissance  of  the  uji  no  Kami  and  other  local  lords, 
the  Imperial  authority  received  scanty  recognition,  and  the  tillers  of  the  soil 
were  required  to  pay  heavy  taxes  to  their  landlords.  It  is  a  fallacy  to  suppose 
that  the  Emperor  in  ancient  times  not  only  ruled  the  land  but  also  owned  it. 
The  only  land  held  in  direct  possession  by  the  Throne  was  that  constituting  the 
Imperial  household's  estates  and  that  belonging  to  members  of  the  Imperial 
family.  The  private  lands  of  the  Imperial  family  were  called  mi-agata.1  The 
t1  The  prefix  mi  (honourable)  was  and  ig  still  used  for  purposes  of  courtesy.] 


96  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

province  of  Yamato  contained  six  of  these  estates,  and  their  produce  was  wholly 
devoted  to  the  support  of  the  Court.  Lands  cultivated  for  purposes  of  State 
revenue  were  called  miyake.1  They  existed  in  several  provinces,  the  custom 
being  that  when  land  was  newly  acquired,  a  miyake  was  at  once  established  and 
the  remainder  was  assigned  to  princes  or  Court  nobles  (asomi  or  asori).  The 
cultivators  of  miyake  were  designated  ta-be  (rustic  corporation);  the  overseers 
were  termed  ta-zukasa  (or  mi-ta  no  tsukasa),  and  the  officials  in  charge  of  the 
stores  were  mi-agata  no  obito. 

As  far  back  as  3  B.C.,  according  to  Japanese  chronology,  we  read  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  miyake,  and  doubtless  that  was  not  the  first.  Thenceforth  there 
are  numerous  examples  of  a  similar  measure.  Confiscated  lands  also  formed  a 
not  unimportant  part  of  the  Court's  estates.  Comparatively  trifling  offences 
were  sometimes  thus  expiated.  Thus,  in  A.D.  350,  Aganoko,  suzerain  of  the 
Saegi,  being  convicted  of  purloining  jewels  from  the  person  of  a  princess  whom 
he  had  been  ordered  to  execute,  escaped  capital  punishment  only  by  surrendering 
all  his  lands;  and,  in  A.D.  534,  a  provincial  ruler  who,  being  in  mortal  terror,  had 
intruded  into  the  ladies'  apartments  in  the  palace,  had  to  present  his  landed 
property  for  the  use  of  the  Empress.  These  facts  show  incidentally  that  the 
land  of  the  country,  though  governed  by  the  sovereign,  was  not  owned  by  him. 
Lands  in  a  conquered  country  were  naturally  regarded  as  State  property,  but 
sufficient  allusion  has  already  been  made  to  that  custom. 


THE  SPHERE  OF  THE  SOVEREIGN'S  RULE 

It  is  related  in  the  Records  that,  in  prehistoric  days,  the  last  of  the  chieftains 
sent  by  Amaterasu  to  wrest  Japan  from  its  then  holders  addressed  the  leaders  of 
the  latter  in  these  terms,  "The  central  land  of  reed  plains  owned  (ushi-haku) 
by  you  is  the  country  to  be  governed  (shirasu)  by  my  son."  Japanese  histori- 
ographers attach  importance  to  the  different  words  here  used.  Ushi-haku 
signifies  "to  hold  in  intimate  lordship"  —  as  one  wears  a  garment  —  whereas 
shirasu  means  "to  exercise  public  rights  as  head  of  a  State."  A  Japanese 
Emperor  occupied  both  positions  towards  mi-nashiro  (q.v.),  toward  naturalized 
or  conquered  folks,  towards  mi-agata,  miyake,  and  confiscated  estates,  but  his 
functions  with  regard  to  the  people  and  the  land  in  general  were  limited  to  gov- 
erning (shirasu). 

If  the  ancient  prerogatives  of  the  sovereign  be  tabulated,  they  stand  thus: 

(1)  to  conduct  the  worship  of  the  national  deities  as  general  head  of  all  the  uji; 

(2)  to  declare  war  against  foreign  countries  and  to  make  peace  with  them,  as 
representative  of  the  uji,  and  (3)  to  establish  or  abolish  uji,  to  nominate  uji  no 
Kami,  and  to  adj  udicate  disputes  between  them.    The  first  of  these  prerogativea 
remains  unaltered  to  the  present  day.    The  second  was  partly  delegated  in 
medieval  times  to  the  military  class,  but  has  now  been  restored  to  the  Throne. 
As  for  the  third,  its  exercise  is  to-day  limited  to  the  office  of  the  hereditary 
nobility,  the  Constitution  having  replaced  the  Crown  in  other  respects. 

Two  thousand  years  have  seen  no  change  in  the  Emperor's  function  of 
officiating  as  the  high  priest  of  the  nation.  It  was  the  sovereign  who  made 
offerings  to  the  deities  of  heaven  and  earth  at  the  great  religious  festivals.  It 
was  the  sovereign  who  prayed  for  the  aid  of  the  gods  when  the  country  was 

.  [l  In  ancient  Japan,  officials  and  their  offices  were  often  designated  alike.  Thus,  miyake 
signified  a  public  estate  or  the  store  for  keeping  the  produce,  just  as  tsukasa  was  applied  alike 
to  an  overseer  and  to  his  place  of  transacting  business.] 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  -     97 

confronted  by  any  emergency  or  when  the  people  suffered  from  pestilence.  In 
short,  though  the  powers  of  the  Emperor  over  the  land  and  the  people  were 
limited  by  the  intervention  of  the  uji,  the  whole  nation  was  directly  subservient 
to  the  Throne  in  matters  relating  to  religion.  From  the  earliest  eras,  too,  war 
might  not  be  declared  without  an  Imperial  rescript,  and  to  the  Emperor  was 
reserved  the  duty  of  giving  audience  to  foreign  envoys  and  receiving  tribute. 
By  foreign  countries,  China  and  Korea  were  generally  understood,  but  the 
Kumaso,  the  Yemishi,  and  the  Sushen  were  also  included  in  the  category  of 
aliens.  It  would  seem  that  the  obligation  of  serving  the  country  in  arms  was 
universal,  for  in  the  reign  of  Sujin,  when  an  oversea  expedition  was  contemplated, 
the  people  were  numbered  according  to  their  ages,  and  the  routine  of  service  was 
laid  down.  Contributions,  too,  had  to  be  made,  as  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  a 
command  of  the  same  sovereign  required  the  various  districts  to  manufacture 
arms  and  store  them  in  the  shrines. 

THE  THRONE  AND  THE   UJI 

• 

The  sovereign  s  competence  to  adjudicate  questions  relating  to  the  uji  is 
illustrated  by  a  notable  incident  referred  to  the  year  A.D.  415,  during  the  reign 
of  Inkyo.  Centuries  had  then  passed  since  the  inauguration  of  the  uji,  and 
families  originally  small  with  clearly  defined  genealogies  had  multiplied  to  the 
dimensions  of  large  clans,  so  that  much  confusion  of  lineage  existed,  and  there 
was  a  wide-spread  disposition  to  assert  claims  to  spurious  rank.  It  was  therefore 
commanded  by  the  Emperor  that,  on  a  fixed  day,  all  the  uji  no  Kami  should 
assemble,  and  having  performed  the  rite  of  purification,  should  submit  to  the 
ordeal  of  boiling  water  (kuga-dachi) .  Numerous  cauldrons  were  erected  for 
the  purpose,  and  it  was  solemnly  proclaimed  that  only  the  guilty  would  be 
scalded  by  the  test.  At  the  last  moment,  those  whose  claims  were  willingly 
false  absconded,  and  the  genealogies  were  finally  rectified. 

Instances  of  uji  created  by  the  sovereign  to  reward  merit,  or  abolished  to 
punish  offences,  are  numerously  recorded.  Thus,  when  (A.D.  413)  the  future 
consort  of  the  Emperor  Inkyo  was  walking  in  the  garden  with  her  mother,  a 
provincial  ruler  (miyatsuko),  riding  by,  peremptorily  called  to  her  for  a  branch 
of  orchid.  She  asked  what  he  needed  the  orchid  for  and  he  answered,  "To  beat 
away  mosquitoes  when  I  travel  mountain  roads."  "Oh,  honourable  sir,  I  shall 
not  forget,"  said  the  lady.  When  she  became  Empress,  she  caused  the  nobleman 
to  be  sought  for,  and  had  him  deprived  of  his  rank  in  lieu  of  execution.  There 
is  also  an  instance  of  the  killing  of  all  tne  members  of  an  uji  to  expiate  the  offence 
of  the  uji  no  Kami.  This  happened  in  A.D.  463,  when  Yuryaku  sat  on  the  throne. 
It  was  reported  to  the  Court  that  Sakitsuya,  Kami  of  the  Shimotsumichi-uji, 
indulged  in  pastimes  deliberately  contrived  to  insult  the  occupant  of  the  throne. 
Thus  he  would  match  a  little  girl  to  combat  against  a  grown  woman,  calling  the 
girl  the  Emperor  and  killing  her  if  she  won;  or  would  set  a  little  cock  with  clipped 
wings  and  plucked  feathers  to  represent  the  sovereign  in  a  fight  with  a  big, 
lusty  cock,  which  he  likened  to  himself,  and  if  the  small  bird  won,  he  would 
slaughter  it  with  his  own  sword.  The  Emperor  sent  a  company  of  soldiers,  and 
Sakitsuya  with  all  the  seventy  members  of  his  uji  were  put  to  death. 

ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANIZATION 

The  administrative  organization  in  ancient  Japan  was  simply  a  combination 
of  the  uji.  It  was  purely  Japanese.  Not  until  the  seventh  century  of  the 


98  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Christian  era  were  any  foreign  elements  introduced.  From  ministers  and 
generals  of  the  highest  class  down  to  petty  functionaries,  all  offices  were  discharged 
by  uji  no  Kami,  and  as  the  latter  had  the  general  name  of  kabane  —  root  of 
the  uji — the  system  was  similarly  termed.  In  effect,  the  kabane  was  an  order 
of  nobility.  Offices  were  hereditary  and  equal.  The  first  distribution  of  posts 
took  place  when  five  chiefs,  attached  to  the  person  of  the  Tenson  at  the  time  of 
his  descent  upon  Japan,  were  ordered  to  discharge  at  his  Court  the  same  duties 
as  those  which  had  devolved  on  them  in  the  country  of  their  origin.  The  uji 
they  formed  were  those  of  the  Shimbetsu,1  the  official  title  of  the  Kami  being 
vi  ura ji  (group  chief)  in  the  case  of  an  ordinary  uji,  and  o-muraji  (great  muraji) 
in  the  case  of  an  o-uji,  as  already  stated.  These  were  the  men  who  rendered 
most  assistance  originally  in  the  organization  of  the  State,  but  as  they  were  mere- 
ly adherents  of  the  Tenson,  the  latter 's  direct  descendants  counted  themselves 
superior  and  sought  always  to  assert  that  superiority. 

Thus,  the  title  omi  (grandee)  held  by  the  Kami  of  a  Kwobetsu-uji  was  deemed 
higher  than  that  of  muraji  (chief)  held  by  the  Kami  of  a  Shimbetsu-uji.  The 
blood  relations  of  sovereigns  either  assisted  at  Court  in  the  administration  of 
State  affairs  or  went  to  the  provinces  in  the  capacity  of  governors.  They 
received  various  titles  in  addition  to  that  of  omi,  for  example  sukune  (noble), 
ason  or  asomi  (Court  noble),  kimi  (duke),  wake  (lord),  etc. 

History  gives  no  evidence  of  a  fixed  official  organization  in  ancient  times. 
The  method  pursued  by  the  sovereign  was  to  summon  such  omi  and  muraji  as 
were  notably  influential  or  competent,  and  to  entrust  to  them  the  duty  of  dis- 
charging functions  or  dealing  with  a  special  situation.  Those  so  summoned  were 
termed  mae-isu-gimi  (dukes  of  the  Presence).  The  highest  honour  bestowed 
on  a  subject  in  those  days  fell  to  the  noble,  Takenouchi,  who,  in  consideration 
of  his  services,  was  named  6-mae-tsu-gimi  (great  duke  of  the  Presence)  by  the 
Emperor  Seimu  (A.D.  133).  Among  the  omi  and  muraji,  those  conspicuously 
powerful  were  charged  with  the  superintendence  of  several  uji,  and  were  dis- 
tinguished as  o-omi  and  o-muraji.  It  became  customary  to  appoint  an  o-omi 
and  an  o-muraji  at  the  Court,  just  as  in  later  days  there  was  a  sa-daijin  (minister 
of  the  Left)  and  an  u-daijin  (minister  of  the  Right).  The  o-omi  supervised  all 
members  of  the  Kwobetsu-uji  occupying  administrative  posts  at  Court,  and  the 
d-muraji  discharged  a  similar  function  in  the  case  of  members  of  Shimbetsu-uji. 
Outside  the  capital  local  affairs  were  administered  by  kuni-no-miyatsuko  or 
tomo-no-miyatsuko*  Among  the  former,  the  heads  of  Kwobetsu-uji  predominated  • 
among  the  latter,  those  of  Shimbetsu-uji. 


VALUE  OF  LINEAGE 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  in  old  Japan  lineage  counted  above  every- 
thing, alike  officially  and  socially.  The  offices,  the  honours  and  the  lands  were 
all  in  the  hands  of  the  lineal  descendants  of  the  original  Yamato  chiefs.  Never- 
theless the  omi  and  the  muraji  stood  higher  in  national  esteem  than  the  kuni-no- 
miyatsuko  or  the  tomo-no-miyatsuko;  the  o-omi  and  the  o-muraji,  still  higher; 
and  the  sovereign,  at  the  apex  of  all.  That  much  deference  was  paid  to  functions. 
Things  remained  unaltered  in  this  respect  until  the  sixth  century  when  the  force 
of  foreign  example  began  to  make  itself  felt. 

['  The  distinction  of  Shimbetau  and  Kwobetsu  was  not  nominally  recognized  until  the  fourth 
century,  but  it  undoubtedly  existed  in  practice  at  an  early  date.] 
[*  Tomo  is  an  abbreviation  of  tomo-be.] 


ilf'.l  Oift  j6((W;-;»r,fY.-f'>gft!J 

r  anohiro  A    •  .01  rnn  '\<<f( 


i       .r.l'"'  t.SV7     9fcOn.fiq.fj  , 

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FISHERMAN'S  BOAT  AND  NET 


ffohivf 


CHAPTER  XI 

!."  ;irt'-i'i  J!  bflli:|j.(ow»)  9*;rf  £  Otttl  OD^ltl  Y;2n.ibi6v>£  SB77 

THE   PREHISTORIC   SOVEREIGNS  (Continued) 

—  :  t')y[dus  Dflt  no  §noa 
THE  FIFTEENTH  SOVEREIGN,  OJIN  (A.  D.  270-310) 

The  fifteenth  Sovereign,  Ojin,  came  to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  seventy, 
according  to  the  Chronicles,  and  occupied  it  for  forty  years.  Like  a  majority 
of  the  sovereigns  in  that  epoch  he  had  many  consorts  and  many  children  — 
three  of  the  former  (including  two  younger  sisters  of  the  Emperor)  and  twenty 
of  the  latter.  Comparison  with  Korean  history  goes  to  indicate  that  the  reign 
is  antedated  by  just  120  years,  or  two  of  the  sexagenary  cycles,  but  of  course 
such  a  correction  cannot  be  applied  to  every  incident  of  the  era. 


MARITIME  AFFAIRS 

One  of  the  interesting  features  of  Ojin's  reign  is  that  maritime  affairs  receive 
notice  for  the  first  time.  It  is  stated  that  the  fishermen  of  various  places  raised 
a  commotion,  refused  to  obey  the  Imperial*  commands,  and  were  not  quieted 
until  a  noble,  Ohama,  was  sent  to  deal  with  them.  Nothing  is  stated  as  to  the 
cause  of  this  complication,  but  it  is  doubtless  connected  with  requisitions  of 
fish  for  the  Court,  and  probably  the  fishing  folk  of  Japan  had  already  developed 
the  fine  physique  and  stalwart  disposition  that  distinguish  their  modern 
representatives.  Two  years  later,  instructions  were  issued  that  hereditary 
corporations  (be)  of  fishermen  should  be  established  in  the  provinces,  and, 
shortly  afterwards,  the  duty  of  constructing  a  boat  one  hundred  feet  in  length 
was  imposed  upon  the  people  of  Izu,  a  peninsular  province  so  remote  from 
Yamato  that  its  choice  for  such  a  purpose  is  difficult  to  explain.  There  was  no 
question  of  recompensing  the  builders  of  this  boat:  the  product  of  their  labour 
was  regarded  as  "  tribute." 

99 


100  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

TwenJty-six  years  later  the  Karano,  as  this  vessel  was  called,  having  become 
unserviceable,  the  Emperor  ordered  a  new  Karano  to  be  built,  so  as  to  perpetuate 
her  name.  A  curious  procedure  is  then  recorded,  illustrating  the  arbitrary  meth- 
ods of  government  in  those  days.  The  timbers  of  the  superannuated  ship  were 
used  as  fuel  for  roasting  salt,  five  hundred  baskets  of  which  were  sent  throughout 
the  maritime  provinces,  with  orders  that  by  each  body  of  recipients  a  ship  should 
be  constructed.  Five  hundred  Karanos  thus  came  into  existence,  and  there 
was  assembled  at  Hyogo  such  a  fleet  as  had  never  previously  been  seen  in 
Japanese  waters.  A  number  of  these  new  vessels  were  destroyed  almost 
immediately  by  a  conflagration  which  broke  out  in  the  lodgings  of  Korean 
envoys  from  Sinra  (Shiragi),  and'  the  envoys  being  held  responsible,  their 
sovereign  hastened  to  send  a  body  of  skilled  shipmakers  by  way  of  atonement, 
who  were  thereafter  organized  into  a  hereditary  guild  of  marine  architects,  and 
we  thus  learn  incidentally  that  the  Koreans  had  already  developed  the  ship- 
building skill  destined  to  save  their  country  in  later  ages. 


IDEALISM  OF  THE  THIRD  CENTURY 

In  connexion  with  the  Karano  incident,  Japanese  historians  record  a  tale 
which  materially  helps  our  appreciation  of  the  men  of  that  remote  age.  A 
portion  of  the  Karano' s  timber  having  emerged  unscathed  from  the  salt-pans, 
its  indestructibility  seemed  curious  enough  to  warrant  special  treatment.  It 
was  accordingly  made  into  a  lute  (koto),1  and  it  justified  that  use  by  developing 
"a  ringing  note  that  could  be  heard  from  afar  off."  The  Emperor  composed  a 
song  on  the  subject:  — 

"The  ship  Karano 

"Was  burned  for  salt: 

"Of  the  remainder 

"A  koto  was  made. 

"When  it  is  placed  on 

"One  hears  the  saya-saya 

"Of  the  summer  trees, 

"Brushing  against,  as  they  stand, 

"The  rocks  of  the  mid-harbour, 

"The  harbour  of  Yura."      [Aston.] 

LAW,  INDUSTRY,  LOYALTY 

Five  facts  are  already  deducible  from  the  annals  of  this  epoch:  the  first,  that 
there  was  no  written  law,  unless  the  prohibitions  in  the  Rituals  may  be  so  regard- 
ed; the  second,  that  there  was  no  form  of  judicial  trial,  unless  ordeal  or  torture 
may  be  so  regarded;  the  third,  that  the  death  penalty  might  be  inflicted  on 
purely  ex-parte  evidence;  the  fourth,  that  a  man's  whole  family  had  to  suffer  the 
penalty  of  his  crimes,  and  the  fifth,  that  already  in  those  remote  times  the  code 
of  splendid  loyalty  which  has  distinguished  the  Japanese  race  through  all  ages 
had  begun  to  find  disciples. 

An  incident  of  Ojin's  reign  illustrates  all  these  things.  Takenouchi,  the 
sukune  (noble)  who  had  served  Ojin's  mother  so  ably,  and  who  had  saved  Ojin's 
life  in  the  latter 's  childhood,  was  despatched  to  Tsukushi  (Kyushu)  on  State 
business.  During  his  absence  his  younger  brother  accused  him  of  designs  upon 
the  Emperor.  At  once,  without  further  inquiry,  Oj  in  sent  men  to  kill  the  illustri- 

[l  The  Japanese  lute,  otherwise  called  the  Azuma  koto,  was  an  instrument  five  or  six  feet 
long  and  having  six  strings.  History  first  alludes  to  it  in  the  reign  of  Jingo,  and  such  as  it  was 
then,  such  it  has  remained  until  to-day.) 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  101 

ous  minister.  But  Maneko,  suzerain  (atae)  of  Iki,  who  bore  a  strong  resemblance 
to  Takenouchi,  personified  him,  and  committing  suicide,  deceived  the  soldiers 
who  would  have  taken  the  sukune  's  life,  so  that  the  latter  was  enabled  to  return 
to  Yamato.  Arriving  at  Court,  he  protested  his  innocence  and  the  ordeal  of 
boiling  water  was  employed.  It  took  place  on  the  bank  of  the  Shiki  River. 
Takenouchi  proving  victorious;  his  brother  with  all  his  family  were  condemned 
to  become  tomo-be  of  the  suzerain  of  Kii. 

i!T  :,rfl:'5-:j*1,  rt.o-wti  Oius  K.I&Z.U 

THE  GRACE  OF  LIFE 

Side  by  side  with  these  primitive  conditions  stands  a  romantic  story  of 
Ojin  's  self-denial  in  ceding  to  his  son,  Osazaki,  a  beautiful  girl  whom  the  sovereign 
has  destined  to  be  his  own  consort.  Discovering  that  the  prince  loved  her, 
Ojin  invited  him  to  a  banquet  in  the  palace,  and,  summoning  the  girl,  made 
known  by  the  aid  of  poetry  his  intention  of  surrendering  her  to  his  son,  who,  in 
turn,  expressed  his  gratitude  in  verse.  It  is  true  that  the  character  of  this  act 
of  renunciation  is  marred  when  we  observe  that  Ojin  was  eighty  years  old  at  the 
time;  nevertheless  the  graces  of  life  were  evidently  not  wanting  in  old-time  Japan, 
nor  did  her  historians  deem  them  unworthy  of  prominent  place  in  their  pages. 
If  at  one  moment  they  telljis  of  slanders  and  cruelty,  at  another  they  describe 
how  a  favourite  consort  of  Ojin,  gazing  with  him  at  a  fair  landscape  from  a  high 
tower,  was  moved  to  tears  by  the  memory  of  her  parents  whom  she  had  not  seen 
for  years,  and  how  the  Emperor,  sympathizing  with  her  filial  affection,  made 
provision  for  her  return  home  and  took  leave  of  her  in  verse: — 

"Thou  Island  of  Awaji 
"With  thy  double  ranges; 
"Thou  Island  of  Azuki 
"With  thy  double  ranges — 
"Ye  good  islands, 
"Ye  have  seen  face  to  face 
"My  spouse  of  Kibi." 
-:-<.'!  1  -O;M-.Y^.  f  j.t;i.^a..'C  r«.  'J7>:4rV.;ta.[!Jfi  uJ  .!  -.  ••:.-,  °.t  Kyu     .   »•  v.:u-.il.> 

FOREIGN  INTERCOURSE 

The  most  important  feature  of  the  Ojin  era  was  the  intercourse  then  in- 
augurated with  China.  It  may  be  that  after  the  establishment  of  the  Yamato 
race  in  Japan,  emigrants  from  the  neighbouring  continent  settled,  from  early 
times,  in  islands  so  favoured  by  nature.  If  so,  they  probably  belonged  to  the 
lowest  orders,  for  it  was  not  until  the  third  and  fourth  centuries  that  men  of 
erudition  and  skilled  artisans  began  to  arrive.  Modern  Japanese  historians 
seem  disposed  to  attribute  this  movement  to  the  benign  administration  of  the 
Emperor  Ojin  and  to  the  repute  thus  earned  by  Japan  abroad.  Without 
altogether  questioning  that  theory,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  much  probably 
depended  on  the  conditions  existing  in  China  herself.  Liu  Fang,  founder  of  the 
Han  dynasty  (202  B.C.),  inaugurated  the  system  of  competitive  examinations 
for  civil  appointments,  and  his  successors,  Wen-Ti,  Wu-Ti,  and  Kwang-wu, 
"  developed  literature,  commerce,  arts,  and  good  government  to  a  degree  unknown 
before  anywhere  in  Asia."  It  was  Wu-Ti  (140-86  B.C.)  who  conquered  Korea, 
and  unquestionably  the  Koreans  then  received  many  object  lessons  in  civiliza- 
tion. The  Han  dynasty  fell  in  A.D.  190,  and  there  ensued  one  of  the  most 
troubled  periods  of  Chinese  history.  Many  fugitives  from  the  evils  of  that 
epoch  probably  made  their  way  to  Korea  and  even  to  Japan.  Then  followed 


102  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  after-Han  dynasty  (A.D.  211-265)  when  China  was  divided  into  three 
principalities;  one  of  which,  since  it  ruled  the  littoral  regions  directly  opposite  to 
Japan,  represented  China  in  Japanese  eyes,  and  its  name,  Wu,  came  to  be 
synonymous  with  China  in  Japanese  years. 

It  was,  however,  in  the  days  of  the  Tsin  dynasty  (A.D.  265-317)  and  in  those 
of  the  Eastern  Tsin  (A.D.  317-420)  that  under  the  pressure  of  the  Hun*  inroads 
and  of  domestic  commotions,  numbers  of  emigrants  found  their  way  from  China 
to  Korea  and  thence  to  Japan.  The  Eastern  Tsin  occupied  virtually  the  same 
regions  as  those  held  by  the  Wu  dynasty:  they,  too,  had  their  capital  at  Nanking, 
having  moved  thither  from  Loh-yang,  and  thus  the  name  Wu  was  perpetuated 
for  the  Japanese.  In  the  year  A.D.  283,  according  to  Japanese  chronology, 
Koreans  and  Chinese  skilled  in  useful  arts  began  to  immigrate  to  Japan.  The 
first  to  come  was  a  girl  called  Maketsu.  She  is  said  to  have  been  sent  by  the 
monarch  of  Kudara,  the  region  corresponding  to  the  metropolitan  province  of 
modern  Korea.  It  may  be  inferred  that  she  was  Chinese,  but  as  to  her  nationali- 
ty history  is  silent.  She  settled  permanently  in  Japan,  and  her  descendants 
were  known  as  the  kinu-nui  (silk-clothiers)  of  Kume  in  Yamato.  In  the  same 
year  (A.D.  283),  Yuzu  (called  Yutsuki  by  some  authorities),  a  Chinese  Imperial 
prince,  came  from  Korea  and  memorialized  the  Yamato  Throne  in  the  sense 
that  he  was  a  descendant  of  the  first  Tsin  sovereign  and  that,  having  migrated 
to  Korea  at  the  head  of  the  inhabitants  of  120  districts,  he  had  desired  to  conduct 
them  to  Japan,  but  was  unable  to  accomplish  his  purpose  owing  to  obstruction 
offered  by  the  people  of  Sinra  (Shiragi).  Ojin  sent  two  embassies  —  the  second 
accompanied  by  troops  —  to  procure  the  release  of  these  people,  and  in  A.D.  285 
they  reached  Japan,  where  they  received  a  hearty  welcome,  and  for  the  sake  of 
their  skill  in  sericulture  and  silk  weaving,  they  were  honoured  by  organization 
into  an  uji  —  Hata-uji  (hata  in  modern  Japanese  signifies  "loom,"  but  in  ancient 
days  it  designated  silk  fabrics  of  all  kinds). 

An  idea  of  the  dimensions  of  this  Chinese  addition  to  the  population  of 
Japan  is  furnished  by  the  fact  that,  175  years  later,  the  Hata-uji  having  been 
dispersed  and  reduced  to  ninety-two  groups,  steps  were  taken  to  reassemble  and 
reorganize  them,  with  the  result  that  18,670  persons  were  brought  together. 
Again,  in  A.D.  289,  a  sometime  subject  of  the  after-Han  dynasty,  accompanied 
by  his  son,  emigrated  to  Japan.  The  names  of  these  Chinese  are  given  as 
Achi  and  Tsuka,  and  the  former  is  described  as  a  great-grandson  of  the  Emperor 
Ling  of  the  aftor-Han  dynasty,  who  reigned  from  A.D.  168  to  190.  Like  Yuzu 
he  had  escaped  to  Korea  during  the  troublous  time  at  the  close  of  the  Han  sway, 
and,  like  Yuzu,  he  had  been  followed  to  the  peninsula  by  a  large  body  of  Chinese, 
who,  at  his  request,  were  subsequently  escorted  by  Japanese  envoys  to  Japan. 
These  immigrants  also  were  allowed  to  assume  the  status  of  an  uji,  and  in  the 
fifth  century  the  title  of  A  ya  no  atae  (suzerain  of  Aya)  was  given  to  Achi 's  de- 
scendants in  consideration  of  the  skill  of  their  followers  in  designing  and  manu- 
facturing figured  fabrics  (for  which  the  general  term  was  aya). 

When  Achi  had  resided  seventeen  years  in  Japan,  he  and  his  son  were  sent 
to  Wu  (China)  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  women  versed  in  making  dress 
materials.  The  title  of  omi  (chief  ambassador)  seems  to  have  been  then  con- 
ferred on  the  two  men,  as  envoys  sent  abroad  were  habitually  so  designated. 
They  did  not  attempt  to  go  by  sea.  The  state  of  navigation  was  still  such  that 
ocean-going  voyages  were  not  seriously  thought  of.  Achi  and  his  son  proceeded 
in  the  first  instance  to  Koma  (the  modern  Pyong-yang)  and  there  obtained 
guides  for  the  overland  journey  round  the  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili.  They 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  103 

are  said  to  have  made  their  way  to  Loh-yang  where  the  Tsin  sovereigns  then  had 
their  capital  (A.D.  306).  Four  women  were  given  to  them,  whom  they  carried 
back  to  Japan,  there  to  become  the  ancestresses  of  an  uji  known  as  Kure  no 
kinu-nui  and  Kaya  no  kinu-nui  (clothiers  of  Kure  and  of  Kaya),  appellations 
which  imply  Korean  origin,  but  were  probably  suggested  by  the  fact  that  Korea 
had  been  the  last  continental  station  on  their  route.  The  journey  to  and  from 
Loh-yang  occupied  four  years.  This  page  of  history  shows  not  only  the  begin- 
ning of  Japan 's  useful  intercourse  with  foreign  countries,  but  also  her  readiness 
to  learn  what  they  had  to  teach  and  her  liberal  treatment  of  alien  settlers. 


THE  ART  OF  WRITING 

It  is  not  infrequently  stated  that  a  knowledge  of  Chinese_  ideographs  was 
acquired  by  the  Japanese  for  the  first  time  during  the  reign  of  Ojin.  The  bases 
of  this  belief  are  that,  in  A.D.  284,  according  to  the  Japanese  chronology  —  a 
date  to  which  must  be  added  two  sexagenary  cycles,  bringing  it  to  A.D.  404  — 
the  King  of  Kudara  sent  two  fine  horses  to  the  Yamato  sovereign,  and  the  man 
who  accompanied  them,  Atogi  by  name,  showed  himself  a  competent  reader  of 
the  Chinese  classics  and  was  appointed  tutor  to  the  Prince  Imperial.  By 
Atogi 's  advice  a  still  abler  scholar,  Wani  (Wang-in),  was  subsequently  invited 
from  Kudara  to  take  Atogi 's  place,  and  it  is  added  that  the  latter  received  the 
title  of  fumi-bito  (scribe),  which  he  transmitted  to  his  descendants  in  Japan. 
But  close  scrutiny  does  not  support  the  inference  that  Chinese  script  had  re- 
mained unknown  to  Japan  until  the  above  incidents.  What  is  proved  is  merely 
that  the  Chinese  classics  then  for  the  first  time  became  an  open  book  in  Japan. 

As  for  the  ideographs  themselves,  they  must  have  been  long  familiar,  though 
doubtless  to  a  very  limited  circle.  Chinese  history  affords  conclusive  evidence. 
Thus,  in  the  records  of  the  later  Han  (A.D.  25-220)  we  read  that  from  the  time 
when  Wu-Ti  (140-86  B.C.)  overthrew  Korea,  the  Japanese  of  thirty-two  provinces 
communicated  with  the  Chinese  authorities  in  the  peninsula  by  means  of  a  postal 
service.  The  Wei  annals  (A.D.  220-265)  state  that  in  A.D.  238,  the  Chinese 
sovereign  sent  a  written  reply  to  a  communication  from  the  "Queen  of  Japan" 
—  Jingo  was  then  on  the  throne.  In  the  same  year,  the  Japanese  Court  addressed 
a  written  answer  to  a  Chinese  rescript  forwarded  to  Yamato  by  the  governor 
of  Thepang  —  the  modern  Namwon  in  Chollado  —  and  in  A.D.  247,  a  despatch 
was  sent  by  the  Chinese  authorities  admonishing  the  Japanese  to  desist  from 
internecine  quarrels.  These  references  indicate  that  the  use  of  the  ideographs 
was  known  in  Japan  long  before  the  reign  of  Ojin,  whether  we  take  the  Japanese 
or  the  corrected  date  for  the  latter.  It  will  probably  be  jus"t  to  assume,  however, 
that  the  study  of  the  ideographs  had  scarcely  any  vogue  in  Japan  until  the 
coming  of  Atogi  and  Wani,  nor  does  it  appear  to  have  attracted  much  attention 
outside  Court  circles  even  subsequently  to  that  date,  for  the  records  show  that, 
in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Bidatsu  (A.D.  572-585),  a  memorial  sent  by  Korea 
to  the  Yamato  Court  was  illegible  to  all  the  officials  except  one  man,  by  name 
Wang-sin-i,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  descendant  of  the  Paikche  emigrant, 
Wan-i. 

Buddhism,  introduced  into  Japan  in  A.D.  552,  doubtless  supplied  the  chief 
incentive  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge.  But  had  the  Japanese  a  script  of 
their  own  at  any  period  of  their  history?  The  two  oldest  manuscripts  which 
contain  a  reference  to  this  subject  are  the  Kogo-shui,  compiled  by  Hironari  in 
A.D.  808,  and  a  memorial  (kammori)  presented  to  the  Throne  in  A.D.  901  by 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Miyoshi  Kiyotsura.  Both  explicitly  state  that  in  remote  antiquity  there  were 
no  letters,  and  that  all  events  or  discourses  had  to  be  transmitted  orally.  Not 
until  the  thirteenth  century  does  the  theory  of  a  purely  Japanese  script  seem  to 
have  been  conceived,  and  its  author l  had  no  basis  for  the  hypothesis  other  than 
the  idea  that,  as  divination  was  practised  in  the  age  of  the  Kami,  letters  of  some 
kind  must  have  been  in  use.  Since  then  the  matter  has  been  much  discussed. 
Caves  used  in  ancient  times  as  habitations  or  sepulchres  and  old  shrines  occasion- 
ally offer  evidence  in  the  form  of  symbols  which,  since  they  bear  some  resemblance 
to  the  letters  of  the  Korean  alphabet  (onmuri),  have  been  imagined  to  be  at  once 
the  origin  of  the  latter  and  the  script  of  the  Kami-no-yo  (Age  of  the  Kami). 
But  such  fancies  are  no  longer  seriously  entertained.  It  is  agreed  that  the  so- 
called  "letters"  are  nothing  more  than  copies  of  marks  produced  by  the  action 
of  fire  upon  bones  used  in  divination.  The  Japanese  cleverly  adapted  the 
Chinese  ideographs  to  syllabic  purposes,  but  they  never  devised  a  script  of  their 
own. 

ETHICAL  EFFECTS  OF  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  CHINESE  LITERATURE 

A  generally  accepted  belief  is  that  the  study  of  the  Chinese  classics  exercised 
a  marked  ethical  influence  upon  the  Japanese  nation.  That  is  a  conclusion 
which  may  be  profitably  contrasted  with  the  views  of  Japan 's  most  distinguished 
historians.  Mr.  Abe  Kozo  says:  "Acquaintance  with  the  Chinese  classics 
may  be  supposed  to  have  produced  a  considerable  moral  effect  on  the  people  of 
Japan.  Nothing  of  the  kind  seems  to  have  been  the  case.  The  practical 
civilization  of  China  was  accepted,  but  not  her  ethical  code.  For  any  palpable 
moral  influence  the  arrival  of  Buddhism  had  to  be  awaited.  Already  the 
principles  of  loyalty  and  obedience,  propriety,  and  righteousness  were  recognized 
in  Japan  though  not  embodied  in  any  written  code."  Dr.  Ariga  writes:  "Our 
countrymen  did  not  acquire  anything  specially  new  in  the  way  of  moral  tenets. 
They  must  have  been  surprised  to  find  that  in  China  men  did  not  respect  the 
occupants  of  the  throne.  A  subject  might  murder  his  sovereign  and  succeed 
him  without  incurring  the  odium  of  the  people."  Rai  Sanyo  says:  "Moral 
principles  are  like  the  sun  and  the  moon;  they  cannot  be  monopolized  by  any 
one  country.  In  every  land  there  are  parents  and  children,  rulers  and  ruled, 
husbands  and  wives.  Where  these  relations  exist,  there  also  filial  piety  and 
affection,  loyalty  and  righteousness  may  naturally  be  found.  In  our  country 
we  lack  the  precise  terminology  of  the  classics,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  we 
lack  the  principles  expressed.  What  the  Japanese  acquired  from  the  classics 
was  the  method  of  formulating  the  thought,  not  the  thought  itself." 

THE  SIXTEENTH  SOVEREIGN,  NINTOKU  (A.D.  313-399) 

This  sovereign  is  represented  by  the  Chronicles  as  having  reigned  eighty-six 
years,  and  by  the  Records  as  having  died  at  the  age  of  eighty-three.  The  same 
Chronicles  make  him  the  lover  of  a  girl  whom  his  father,  also  her  lover,  generously 
ceded  to  him.  This  event  happened  in  A.D.  282.  Assuming  that  Nintoku  was 
then  sixteen,  he  cannot  have  been  less  than  133  at  the  time  of  his  death.  It  is 
thus  seen  that  the  chronology  of  this  period,  also,  is  untrustworthy.  Nintoku 's 
reign  is  remembered  chiefly  on  account  of  the  strange  circumstances  in  which 
he  came  to  the  throne,  his  benevolent  charity,  and  the  slights  he  suffered  at  the 
[» Kanekata,  who  wrote  the  Shaku  Nihongi  in  the  era  1264-1274.] 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  105 

hands  of  a  jealous  consort.  His  father,  Ojin,  by  an  exercise  of  caprice  not  un- 
common on  the  part  of  Japan's  ancient  sovereigns,  had  nominated  a  younger 
son,  Waka-iratsuko,  to  be  his  heir.  But  this  prince  showed  invincible  reluctance 
to  assume  the  sceptre  after  Ojin's  death.  He  asserted  himself  stoutly  by  killing 
one  of  his  elder  brothers  who  conspired  against  him,  though  he  resolutely  declined 
to  take  precedence  of  the  other  brother,  and  the  latter,  proving  equally  diffident, 
the  throne  remained  unoccupied  for  three  years  when  Waka-iratsuko  solved  the 
problem  by  committing  suicide. 

Such  are  the  simplest  outlines  of  the  story.  But  its  details,  when  filled  in  by 
critical  Japanese  historians  of  later  ages,  suggest  a  different  impression.  When 
Ojin  died  his  eldest  two  sons  were  living  respectively  in  Naniwa  (Osaka)  and 
Yamato,  and  the  Crown  Prince,  Waka-iratsuko,  was  at  Uji.  They  were  thus 
excellently  situated  for  setting  up  independent  claims.  From  the  time  of 
Nintoku  's  birth,  the  prime  minister,  head  of  the  great  Takenouchi  family,  had 
taken  a  special  interest  in  the  child,  and  when  the  lad  grew  up  he  married  this 
Takenouchi 's  granddaughter,  who  became  the  mother  of  three  Emperors. 
Presently  the  representatives  of  all  branches  of  the  Takenouchi  family  came  into 
possession  of  influential  positions  at  Court,  among  others  that  of  o-omi,  so  that 
in  this  reign  were  laid  the  foundations  of  the  controlling  power  subsequently 
vested  in  the  hands  of  the  Heguri,  Katsuragi,  and  Soga  houses.  In  short,  this 
epoch  saw  the  beginning  of  a  state  of  affairs  destined  to  leave  its  mark  permanent- 
ly on  Japanese  history,  the  relegation  of  the  sovereign  to  the  place  of  a  faineant 
and  the  usurpation  of  the  administrative  authority  by  a  group  of  great  nobles. 

Nintoku  had  the  active  support  of  the  Takenouchi  magnates,  and  although 
the  Crown  Prince  may  have  desired  to  assert  the  title  conferred  on  him  by  his 
father,  he  found  himself  helpless  in  the  face  of  obstructions  offered  by  the  prime 
minister  and  his  numerous  partisans.  These  suffered  him  to  deal  effectively 
with  that  one  of  his  elder  brothers  who  did  not  find  a  place  in  their  ambitious 
designs,  but  they  created  for  Waka-iratsuko  a  situation  so  intolerable  that 
suicide  became  his  only  resource.  Nintoku 's  first  act  on  ascending  the  throne 
explains  the  ideographs  chosen  for  his  posthumous  name  by  the  authors  of  the 
Chronicles,_ since  nin  signifies  "benevolence"  and  toku,  "virtue."'  He  made 
Naniwa  (Osaka)  his  capital,  but  instead  of  levying  taxes  and  requisitioning 
forced  labour  to  build  his  palace  of  Takatsu,  he  remitted  all  such  burdens  for 
three  years  on  observing  from  a  tower  that  no  smoke  ascended  from  the  roofs 
of  the  houses  and  construing  this  to  indicate  a  state  of  poverty.  During  those 
three  years  the  palace  fell  into  a  condition  of  practical  ruin,  and  tradition 
describes  its  inmates  as  being  compelled  to  move  from  room  to  room  to  avoid 
the  leaking  rain.1 

Under  Nintoku 's  sway  riparian  works  and  irrigation  improvements  took 
place  on  a  large  scale,  and  thus  the  eminent  historian,  Rai  Sanyo,  may  not  be 
without  warrant  for  attributing  to  this  ruler  the  sentiment  quoted  in  the  Chroni- 
cles: "A  sovereign  lives  for  his  people.  Their  prosperity  is  his  enrichment; 
their  poverty,  his  loss."  Yet  it  is  in  connexion  with  Nintoku 's  repairs  of  the 
Manda  river-bank  that  we  find  the  first  mention  of  a  heinous  custom  occasional- 
ly practised  in  subsequent  ages  —  the  custom  of  sacrificing  human  life  to  expedite 
the  progress  or  secure  the  success  of  some  public  work. 

At  the  same  time,  that  habits  indicating  a  higher  civilization  had  already 

t1  Doubts  have  been  thrown  on  the  reality  of  this  incident  because  a  poem,  attributed  to 
Nintoku  on  the  occasion,  is  couched  in  obviously  anachronistic  language.  But  the  poem  does 
not  appear  in  either  the  Records  or  the  Chronicles:  it  was  evidently  an  invention  of  later  ages.] 


106  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

begun  to  gain  ground  is  proved  by  an  incident  which  occurred  to  one  of  the 
Imperial  princes  during  a  hunting  expedition.  Looking  down  over  a  moor  from 
a  mountain,  he  observed  a  pit,  and,  on  inquiry,  was  informed  by  the  local  head- 
man that  it  was  an  "ice-pit."  The  prince,  asking  how  the  ice  was  stored  and 
for  what  it  was  used,  received  this  answer:  "The  ground  is  excavated  to  a 
depth  of  over  ten  feet.  The  top  is  then  covered  with  a  roof  of  thatch.  A  thick 
hivcr  of  reed-grass  is  then  spread,  upon  which  the  ice  is  laid.  The  months  of 
summer  have  passed  and  yet  it  is  not  melted.  As  to  its  use  —  when  the  hot 
months  come  it  is  placed  in  water  or  sake  and  thus  used."  [Aston 's  Nihongi.] 
Thenceforth  the  custom  of  storing  ice  was  adopted  at  the  Court.  It  was  in 
Nintoku  's  era  that  the  pastime  of  hawking,  afterward  widely  practised,  became 
known  for  the  first  time  in  Japan.  Korea  was  the  place  of  origin,  and  it  is 
recorded  that  the  falcon  had  a  soft  leather  strap  fastened  to  one  leg  and  a  small 
bell  to  the  tail.  Pheasants  were  the  quarry  of  the  first  hawk  flown  on  the  moor 
of  Mozu. 

Light  is  also  thrown  in  Nintoku 's  annals  on  the  method  of  boatbuilding 
practised  by  the  Japanese  in  the  fourth  century.  They  used  dug-outs.  The 
provincial  governor  *  of  Totomi  is  represented  as  reporting  that  a  huge  tree  had 
floated  down  the  river  Oi  and  had  stopped  at  a  bend.  It  was  a  single  stem  forked 
at  one  end,  and  the  suzerain  of  Yamato  was  ordered  to  make  a  boat  of  it.  The 
craft  was  then  brought  round  by  sea  to  Naniwa,  "where  it  was  enrolled  among 
the  Imperial  vessels."  Evidently  from  the  days  of  Ojin  and  the  Karano  a  fleet 
formed  part  of  the  Imperial  possessions.  This  two-forked  boat  figures  in  the 
reign  of  Nintoku 's  successor,  Richu,  when  the  latter  and  his  concubine  went  on 
board  and  feasted  separately,  each  hi  one  fork. 


THE  FAMILY  OF  TAKENOUCHI-NO-SUKUNE 

For  the  better  understanding  of  Japanese  history  at  this  stage,  a  word  must 
be  said  about  a  family  of  nobles  (sukune)  who,  from  the  days  of  Nintoku,  exercised 
potent  sway  in  the  councils  of  State.  It  will  have  been  observed  that,  in  the 
annals  of  the  Emperor  Keiko  's  reign,  prominence  is  given  to  an  official  designated 
Takenouchi-no-Sukune,  who  thereafter  seems  to  have  served  sovereign  after 
sovereign  until  his  death  in  the  year  368,  when  he  must  have  been  from  two 
hundred  to  three  hundred  years  old.  This  chronological  difficulty  has  provoked 
much  scepticism.  Dr.  Kume,  an  eminent  Japanese  historian,  explains,  how- 
ever, that  Takenouchi  was  the  name  not  of  a  person  but  of  a  family,  and  that  it 
was  borne  by  different  scions  in  succeeding  reigns.  The  first  was  a  grandson 
of  the  Emperor  Kogen  (B.C.  214-158),  and  the  representatives  of  the  family  in 
Nintoku 's  era  had  seven  sons,  all  possessing  the  title  sukune.  They  were  Hata 
no  Yashiro,  Koze  no  Ogara,  Soga  no  Ishikawa,  Heguri  no  Tsuku,  Ki  no  Tsunu, 
Katsuragi  no  Sotsu,  and  Wakugo. 

From  these  were  descended  the  five  uji  of  Koze,  Soga,  Heguri,  Ki,  and 
Katsuragi.  Although  its  founder  was  an  Emperor's  grandson  and  therefore 
entitled  to  be  called  "Imperial  Prince"  (O),  the  family  connexion  with  the 
Throne  naturally  became  more  remote  as  time  passed,  and  from  the  reign  of 
Ojin  we  find  its  members  classed  among  subjects.  Nevertheless,  the  Empress 

['This  term,  "  provincial  governor, "  appears  now  for  the  first  time  written  with  the  ideo- 
graphs "kokushi. "  Hitherto  it  has  been  written  "kuni-no-miyatsuko. "  Much  is  heard  of  the  ko- 
ushi  in  later  times.    They  are  the  embryo  of  the  daimyo,  the  central  figures  of  military  feudal- 


THE  PREHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  107 

Iwa,  whose  jealousy  harrassed  Nintoku  so  greatly,  was  a  daughter  of  Katsuragi 
no  Sotsu,  and,  as  with  the  sole  exception  of  the  Emperor  Shomu,  every  occupant 
of  the  throne  had  taken  for  his  Empress  a  lady  of  Imperial  blood,  it  may  be  assumed 
that  the  relationship  between  the  Imperial  and  the  Takenouchi  families  was 
recognized  at  that  time.  The  roles  which  the  five  uji  mentioned  above  acted 
in  subsequent  history  deserve  to  be  studied,  and  will  therefore  be  briefly  set  down 
here. 

THE  KOZE-UJI 

This  uji  had  for  founder  Koze  no  Ogara.  The  representative  of  the  fourth 
generation,  Koze  no  Ohito,  held  the  post  of  o-omi  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Keitai  (A.D.  507-531),  and  his  great-grandson  was  minister  of  the  Left  under 
Kotoku  (A.D.  545-654).  Thereafter,  the  heads  of  the  uji  occupied  prominent 
positions  under  successive  sovereigns. 


THE  SOGA-UJI 

Soga  no  Ishikawa  founded  this  uji.  His  son,  Machi,  shared  the  administra- 
tive power  with  Heguri  no  Tsuku  in  the  reign  of  Richu  (A.D.  400^05),  and 
Machi 's  great-grandson,  Iname,  immortalized  himself  by  promoting  the  intro- 
duction of  Buddhism  in  the  reign  of  Kimmei  (A.D.  540-571).  Iname 's  son, 
Umako,  and  the  latter 's  son,  Yemishi,  will  be  much  heard  of  hereafter.  No 
family,  indeed,  affected  the  course  of  Japanese  history  in  early  days  more  than 
did  the  Soga-wji. 

THE  HEGURI-C/JJ 

During  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Richu  (A.D.  400-405),  Heguri  no  Tsuku, 
founder  of  this  uji,  shared  in  the  administration  with  Soga  no  Machi.  His  son, 
Heguri  no  Matori,  was  minister  under  Yuryaku  (A.D.  457-459),  and  the  fate 
which  he  and  his  son,  Shibi,  brought  upon  their  family  is  one  of  the  salient 
incidents  of  Japanese  history. 

THE  KI-UJI 

The  representatives  of  this  uji,  from  the  days  of  its  founder,  Ki  no  Tsunu, 
took  a  prominent  share  in- the  empire's  foreign  affairs,  but  served  also  in  the 
capacity  of  provincial  governor  and  commander-in-chief. 


THE  KATSURAGI-Z7J7 

Nintoku 's  Empress,  Iwa,  was  a  daughter  of  the  ancestor  of  this  uji,  Katsuragi 
no  Sotsu,  and  the  latter 's  great-granddaughter,  Hae,  was  the  mother  of  two 
sovereigns,  Kenso  (A.D.  485-487)  and  Ninken  (A.D.  488-498). 


TOBACCO  PIPE  AND  POUCH 
801 


HINOMI  YAQUKA  (FIRE  WATCH  TOWEK) 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE  PROTOHISTORIC   SOVEREIGNS 


The  17th  Sovereign,  Richu A.D.  400-405 

"     18th  Hansho "     406-41] 

"     19th         "          Inkyo..... ....-.........,; "    412-453 

"    20th       ,r",..'      Anko Vn>.' "    454-456 

"    21at  Yuryaku "    457-479 


RICHU'S  REIGN 

THE  prehistoric  era  may  be  said  to  terminate  with  the  accession  of  Richu. 
Thenceforth  the  lives  and  reigns  of  successive  sovereigns  cease  to  extend  to 
incredible  lengths,  and  though  the  chronology  adopted  by  the  writers  of  the 
Nihongi  may  not  yet  be  implicitly  accepted,  its  general  accuracy  is  not  open  to 
dispute.  The  era  of  the  five  sovereigns  standing  at  the  head  of  this  chapter  — 
an  era  of  fifty-nine  years  —  inherited  as  legacies  from  the  immediate  past  a  well- 
furnished  treasury,  a  nation  in  the  enjoyment  of  peace,  a  firmly  established 
throne,  and  a  satisfactory  state  of  foreign  relations.  These  comfortable  condi- 
tions seem  to  have  exercised  demoralizing  influence.  The  bonds  of  discipline 
grew  slack;  fierce  quarrels  on  account  of  women  involved  fratricide  among  the 
princes  of  the  blood,  and  finally  the  life  of  an  Emperor  was  sacrificed  —  the  only 
instance  of  such  a  catastrophe  in  Japanese  history. 

Immediately  after  Nintoku  's  death  this  evil  state  of  affairs  was  inaugurated 
by  Prince  Nakatsu,  younger  brother  of  the  heir  to  the  throne,  who  had  not  yet 
assumed  the  sceptre.  Sent  by  the  Crown  Prince  (Richu)  to  make  arrangements 
for  the  latter 's  nuptials  with  the  lady  Kuro,  a  daughter  of  the  Takenouchi 
family,  Nakatsu  personified  Richu,  debauched  the  girl,  and  to  avoid  the  conse- 
quences of  the  act,  sought  to  take  the  life  of  the  man  he  had  betrayed.  It  does 
not  redound  to  the  credit  of  the  era  that  the  debaucher  found  support  and  was 
enabled  to  hold  his  own  for  a  time,  though  his  treachery  ultimately  met  with 

108 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  109 

its  merited  fate.  At  this  crisis  of  his  life,  Richu  received  loyal  assistance  from 
a  younger  brother,  and  his  gratitude  induced  him  to  confer  on  the  latter  the 
title  of  Crown  Prince.  In  thus  acting,  Richu  may  have  been  influenced  by  the 
fact  that  the  alternative  was  to  bequeath  the  throne  to  a  baby,  but  none  the  less 
he  stands  responsible  for  an  innovation  which  greatly  impaired  the  stability  of 
the  succession.  It  should  be  noted,  as  illustrating  the  influence  of  the  Takeno- 
uchi  family  that,  in  spite  of  the  shame  she  had  suffered,  the  lady  Kuro  became 
the  Emperor's  concubine.  In  fact,  among  the  four  nobles  who  administered 
the  affairs  of  the  empire  during  Richu 's  reign,  not  the  least  powerful  were 
Heguri  no  Tsuku  and  Soga  no  Machi.  Moreover,  Richu,  as  has  been  stated 
already,  was  a  son  of  Iwa,  a  lady  of  the  same  great  family,  and  his  two  successors, 
Hansho  and  Inkyo,  were  his  brothers  by  the  same  mother. 

• 

MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS 

The  annals  of  Richu 's  reign  confirm  a  principle  which  received  its  first 
illustration  when  the  Emperor  Keiko  put  to  death  for  parricide  the  daughter  of 
a  Kumaso  chief,  though  she  had  betrayed  her  father  in  the  interest  of  Keiko 
himself.  Similar  deference  to  the  spirit  of  loyalty  led  to  the  execution  of 
Sashihire  in  the  time  of  Richu.  A  retainer  of  the  rebellious  Prince  Nakatsu, 
Sashihire,  assassinated  that  prince  at  the  instance  of  Prince  Mizuha,  who  promised 
large  reward.  But  after  the  deed  had  been  accomplished,  Heguri  no  Tsuku 
advised  his  nephew,  Mizuha,  saying,  "Sashihire  has  killed  his  own  lord  for 
the  sake  of  another,  and  although  for  us  he  has  done  a  great  service,  yet  towards 
his  own  lord  his  conduct  has  been  heartless  in  the  extreme."  Sashihire  was 
therefore  put  to  death.  That  this  principle  was  always  observed  in  Japan 
cannot  be  asserted,  but  that  it  was  always  respected  is  certain. 

In  Richu 's  reign  there  is  found  the  first  clear  proof  that  tattooing  was  not 
practised  in  Japan  for  ornamental  purposes.  Tattooing  is  first  mentioned  as  a 
custom  of  the  Yemishi  when  their  country  was  inspected  by  Takenouchi  at 
Keiko 's  orders.  But  in  Richu 's  time  it  was  employed  to  punish  the  muraji  of 
Atsumi,  who  had  joined  the  rebellion  of  Prince  Nakatsu.  He  was  "inked"  on 
the  face.  It  appears  also  that  the  same  practice  had  hitherto  been  employed  to 
distinguish  horse-keepers,  but  the  custom  was  finally  abandoned  in  deference 
to  an  alleged  revelation  from  Izanagi,  the  deity  of  Awaji,  on  the  occasion  of  a 
visit  by  Richu  to  that  island.  In  the  context  of  this  revelation  it  is  noticeable 
that  belief  in  the  malign  influence  of  offended  deities  was  gaining  ground.  Thus, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  sudden  death  of  Princess  Kuro,  the  voice  of  the  wind  was 
heard  to  utter  mysterious  words  in  the  "great  void"  immediately  before  the 
coming  of  a  messenger  to  announce  the  event,  and  the  Emperor  attributed  the 
calamity  to  the  misconduct  of  an  official  who  had  removed  certain  persons  from 
serving  at  a  shrine. 

The  annals  of  this  reign  are  noteworthy  as  containing  the  earliest  reference 
to  the  compilation  of  books.  It  is  stated  that  in  the  year  A.D.  403  "  local  record- 
ers were  appointed  for  the  first  time  in  the  various  provinces,  who  noted  down 
statements  and  communicated  the  writings  of  the  four  quarters."  An  eminent 
critic  —  Mr.  W.  G.  Aston  —  regards  this  as  an  anachronism,  since  the  coming 
of  the  Korean  scholar,  Wani  (vide  sup.),  did  not  take  place  until  the  year  405, 
which  date  probably  preceded  by  many  years  the  appointment  of  recorders. 
But  it  has  been  shown  above  that  the  innovation  due  to  Wani  was,  not  the  art 
of  writing,  but,  in  all  probability,  a  knowledge  of  the  Chinese  classics. 


110  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Another  institution  established  during  this  tra  was  a  treasury  (A.D.  405), 
and  the  two  learned  Koreans  who  had  come  from  Paikche  (Kudara)  were 
appointed  to  keep  the  accounts.  A  work  of  later  date  than  the  Chronicles  or 
/iVrorrfs  —  the  Shokuin-rei  —  says  that  in  this  treasury  were  stored  "gold  and 
silver,  jewels,  precious  utensils,  brocade  and  satin,  saicenet,  rugs  and  mattresses, 
and  the  rare  objects  sent  as  tribute  by  the  various  barbarians." 


HANSHO 

The  Emperor  Hansho 's  short  reign  of  five  years  is  not  remarkable  for 
anything  except  an  indirect  evidence  that  Chinese  customs  were  beginning  to 
be  adopted  at  the  Japanese  Court.  In  the  earliest  eras,  the  ladies  who  en- 
joyed the  sovereign's  favour  were  classed  simply  as  "Empress"  or  "consort." 
But  from  the  days  of  Hansho  we  find  three  ranks  of  concubines. 


INKYO 

Inkyo  was  a  younger  brother  of  his  predecessor,  Hansho,  as  the  latter  had 
been  of  Richu.  No  formal  nomination  of  Inkyo  as  Prince  Imperial  had  taken 
place,  and  thus  for  the  first  time  the  sceptre  was  found  without  any  legalized 
heir  or  any  son  of  the  deceased  sovereign  to  take  it.  In  these  circumstances, 
the  ministers  held  a  council  and  agreed  to  offer  the  throne  to  Inkyo,  the  elder  of 
two  surviving  sons  of  Nintoku.  Inkyo  was  suffering  from  a  disease  supposed 
to  be  incurable,  and,  distrusting  his  own  competence,  he  persistently  refused  to 
accept  the  responsibility.  The  incident  responsible  for  his  ultimate  consent  was 
the  intervention  of  a  concubine,  Onakatsu,  afterwards  Empress.  Under  pretext 
of  carrying  water  for  the  prince  she  entered  his  chamber,  and  when  he  turned 
his  back  on  her  entreaty  that  he  would  comply  with  the  ministers'  desire,  she 
remained  standing  in  the  bitter  cold  of  a  stormy  day  of  January,  until  the  water, 
which  she  had  spilled  over  her  arm,  became  frozen  and  she  fell  in  a  faint.  Then 
the  prince  yielded.  A  year  later  envoys  were  sent  to  seek  medical  assistance 
in  Korea,  which  was  evidently  regarded  as  the  home  of  the  healing  science  as 
well  as  of  many  other  arts  borrowed  from  China.  A  physician  arrived  from 
Sinra,  and  Inky5  's  malady  was  cured. 

In  this  reign  took  place  a  celebrated  incident,  already  referred  to,  when  the 
lineage  of  the  nobles  was  corrected  by  recourse  to  the  ordeal  of  boiling  water. 
But  a  much  larger  space  in  the  annals  is  occupied  with  the  story  of  an  affair, 
important  only  as  illustrating  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  time.  From 
an  early  period  it  had  been  usual  that  Japanese  ladies  on  festive  occasions 
should  go  through  the  graceful  performance  of  "  woven  paces  and  waving  hands, " 
which  constituted  dancing,  and,  in  the  era  now  occupying  our  attention,  there 
prevailed  in  the  highest  circles  a  custom  that  the  danseuse  should  offer  a  maiden 
to  the  most  honoured  among  the  guests.  One  winter's  day,  at  the  opening  of  a 
new  palace,  the  Empress  Onakatsu  danced  to  the  music  of  the  Emperor's  lute. 
Onakatsu  had  a  younger  sister,  Oto,  of  extraordinary  beauty,  and  the  Emperor, 
fain  to  possess_the  girl  but  fearful  of  offending  the  Empress,  had  planned  this 
dance  so  that  Onakatsu,  in  compliance  with  the  recognized  usage,  might  be  con- 
strained to  place  her  sister  at  his  disposal.  It  fell  out  as  Inkyo  wished,  but 
there  then  ensued  a  chapter  of  incidents  in  which  the  dignity  of  the  Crown 
fared  ill.  Again  and  again  the  beautiful  Oto  refused  to  obey  her  sovereign's 
summons,  and  when  at  length,  by  an  unworthy  ruse,  she  was  induced  to  repair 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  111 

to  the  palace,  it  was  found  impossible  to  make  her  an  inmate  of  it  in  defiance 
of  the  Empress '  jealousy.  She  had  to  be  housed  elsewhere,  and  still  the  Imperial 
lover  was  baffled,  for  he  dared  not  brave  the  elder  sister 's  resentment  by  visiting 
the  younger.  Finally  he  took  advantage  of  the  Empress'  confinement  to  pay 
the  long-deferred  visit,  but,  on  learning  of  the  event,  the  outraged  wife  set  fire 
to  the  parturition  house  and  attempted  to  commit  suicide.  "Many  years  have 
passed,"  she  is  recorded  to  have  said  to  the  Emperor,  "since  I  first  bound  up  my 
hair  and  became  thy  companion  in  the  inner  palace.  It  is  too  cruel  of  thee,  O 
Emperor!  Wherefore  just  on  this  night  when  I  am  in  childbirth  and  hanging 
between  life  and  death,  must  thou  go  to  Fujiwara?"  Inkyo  had  the  grace  to 
be  "greatly  shocked"  and  to  "soothe  the  mind  of  the  Empress  with  expla- 
nations," but  he  did  not  mend  his  infidelity.  At  Oto  's  request  he  built  a  residence 
for  her  at  Chinu  in  the  neighbouring  province  of  Kawachi,  and  thereafter  the 
compilers  of  the  Chronicles,  with  fine  irony,  confine  their  record  of  three  consecu- 
tive years'  events  to  a  repetition  of  the  single  phrase,  "the  Emperor  made  a 
progress  to  Chinu." 

It  is  not,  perhaps,  extravagant  to  surmise  that  the  publicity  attending  this 
sovereign's  amours  and  the  atmosphere  of  loose  morality  thus  created  were  in 
part  responsible  for  a  crime  committed  by  his  elder  son,  the  Crown  Prince  Karu. 
Marriage  between  children  of  the  same  father  had  always  been  permitted  in 
Japan  provided  the  mother  was  different,  but  marriage  between  children  of  the 
s_ame  mother  was  incest.  Prince  Karu  was  guilty  of  this  offence  with  his  sister, 
Oiratsume,  and  so  severely  did  the  nation  judge  him  that  he  was  driven  into 
exile  and  finally  obliged  to  commit  suicide.  With  such  records  is  the  reign  of 
Inkyo  associated.  It  is  perplexing  that  the  posthumous  name  chosen  for  him 
by  historians  should  signify  "sincerely  courteous."  Incidentally,  four  facts 
present  themselves  —  that  men  wore  wristbands  and  garters  to  which  grelots 
were  attached;  that  a  high  value  was  set  on  pearls;  that  metal  was  used  for  the 
construction  of  great  men 's  gates,  and  that  the  first  earthquake  is  said  to  have 
been  experienced  in  A.D.  416. 

ANKO 

The  records  of  this  sovereign 's  r'eign  make  a  discreditable  page  of  Japanese 
history.  Anko,  having  ascended  the  throne  after  an  armed  contest  with  his 
elder  brother,  which  ended  in  the  latter 's  suicide,  desired  to  arrange  a  marriage 
between  his  younger  brother,  Ohatsuse,  and  a  sister  of  his  uncle,  Okusaka.  He 
despatched  Ne  no  Omi,  a  trusted  envoy,  to  confer  with  the  latter,  who  gladly 
consented,  and,  in  token  of  approval,  handed  to  Ne  no  Omi  a  richly  jewelled 
coronet  for  conveyance  to  the  Emperor.  But  Ne _no  Omi,  covetous  of  the  gems, 
secreted  the  coronet,  and  told  the  Emperor  that  Okusaka  had  rejected  the  pro- 
posal with  scorn.  Anko  took  no  steps  to  investigate  the  truth  of  this  statement. 
It  has  been  already  seen  that  such  investigations  were  not  customary  in  those 
days.  Soldiers  were  at  once  sent  to  slaughter  Okusaka;  his  wife,  Nakashi,  was 
taken  to  be  the  Emperor 's  consort,  and  his  sister,  Hatahi,  was  married  to  Prince 
Ohatsuse. 

Now,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  Okusaka  had  a  son,  Mayuwa,  seven  years  old. 
One  day,  the  Emperor,  having  drunk  heavily,  confessed  to  the  Empress,  Nakashi, 
that  he  entertained  some  apprehension  lest  this  boy  might  one  day  seek  to  avenge 
his  father's  execution.  The  child  overheard  this  remark,  and  creeping  to  the 
side  of  his  step-father,  who  lay  asleep  with  his  head  in  Nakashi 's  lap,  killed  him 
with  his  own  sword.  Such  is  the  tale  narrated  in  the  Chronicles  and  the  Records. 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

But  its  incredible  features  are  salient.  A  deed  of  the  kind  would  never  have 
been  conceived  or  committed  by  a  child,  and  the  Empress  must  have  been  a 
conniving  party. 

To  what  quarter,  then,  is  the  instigation  to  be  traced?  An  answer  seems  to 
be  furnished  by  the  conduct  of  Prince  Ohatsuse.  Between  this  prince  and  the 
throne  five  lives  intervened;  those  of  the  Emperor  Anko,  of  the  latter 's  two 
brothers,  Yatsuri  no  Shiro  and  Sakai  no  Kuro,  both  older  than  Ohatsuse,  and 
of  two  sons  of  the  late  Emperor  Richu,  Ichinobe  no  Oshiwa  and  Mima.  Every 
one  of  these  was  removed  from  the  scene  in  the  space  of  a  few  days.  Immediate- 
ly after  Anko 's  assassination,  Ohatsuse,  simulating  suspicion  of  his  two  elder 
brothers,  killed  the  o-omi,  who  refused  to  give  them  up.  Ohatsuse  then  turned 
his  attention  to  his  grand-uncles,  the  two  sons  of  Richu.  He  sent  a  military 
force  to  destroy  one  of  them  without  any  pretence  of  cause;  the  other  he  invited 
to  a  hunting  expedition  and  treacherously  shot.  If  Ohatsuse  did  not  contrive 
the  murder  of  Anko,  as  he  contrived  the  deaths  of  all  others  standing  between 
himself  and  the  throne,  a  great  injustice  has  been  done  to  his  memory. 

LOYALTY 

These  shocking  incidents  are  not  without  a  relieving  feature.  _  They  furnished 
opportunities  for  the  display  of  fine  devotion.  When  Prince  Okusaka  died  for 
a  crime  of  which  he  was  wholly  innocent,  two  of  his  retainers,  Naniwa  no  Hikaga, 
father  and  son,  committed  suicide  in  vindication  of  his  memory.  When  Prince 
Sakai  no  Kuro  and  Mayuwa  took  refuge  in  the  house  of  the  o-omi  Tsubura,  the 
latter  deliberately  chose  death  rather  than  surrender  the  fugitives.  When 
Prince  Kuro  perished,  Nie-no-Sukune  took  the  corpse  in  his  arms  and  was  burned 
with  it.  When  Prince  Ichinobe  no  Oshiwa  fell  under  the  treacherous  arrow  of 
Prince  Ohatsuse,  one  of  the  former's  servants  embraced  the  dead  body  and  fell 
into  such  a  paroxysm  of  grief  that  Ohatsuse  ordered  him  to  be  despatched.  And 
during  this  reign  of  Yuryaku,  when  Lord  Otomo  was  killed  in  a  fatal  engagment 
with  the  Sinra  troops,  his  henchman,  Tsumaro,  crying,  "My  master  has  fallen; 
what  avails  that  I  alone  should  remain  unhurt?"  threw  himself  into  the  ranks 
of  the  enemy  and  perished.  Loyalty  to  the  death  characterized  the  Japanese 
in  every  age. 

YURYAKU 

This  sovereign  was  the  Ohatsuse  of  whose  unscrupulous  ambition  so  much 
has  just  been  heard.  Some  historians  have  described  him  as  an  austere  man, 
but  few  readers  of  his  annals  will  be  disposed  to  endorse  such  a  lenient  verdict. 
He  ordered  that  a  girl,  whose  only  fault  was  misplaced  affection,  should  have 
her  four  limbs  stretched  on  a  tree  and  be  roasted  to  death;  he  slew  one  of  his 
stewards  at  a  hunt,  because  the  man  did  not  understand  how  to  cut  up  the  meat 
of  an  animal ;  he  removed  a  high  official  —  Tasa,  omi  of  Kibi  —  to  a  distant  post 
in  order  to  possess  himself  of  the  man's  wife  (Waka),  and  he  arbitrarily  and 
capriciously  killed  so  many  men  and  women  that  the  people  called  him  the 
"Emperor  of  great  wickedness."  One  act  of  justice  stands  to  his  credit.  The 
slanderer,  Ne  no  Omi,  who  for  the  sake  of  a  jewelled  coronet  had  caused  the 
death  of  Prince  Okusaka,  as  related  above,  had  the \emerity  to  wear  the  coronet, 
sixteen  years  subsequently,  when  he  presided  at  a  banquet  given  in  honour  of 
envoys  from  China;  and  the  beauty  of  the  bauble  having  thus  been  noised  abroad, 
Ne  no  Omi  was  required  to  show  it  at  the  palace.  It  was  immediately  recognized 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  113 

by  the  Empress,  sister  of  the  ill-starred  prince,,  and  Ne  no  Omi,  having  confessed 
his  crime,  was  put  to  death,  all  the  members  of  his  uji  being  reduced  to  the  rank 
of  serfs.  One  moiety  of  them  was  formed  into  a  hereditary  corporation  which 
was  organized  under  the  name  of  Okusakabe,  in  memory  of  Prince  Okusaka, 

;"// 

ARTS  AND  CRAFTS 

The  reign  of  Yuryaku  is  partially  saved  from  the  reproach  of  selfish  despotism 
by  the  encouragement  given  to  the  arts  and  crafts.  It  has  already  been  related 
that  the  members  of  the  Hata-uji,  which  had  been  constituted  originally  with 
artisans  from  China,  gradually  became  dispersed  throughout  the  provinces  and 
were  suffering  some  hardships  when  Yuryaku  issued  orders  for  their  reassembly 
and  reorganization.  Subsequently  the  sovereign  gave  much  encouragement  to 
sericulture,  and,  inspired  doubtless  by  the  legend  of  the  Sun  goddess,  inaugurated 
a  custom  which  thereafter  prevailed  in  Japan  through  all  ages,  the  cultivation 
of  silkworms  by  the  Empress  herself.  At  a  later  date,  learning  from  a  Korean 
handicraftsman  (tebito)  —  whose  name  has  been  handed  down  as  Kwan-in 
Chiri  —  that  Korea  abounded  in  experts  of  superior  skill,  Yuryaku  commissioned 
this  man  to  carry  to  the  King  of  Kudara  (Paikche)  an  autograph  letter  asking 
for  the  services  of  several  of  these  experts.  This  request  was  complied  with, 
and  the  newcomers  were  assigned  dwellings  at  the  village  of  Tsuno  in  Yamato;1 
but  as  the  place  proved  unhealthy,  they  were  afterwards  distributed  among 
several  localities. 

It  is  also  recorded  that,  about  this  time,  there  came  from  China  a  man  called 
An  Kiko,  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  Wu  sovereigns.  He  settled  in  Japan,  and 
his  son,  Ryu  —  afterwards  named  Shinki  —  is  reputed  to  have  been  the  first 
exponent  of  Chinese  pictorial  art  in  Japan.  In  the  year  A.D.  470,  there  was 
another  arrival  of  artisans,  this  time  from  Wu  (China),  including  weavers  and 
clothiers.  They  landed  in  the  province  of  Settsu,  and  to  commemorate  their 
coming  a  road  called  the  "Kure-saka"  (Wu  acclivity)  was  constructed  from 
that  port  to  the  Shihatsu  highway.  The  descendants  of  these  immigrants  were 
organized  into  two  hereditary  corporations  (be)  of  silk-clothiers,  the  Asuka  no 
Kinu-nui-be  and  the  Ise  no  Kinu-nui-be.  Two  years  later  (472),  orders  were 
issued  for  the  cultivation  of  mulberry  trees  in  all  suitable  provinces,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  previously  reassembled  members  of  the  Hata-uji  were  once  more 
distributed  to  various  localities  with  the  object  of  widening  their  sphere  of  in- 
struction. 

In  the  year  473  a  very  interesting  event  is  recorded.  The  muraji  of  the 
Hanishi  was  ordered  to  furnish  craftsmen  to  manufacture  "pure  utensils"  for 
serving  viands  daily  in  the  palace.  These  Hanishi  are  first  spoken  of  as  having 
been  employed  at  the  suggestion  of  Nomi-no-Sukune,  in  the  days  of  the  Emperor 
Suinin  (A.D.  3),  to  make  clay  substitutes  for  the  human  beings  thitherto  inhumed 
at  the  sepulchres  of  notables.  In  response  to  this  order  the  muraji  summoned 
his  own  tami-be  (private  hereditary  corporation)  then  located  at  seven  villages 
in  the  provinces  of  Settsu,  Yamashiro,  Ise,  Tamba,  Tajima,  and  Inaba.  They 
were  organized  into  the  Nie  no  Hanishibe,  or  hereditary  corporation  of  potters 
of  table-utensils.  Ceramists  had  previously  come  from  Kudara  (Paikche),  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  some  progress  was  made  in  the  art  from  the  fifth 
century  onwards.  But  there  does  not  appear  to  be  sufficient  ground  for  a  con- 
clusion formed  by  some  historians  that  the  "pure  utensils"  mentioned  above 
P  There  were  potters,  saddlers,  brocade-weavers,  and  interpreters.] 


114  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

\\viv  of  glazed  pottery.     The  art  of  applying  glaze  to  ceramic  manufactures 
was  not  discovered  until  a  much  later  period. 


RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA 

When  Yuryaku  ascended  the  throne,  Japan  still  enjoyed  her  original  friend- 
ship with  Paikche  (Kudara),  whence  ladies-in-waiting  were  sent  periodically  to 
the  Yamato  Court.  She  also  retained  her  military  post  at  Mimana  (Imna)  and 
kept  a  governor  there,  but  her  relations  with  Shiragi  (Sinra)  were  somewhat 
strained,  owing  to  harsh  treatment  of  the  latter 's  special  envoys  who  had  come 
to  convey  their  sovereign's  condolences  on  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Inkyo 
(453).  From  the  time  of  Y'uryaku  's  accession,  Shiragi  ceased  altogether  to  send 
the  usual  gifts  to  the  Emperor  of  Japan.  In  the  year  463,  Yuryaku,  desiring  to 
possess  himself  of  the  wife  of  a  high  official,  Tasa,  sent  him  to  be  governor  of 
Mimana,  and  in  his  absence  debauched  the  lady.  Tasa,  learning  how  he  had 
been  dishonoured,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  and  sought  aid  of  the  Shiragi 
people.  Then  Yuryaku,  with  characteristic  refinement  of  cruelty,  ordered 
Tasa's  son,  Oto,  to  lead  a  force  against  his  father.  Oto  seemingly  complied,  but, 
on  reaching  the  peninsula,  opened  communication  with  his  father,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  while  Tasa  should  hold  Imna,  breaking  off  all  relations  with  Japan, 
Oto  should  adopt  a  similar  course  with  regard  to  Paikche.  This  plot  was 
frustrated  by  Oto's  wife,  Kusu,  a  woman  too  patriotic  to  connive  at  treason  in 
any  circumstances.  She  killed  her  husband,  and  the  Court  of  Yamato  was 
informed  of  these  events. 

From  that  time,  however,  Japan's  hold  upon  the  peninsula  was  shaken. 
Yuryaku  sent  four  expeditions  thither,  but  they  accomplished  nothing  per- 
manent. The  power  of  Koma  in  the  north  increased  steadily,  and  it  had  the 
support  of  China.  Yuryaku 's  attempts  to  establish  close  relations  with  the 
latter  —  the  Sung  were  then  on  the  throne  —  seem  to  have  been  inspired  by  a 
desire  to  isolate  Korea.  He  failed,  and  ultimately  Kudara  was  overrun  by 
Koma,  as  will  be  seen  by  and  by.  It  is  scarcely  too  much  to  say  that  Japan 
lost  her  paramount  status  in  Korea  because  of  Yuryaku 's  illicit  passion  for  the 
wife  of  one  of  his  subjects. 

CHRONOLOGY 

The  first  absolute  agreement  between  the  dates  given  in  Japanese  history  and 
those  given  in  Korean  occurs  in  this  reign,  namely,  the  year  A.D.  475.  The 
severest  critics  therefore  consent  to  admit  the  trustworthiness  of  the  Japanese 
annals  from  the  third  quarter  of  the  fifth  century. 


TREASURIES 

In  the  record  of  Richu  's  reign,  brief  mention  has  been  made  of  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Government  treasury.  In  early  days,  when  religious  rites  and 
administrative  functions  were  not  differentiated,  articles  needed  for  both  pur- 
poses were  kept  in  the  same  store,  under  the  charge  of  the  Imibe-uji.  But  as 
the  Court  grew  richer,  owing  to  receipt  of  domestic  taxes  and  foreign  "tribute," 
the  necessity  of  establishing  separate  treasuries,  was  felt  and  a  "  domestic  store  " 
(Uchi-kura)  was  formed  during  Richu 's  reign,  the  Koreans,  Achi  and  Wani,  be- 
ing appointed  to  keep  the  accounts.  In  Yuryaku  's  time  a  third  treasury  had  to 
be  added,  owing  to  greatly  increased  production  of  textile  fabrics  and  other 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  115 

manufactures.  This  was  called  the  Okura,  a  term  still  applied  to  the  Imperial 
treasury,  and  there  were  thus  three  stores,  Okura,  Uchi-kura,  and  Imi-kura. 
Soga  no  Machi  was  placed  in  supreme  charge  of  all  three,  and  the  power  of  the 
Soga  family  grew  proportionately. 

MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS 

It  is  observable  that  at  this  epoch  the  sovereigns  of  Japan  had  not  yet  begun 
to  affect  the  sacred  seclusion  which,  in  later  ages,  became  characteristic  of  them. 
It  is  true  that,  after  ascending  the  throne,  they  no  longer  led  their  troops  in  war, 
though  they  did  so  as  Imperial  princes.  But  in  other  respects  they  lived  the 
lives  of  ordinary  men  —  joining  in  the  chase,  taking  part  in  banquets,  and  mix- 
ing freely  with  the  people.  As  illustrating  this  last  fact  a  strange  incident  may 
be  cited.  One  day  the  Emperor  Yuryaku  visited  the  place  where  some  carpen- 
ters were  at  work  and  observed  that  one  of  them,  Mane,  in  shaping  timber  with 
an  axe,  used  a  stone  for  ruler  but  never  touched  it  with  the  axe.  "Dost  thou 
never  make  a  mistake  and  strike  the  stone?"  asked  the  monarch.  "I  never 
make  a  mistake,"  replied  the  carpenter.  Then,  to  disturb  the  man's  sang-froid, 
Yuryaku  caused  the  ladies-in-waiting  (uneme)  to  dance,  wearing  only  waist- 
cloths.  Mane  watched  the  spectacle  for  a  while,  and  on  resuming  his  work,  his 
accuracy  of  aim  was  momentarily  at  fault.  The  Emperor  rebuked  him  for 
having  made  an  unwarranted  boast  and  handed  him  over  to  the  monono-be  for 
execution.  After  the  unfortunate  man  had  been  led  away,  one  of  his  comrades 
chanted  an  impromptu  couplet  lamenting  his  fate,  whereat  the  Emperor,  relent- 
ing, bade  a  messenger  gallop  off  on  "  a  black  horse  of  Kai "  to  stay  the  execution. 
The  mandate  of  mercy  arrived  just  in  time,  and  when  Mane 's  bonds  were  loosed, 
he,  too,  improvised  a  verse : — 

"Black  as  the  night 
"Was  the  horse  of  Kai. 
"Had  they  waited  to 
"Saddle  him,  my  life  were  lost 
"O,  horse  of  Kai!" 

The  whole  incident  is  full  of  instruction.  A  sovereign  concerning  himself 
about  trivialities  as  petty  as  this  pretext  on  which  he  sends  a  man  to  death ;  the 
shameful  indignity  put  upon  the  ladies-in-waiting  to  minister  to  a  momentary 
whim;  the  composition  of  poetry  by  common  carpenters,  and  the  ride  for  life 
on  a  horse  which  there  is  not  time  to  saddle.  It  is  an  instructive  picture  of  the 
ways  of  Yuryaku 's  Court. 

In  truth,  this  couplet-composing  proclivity  is  one  of  the  strangest  features  of 
the  Yamato  race  as  portrayed  in  the  pages  of  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles. 
From  the  time  when  the  fierce  Kami,  Susanoo,  put  his  thoughts  into  verse  as 
he  sought  for  a  place  to  celebrate  his  marriage,  great  crises  and  little  crises  in 
the  careers  of  men  and  women  respectively  inspire  couplets.  We  find  an  Emper- 
or addressing  an  ode  to  a  dragon-fly  which  avenges  him  on  a  gad-fly;  we  find  a 
prince  reciting  impromptu  stanzas  while  he  lays  siege  to  the  place  whither  his 
brother  has  fled  for  refuge;  we  find  a  heartbroken  lady  singing  a  verselet  as  for 
the  last  time  she  ties  the  garters  of  her  lord  going  to  his  death,  and  we  find  a 
sovereign  corresponding  in  verse  with  his  consort  whose  consent  to  his  own 
dishonour  he  seeks  to  win. 

Yet  in  the  lives  of  all  these  men  and  women  of  old,  there  are  not  many  other 
traces  of  corresponding  refinement  or  romance.  We  are  constrained  to  con- 


116 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


jecture  that  many  of  the  verses  quoted  in  the  Records  and  the  Chronicles  were 
fitted  in  after  ages  to  the  events  they  commemorate.  Another  striking  feature 
in  the  lives  of  these  early  sovereigns  is  that  while  on  the  one  hand  their  resi- 
dences are  spoken  of  as  muro,  a  term  generally  applied  to  dwellings  partially 
underground,  on  the  other,  we  find  more  than  one  reference  to  high  towers. 
Thus  Yuryaku  is  shown  as  "ordering  commissioners  to  erect  a  lofty  pavilion  in 
which  he  assumes  the  Imperial  dignity,"  and  the  Emperor  Nintoku  is  represent- 
ed as  "ascending  a  lofty  tower  and  looking  far  and  wide"  on  the  occasion  of  his 
celebrated  sympathy  with  the  people's  poverty. 

' 


ANCIENT  ACROBATIC  PERFORMANCE 


DAIRISAMA  (KINO)  AND  OKUSAMA  (QUEEN)  OF  THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DOLLS 

'•'<i.fi  ,yir;tiino-'»  ol  mlH  fr.>/igfl  9'iiv/ 1  loin r/o'^  <• 
;  9ilT     .'ifoaxnirf  bnn  T.vito-ul  fcifl  'io  ogf?0fil.f  bii/i  daw  off}  J 
:vj.j:Ijjq  fi   Jihfd  ^(iliVoY  o'ift'oJ'  o^rifiKfoVfo  ho.rsoqoi  sfuitn' 

CHAPTER   XIII 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS   (Continued) 

The  22nd  Sovereign,  Seinei. .  .  .-'. '.  \ . .  ,'.'• A.D.  480-484 

OQ^  Kenso..  A*^-^ 


24th 
25th 
26th 
27th 
28th 


Ninken  . . 
Muretsu . . 
Keitai .... 
Ankan .... 
Senkwa. . . 


485-487 
488-498 
499-506 
507-531 
534-535 
536-539 


DISPUTE  ABOUT  THE  SUCCESSION 

THE  Emperor  Yuryaku's  evil  act  in  robbing  Tasa  of  his  wife,  Waka,  entailed 
serious  consequences.  He  selected  to  succeed  to  the  throne  his  son  Seinei,  by 
Princess  Kara,  who  belonged  to  the  Katsuragi  branch  of  the  great  Takenouchi 
family.  But  Princess  Waka  conspired  to  secure  the  dignity  for  the  younger  of 
her  own  two  sons,  Iwaki  and  Hoshikawa,  who  were  both  older  than  Seinei. 
She  urged  Hoshikawa  to  assert  his  claim  by  seizing  the  Imperial  treasury,  and 
she  herself  with  Prince  Iwaki  and  others  accompanied  him  thither.  They 
underestimated  the  power  of  the  Katsuragi  family.  Siege  was  laid  to  the  treas- 
ury and  all  its  inmates  were  burned,  with  the  exception  of  one  minor  official  to 
whom  mercy  was  extended  and  who,  in  token  of  gratitude,  presented  twenty- 
five  acres  of  rice-land  to  the  o-muraji,  Lord  Otomo,  commander  of  the  investing 
force. 


THE  FUGITIVE  PRINCES 


J.1 


The  Emperor  Seinei  had  no  offspring,  and  for  a  time  it  seemed  that  the 
succession  in  the  direct  line  would  be  interrupted.  For  this  lack  of  heirs  the 
responsibility  ultimately  rested  with  Yuryaku.  In  his  fierce  ambition  to  sweep 
away  every  obstacle,  actual  or  potential,  that  barred  his  ascent  to  the  throne, 
he  inveigled  Prince  Oshiwa,  eldest  son  of  the  Emperor  Richu,  to  accompany  him 

117 


118  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

on  a  hunting  expedition,  and  slew  him  mercilessly  on  the  moor  of  Kaya.  Oshiwa 
had  two  sons,  Oke  and  Woke,  mere  children  at  the  time  of  their  father's  murder. 
They  fled,  under  the  care  of  Omi,  a  muraji,  who,  with  his  son,  Adahiko,  secreted 
them  in  the  remote  province  of  Inaba.  Omi  ultimately  committed  suicide  in 
order  to  avoid  the  risk  of  capture  and  interrogation  under  torture,  and  the  two 
little  princes,  still  accompanied  by  Adahiko,  calling  themselves  "the  urchins  of 
Tamba,"  became  menials  in  the  service  of  the  obito  of  the  Shijimi  granaries  in 
the  province  of  Harima. 

Twenty-four  years  had  been  passed  in  that  seclusion  when  it  chanced  that 
Odate,  governor  of  the  province,  visited  the  obito  on  an  occasion  when  the 
latter  was  holding  a  revel  to  celebrate  the  building  of  a  new  house,  it  fell  to 
the  lot  of  the  two  princes  to  act  as  torch-bearers,  the  lowest  r61e  that  could  be 
assigned  to  them,  and  the  younger  counselled  his  brother  that  the  time  had  come 
to  declare  themselves,  for  death  was  preferable  to  such  a  life.  Tradition  says 
that,  being  invited  to  dance  "when  the  night  had  become  profound,  when  the 
rovel  was  at  its  height  and  when  every  one  else  had  danced  in  turn, "  the  Prince 
Woke,  accompanying  his  movements  with  verses  extemporized  for  the  occasion, 
danced  so  gracefully  that  the  governor  twice  asked  him  to  continue,  and  at  length 
he  announced  the  rank  and  lineage  of  his  brother  and  himself.  The  governor, 
astonished,  "made  repeated  obeisance  to  the  youths,  built  a  palace  for  their 
temporary  accommodation,  and  going  up  to  the  capital,  disclosed  the  whole 
affair  to  the  Emperor,  who  expressed  profound  satisfaction." 

Oke,  the  elder  of  the  two,  was  made  Prince  Imperial,  and  should  have 
ascended  the  throne  on  the  death  of  Seinei,  a  few  months  later.  Arguing,  how- 
ever, that  to  his  younger  brother,  Woke±  it  was  entirely  due  that  they  had 
emerged  from  a  state  of  abject  misery,  Oke  announced  his  determination  to 
cede  the  honour  to  Woke,  who,  in  turn,  declined  to  take  precedence  of  his  elder 
brother.  This  dispute  of  mutual  deference  continued  for  a  whole  year,  during  a 
part  of  which  time  the  administration  was  carried  on  by  Princess  Awo,  elder 
sister  of  Woke.  At  length  the  latter  yielded  and  assumed  the  sceptre.  His 
first  care  was  to  collect  the  bones  of  his  father,  "Prince  Oshiwa,  who  had  been 
murdered  and  buried  unceremoniously  on  the  moor  of  Kaya  in  Omi  province. 
It  was  long  before  the  place  of  interment  could  be  discovered,  but  at  length  an 
old  woman  served  as  guide,  and  the  bones  of  the  prince  were  found  mingled  in 
inextricable  confusion  with  those  of  his  loyal  vassal,  Nakachiko,  who  had  shared 
his  fate. 

The  ethics  of  that  remote  age  are  illustrated  vividly  in  this  page  of  the 
record.  A  double  sepulchre  was  erected  in  memory  of  the  murdered  prince  and 
his  faithful  follower  and  the  old  woman  who  had  pointed  out  the  place  of  their 
unhonoured  grave  was  given  a  house  in  the  vicinity  of  the  palace,  a  rope  with  a 
bell  attached  being  stretched  between  the  two  residences  to  serve  as  a  support 
for  her  infirm  feet  and  as  a  means  of  announcing  her  coming  when  she  visited 
the  palace.  But  the  same  benevolent  sovereign  who  directed  these  gracious 
doings  was  with  difficulty  dissuaded  from  demolishing  the  tomb  and  scattering 
to  the  winds  of  heaven  the  bones  of  the  Emperor  Yuryaku,  under  whose  hand 
Prince  Oshiwa  had  fallen. 

THfr    VTTMnPTTA 

"rf»  *«*  '!  •".<      -lu  VENDETTA   f  ^^    ^  *j  ^^^ 

In  connexion  with  this,  the  introduction  of  the  principle  of  the  vendetta  has 

to  be  noted.     Its  first  practical  application  is  generally  referred  to  the  act  of  the 

boy-prince,  Mayuwa,  who  stabbed  his  father's  slayer,  the  Emperor  Anko  (A.D. 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  119 

456) .  But  the  details  of  Anko  's  fate  are  involved  in  some  mystery,  and  it  is  not 
until  the  time  (A.D.  486)  of  Kenso  that  we  find  a  definite  enunciation  of  the 
Confucian  doctrine,  afterwards  rigidly  obeyed  in  Japan,  "A  man  should  not  live 
under  the  same  heaven  with  his  father's  enemy."  History  alleges  that,  by  his 
brother 's  counsels,  the  Emperor  Kenso  was  induced  to  abandon  his  intention  of 
desecrating  Yuryaku's  tomb,  but  the  condition  of  the  tomb  to-day  suggests 
that  these  counsels  were  not  entirely  effective. 

BANQUETS 

The  annals  of  this  epoch  refer  more  than  once  to  banquets  at  the  palace. 
Towards  the  close  of  Seinei  's  reign  we  read  of  "  a  national  drinking-festival  which 
lasted  five  days,"  and  when  Kenso  ascended  the  throne  he  "went  to  the  park, 
where  he  held  revel  by  the  winding  streams,"  the  high  officials  in  great  numbers 
being  his  guests.  On  this  latter  occasion  the  ministers  are  said  to  have  "uttered 
reiterated  cries  of  'banzai'  "l,  which  has  come  into  vogue  once  more  in  modern 
times  as  the  equivalent  of  "hurrah." 


THE  EMPEROR  NINKEN 

—  •  I  'f  <i     F  .-'*      s\rr  -jn  tkrl-L^nt  '~nftf\i^  I  -i-'na  '*      "'lint 

The  twenty-fourth  sovereign,  Ninken,  was  the  elder  of  the  two  brothers, 
Oke  and  Woke,  whose  escape  from  the  murderous  ambition  of  the  Emperor 
Yuryaku  and  their  ultimate  restoration  to  princely  rank  have  been  already 
described.  He  succeeded  to  the  throne  after  the  death  of  his  younger  brother, 
and  occupied  it  for  ten  years  of  a  most  uneventful  reign.  Apart  from  the  fact 
that  tanners  were  invited  from  Korea  to  improve  the  process  followed  in  Japan, 
the  records  contain  nothing  worthy  of  attention.  One  incident,  however,  de- 
serves to  be  noted  as  showing  the  paramount  importance  attached  in  those 
early  days  to  all  the  formalities  of  etiquette.  The  Empress  dowager  committed 
suicide,  dreading  lest  she  should  be  put  to  death  for  a  breach  of  politeness 
committed  towards  Ninken  during  the  life  of  his  predecessor,  Kensd.  At  a 
banquet  in  the  palace  she  had  twice  neglected  to  kneel  when  presenting,  first,  a 
knife  and,  secondly,  a  cup  of  wine  to_Ninken,  then  Prince  Imperial.  It  has 
already  been  related  that  the  Empress  Onakatsu,  consort  of  Inkyo,  was  disposed 
to  inflict  the  death  penalty  on  a  high  official  who  had  slighted  her  unwittingly 
prior  to  her  husband's  accession.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  differences  of 
rank  received  most  rigid  recognition  in  early  Japan. 

THE  EMPEROR  MURETSU 

This  sovereign  was  the  eldest  son  of  his  predecessor,  Ninken.  According  to 
the  Chronicles,  his  reign  opened  with  a  rebellion  by  the  great  Heguri  family, 
whose  representative,  Matori,  attempted  to  usurp  the  Imperial  dignity  while 
his  son,  Shibi,  defiantly  wooed  and  won  for  himself  the  object  of  the  Emperor's 
affections.  Matori  had  been  Yuryaku's  minister,  and  his  power  as  well  as  his 
family  influence  were  very  great,  but  the  military  nobles  adhered  to  the  sove- 
reign's cause  and  the  Heguri  were  annihilated.  In  the  Records  this  event  is 
attributed  to  the  reign  of  Seinei  in  a  much  abbreviated  form,  but  the  account 
given  in  the  Chronicles  commands  the  greater  credence.  The  Chronicles, 
however,  represent  Muretsu  as  a  monster  of  cruelty,  the  Nero  of  Japanese 
[l  Banzai  means  literally  "ten  thousand  years,"  and  thus  corresponds  to  viva.] 


120  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

history,  who  plucked  out  men's  nails  and  made  them  dig  up  yams  with  their 
mutilated  fingers;  who  pulled  out  people's  hair;  who  made  them  ascend  trees 
which  were  then  cut  down,  and  who  perpetrated  other  hideous  excesses.  Here 
again  the  Records,  as  well  as  other  ancient  authorities  are  absolutely  silent,  and 
the  story  in  the  Chronicles  has  attracted  keen  analyses  by  modern  histori- 
ographers. Their  almost  unanimous  conclusion  is  that  the  annals  of  King  Multa 
of  Kudara  have  been  confused  with  those  of  the  Emperor  Muretsu.  This 
Korean  sovereign,  contemporary  with  Muretsu,  committed  all  kinds  of  atrocities 
and  was  finally  deposed  by  his  people.  There  are  evidences  that  the  compilers 
of  the  Chronicles  drew  largely  on  the  pages  of  Korean  writers,  and  it  is  not 
difficult  to  imagine  accidental  intermixing  such  as  that  suggested  by  the  critics 
in  this  case. 

KEITAI 

The  death  of  the  Emperor  Muretsu  left  the  throne  without  any  successor 
in  the  direct  line  of  descent,  and  for  the  first  time  since  the  foundation  of  the 
Empire,  it  became  necessary  for  the  great  officials  to  make  a  selection  among 
the  scions  of  the  remote  Imperial  families.  Their  choice  fell  primarily  on  the 
representative  of  the  fifth  generation  of  the  Emperor  Chuai's  descendants. 
But  as  their  method  of  announcing  their  decision  was  to  despatch  a  strong 
force  of  armed  troops  to  the  provincial  residence  of  the  chosen  man,  he  naturally 
misinterpreted  the  demonstration  and  sought  safety  in  flight.  Then  the  o-omi 
and  the  o-muraji  turned  to  Prince  Odo,  fifth  in  descent  from  the  Emperor  Ojin 
on  his  father's  side  and  eighth  in  descent  from  the  Emperor  Suinin  on  his 
mother's.  Arako,  head  of  the  horse-keepers,  had  secretly  informed  the  prince 
of  the  ministers'  intentions,  and  thus  the  sudden  apparition  of  a  military  force 
inspired  no  alarm  in  Odo's  bosom.  He  did,  indeed,  show  seemly  hesitation, 
but  finally  he  accepted  the  insignia  and  ascended  the  throne,  confirming  all  the 
high  dignitaries  of  State  in  their  previous  offices.  From  the  point  of  view  of 
domestic  affairs  his  reign  was  uneventful,  but  the  empire 's  relations  with  Korea 
continued  to  be  much  disturbed,  as  will  be  presently  explained. 

ANKAN 

The  Emperor  Keitai  had  a  large  family,  but  only  one  son  was  by  the  Empress, 
and  as  he  was  too  young  to  ascend  the  throne  immediately  after  his  father's 
death,  he  was  preceded  by  his  two  brothers,  Ankan  and  Senkwa,  sons  of  the 
senior  concubine.  This  complication  seems  to  have  caused  some  difficulty,  for 
whereas  Keitai  died  in  531,  Ankan 's  reign  did  not  commence  until  534.  The 
most  noteworthy  feature  of  his  era  was  the  establishment  of  State  granaries  in 
great  numbers,  a  proof  that  the  Imperial  power  found  large  extension  throughout 
the  provinces.  In  connexion  with  this,  the  o-muraji,  Kanamura,  is  quoted  as 
having  laid  down,  by  command  of  the  Emperor,  the  following  important  doctrine, 
"Of  the  entire  surface  of  the  soil,  there  is  no  part  which  is  not  a  royal  grant  in 
fee;  under  the  wide  heavens  there  is  no  place  which  is  not  royal  territory."  The 
annals  show,  also,  that  the  custom  of  accepting  tracts  of  land  or  other  property 
in  expiation  of  offences  was  obtaining  increased  vogue. 

•irtifooan  '«i'i  •;   '  .rrn<»:  Kot^ivn  '"  :r  ^  ni  i'jfir-*h  V    ;:?;  >'t  •  '.'• 

SENKWA 

Senkwa  was  the  younger  brother  of  Ankan.  He  reigned  only  three  years 
and  the  period  of  his  sway  was  uneventful,  if  we  except  the  growth  of  complica- 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  121 

tions  with  Korea,  and  the  storing  of  large  quantities  of  grain  in  Tsukushi,  as  a 
"provision  against  extraordinary  occasions,"  and  "for  the  cordial  entertainment 
of  our  good  guests"  from  "the  countries  beyond  the  sea." 


RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA 

With  whatever  scepticism  the  details  of  the  Empress  Jingo 's  expedition  be 
regarded,  it  appears  to  be  certain  that  at  a  very  early  date,  Japan  effected 
lodgement  on  the  south  coast  of  Korea  at  Mimana,  and  established  there  a 
permanent  station  (chinju-fu)  which  was  governed  by  one  of  her  own  officials. 
It  is  also  apparent  that,  during  several  centuries,  the  eminent  military  strength 
of  Yamato  received  practical  recognition  from  the  principalities  into  which  the 
peninsula  was  divided;  that  they  sent  to  the  Court  of  Japan  annual  presents 
which  partook  of  the  nature  of  tribute,  and  that  they  treated  her  suggestions, 
for  the  most  part,  with  deferential  attention.  This  state  of  affairs  received  a 
rude  shock  in  the  days  of  Yuryaku,  when  that  sovereign,  in  order  to  possess  him- 
self of  the  wife  of  a  high  official  named  Tasa,  sent  the  latter  to  distant  Mimana 
as  governor,  and  seized  the  lady  in  his  absence.  Tasa  revolted,  and  from  that 
time  Japan's  position  in  the  peninsula  was  compromised.  The  Koreans  per- 
ceived that  her  strength  might  be  paralyzed  by  the  sins  of  her  sovereigns  and 
the  disaffection  of  her  soldiers.  Shiragi  (Sinra) ,  whose  frontier  was  conterminous 
with  that  of  the  Japanese  settlement  on  the  north,  had  always  been  restive  in  the 
proximity  of  a  foreign  aggressor.  From  the  time  of  Yuryaku 's  accession  she 
ceased  to  convey  the  usual  tokens  of  respect  to  the  Yamato  Court,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  she  cultivated  the  friendship  of  Koma  as  an  ally  in  the  day  of 
retribution. 

It  may  be  broadly  stated  that  Korea  was  then  divided  into  three  principali- 
ties: Shiragi  in  the  south  and  east;  Kudara  in  the  centre  and  west,  with  its 
capital  at  the  modern  Seoul,  and  Koma  in  the  north,  having  Pyong-yang  for 
chief  city.  This  last  had  recently  pushed  its  frontier  into  Manchuria  as  far  as  the 
Liao  River,  and  was  already  beginning  to  project  its  shadow  over  the  southern 
regions  of  the  peninsula,  destined  ultimately  to  fall  altogether  under  its  sway. 
In  response  to  Shiragi 's  overtures,  the  King  of  Koma  sent  a  body  of  troops  to 
assist  in  protecting  that  principality  against  any  retaliatory  essay  on  the  part 
of  the  Japanese  in  Mimana.  But  the  men  of  Shiragi,  betrayed  into  imagining 
that  these  soldiers  were  destined  to  be  the  van  of  an  invading  army,  massacred 
them,  and  besought  Japanese  succour  against  Koma 's  vengeance.  The  Japanese 
acceded,  and  Shiragi  was  saved  for  a  time,  but  at  the  cost  of  incurring,  for  herself 
and  for  Japan  alike,  the  lasting  enmity  of  Koma.  Shiragi  appears  to  have 
concluded,  however,  that  she  had  more  to  fear  from  Koma  than  from  Japan, 
for  she  still  withheld  her  tribute  to  the  latter,  and  invaded  the  territory  of  Kudara, 
which  had  always  maintained  most  friendly  relations  with  Yamato.  The  Em- 
peror Yuryaku  sent  two  expeditions  to  punish  this  contumacy,  but  the  result 
being  inconclusive,  he  resolved  to  take  the  exceptional  step  of  personally  leading 
an  army  to  the  peninsula. 

This  design,  which,  had  it  matured,  might  have  radically  changed  the  history 
of  the  Far  East,  was  checked  by  an  oracle,  and  Yuryaku  appointed  three  of  his 
powerful  nobles  to  go  in  his  stead.  The  Shiragi  men  fought  with  desperate 
tenacity.  One  wing  of  their  army  was  broken,  but  the  other  held  its  ground, 
and  two  of  the  Japanese  generals  fell  in  essaying  to  dislodge  it.  Neither  side 
could  claim  a  decisive  victory,  but  both  were  too  much  exhausted  to  renew  the 


122  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

combat.  This  was  not  the  limit  of  Japan's  misfortunes.  A  feud  broke  out 
among  the  leaders  of  the  expedition,  and  one  of  them,  Oiwa,  shot  his  comrade 
as  they  were  en  route  for  the  Court  of  the  Kudara  monarch,  who  had  invited 
them  in  the  hope  of  composing  their  dissensions,  since  the  existence  of  his  own 
kingdom  depended  on  Japan's  intervention  between  Koma  and  Shiragi. 

Owing  to  this  feud  among  her  generals,  Japan's  hold  on  Mimana  became 
more  precarious  than  ever  while  her  prestige  in  the  peninsula  declined  percept- 
ibly. Nevertheless  her  great  military  name  still  retained  much  of  its  potency. 
Thus,  ten  years  later  (A.D.  477),  when  the  King  of  Koma  invaded  Kudara  and 
held  the  land  at  his  mercy,  he  declined  to  follow  his  generals'  counsels  of  ex- 
termination in  deference  to  Kudara 's  long  friendship  with  Yamato.  It  is  related 
that,  after  this  disaster,  the  Japanese  Emperor  gave  the  town  of  Ung-chhon 
(Japanese,  Kumanari)  to  the  remnant  of  the  Kudara  people,  and  the  latter 's 
capital  was  then  transferred  from  its  old  site  in  the  centre  of  the  peninsula  —  a 
place  no  longer  tenable  —  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Mimana.  Thenceforth 
YQryaku  aided  Kudara  zealously.  He  not  only  despatched  a  force  of  five 
hundred  men  to  guard  the  palace  of  the  King,  but  also  sent  (480)  a  flotilla  of 
war-vessels  to  attack  Koma  from  the  west  coast.  The  issue  of  this  attempt  is 
not  recorded,  and  the  silence  of  the  annals  may  be  construed  as  indicating 
failure.  Koma  maintained  at  that  epoch  relations  of  intimate  friendship  with 
the  powerful  Chinese  dynasty  of  the  Eastern  Wei,  and  Yuryaku  's  essays  against 
such  a  combination  were  futile,  though  he  prosecuted  them  with  considerable 
vigour. 

After  his  death  the  efficiency  of  Japan's  operations  in  Korea  was  greatly 
impaired  by  factors  hitherto  happily  unknown  in  her  foreign  affairs — treason 
and  corruption.  Lord  Oiwa,  whose  shooting  of  his  fellow  general,  Karako,  has 
already  been  noted,  retained  his  post  as  governor  of  Mimana  for  twenty-one 
years,  and  then  (487),  ambitious  of  wider  sway,  opened  relations  with  Koma  for 
the  joint  invasion  of  Kudara,  in  order  that  he  himself  might  ascend  the  throne 
of  the  latter.  A  desperate  struggle  ensued.  Several  battles  were  fought,  in  all 
of  which  the  victory  is  historically  assigned  to  Oiwa,  but  if  he  really  did  achieve 
any  success,  it  was  purely  ephemeral,  for  he  ultimately  abandoned  the  campaign 
and  returned  to  Japan,  giving  another  shock  to  his  country 's  waning  reputation 
in  the  peninsula.  If  the  Yamato  Court  took  any  steps  to  punish  this  act  of 
lawless  ambition,  there'  is  no  record  in  that  sense.  The  event  occurred  in  the 
last  year  of  Kens5  's  reign,  and  neither  that  monarch  nor  his  successor,  Ninken, 
seems  to  have  devoted  any  special  attention  to  Korean  affairs. 

Nothing  notable  took  place  until  509,  when  Keitai  was  on  the  throne.  In 
that  year,  a  section  of  the  Kudara  people,  who,  in  477,  had  been  driven  from  their 
country  by  the  Koma  invaders  and  had  taken  refuge  within  the  Japanese  domin- 
ion of  Mimana,  were  restored  to  their  homes  with  Japanese  co-operation  and 
with  renewal  of  the  friendly  relations  which  had  long  existed  between  the  Courts 
of  Yamato  and  Kudara.  Three  years  later  (512),  Kudara  preferred  a  singular 
request.  She  asked  that  four  regions,  forming  an  integral  part  of  the  Yamato 
domain  of  Mimana,  should  be  handed  over  to  her,  apparently  as  an  act  of  pure 
benevolence.  Japan  consented.  There  is  no  explanation  of  her  complaisance 
except  that  she  deemed  it  wise  policy  to  strengthen  Kudara  against  the  growing 
might  of  Shiragi,  Yamato 's  perennial  foe.  The  two  officials  by  whose  advice 
the  throne  made  this  sacrifice  were  the  o-muraji,  Kanamura,  and  the  governor 
of  Mimana,  an  omi  called  Oshiyama.  They  went  down  in  the  pages  of  history 
as  corrupt  statesmen  who,  in  consideration  of  bribes  from  the  Kudara  Court, 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  123 

surrendered  territory  which  Japan  had  won  by  force  of  arms  and  held  for  five 
centuries. 

In  the  following  year  (513)  the  Kudara  Court  again  utilized  the  services  of 
Oshiyama  to  procure  possession  of  another  district,  Imun  (Japanese,  Komom), 
which  lay  on  the  northeast  frontier  of  Mimana.  Kudara  falsely  represented 
that  this  region  had  been  wrested  from  her  by  Habe,  one  of  the  petty  principali- 
ties in  the  peninsula,  and  the  Yamato  Court,  acting  at  the  counsels  of  the  same 
o-muraji  (Kanamura)  who  had  previously  espoused  Kudara 's  cause,  credited 
Kudara's  story.  This  proved  an  ill-judged  policy.  It  is  true  that  Japan's 
prestige  in  the  peninsula  received  signal  recognition  on  the  occasion  of  promulgat- 
ing the  Imperial  decree  which  sanctioned  the  transfer  of  the  disputed  territory. 
All  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  Kudara,  Shiragi,  and  Habe,  were  required  to  send 
envoys  to  the  Yamato  Court  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  the  rescript  read,  and 
thus  Japan's  pre-eminence  was  constructively  acknowledged.  But  her  order 
provoked  keen  resentment  in  Shiragi  and  Habe.  The  general  whom  she  sent 
with  five  hundred  warships  to  escort  the  Kudara  envoys  was  ignominiously 
defeated  by  the  men  of  Habe,  while  Shiragi  seized  the  opportunity  to  invade 
Mimana  and  to  occupy  a  large  area  of  its  territory. 

For  several  years  the  Yamato  Court  made  no  attempt  to  re-assert  itself,  but 
in  527  an  expedition  of  unprecedented  magnitude  was  organized.  It  consisted 
of  sixty  thousand  soldiers  under  the  command  of  Keno  no  Omi,  and  its  object 
was  to  chastise  Shiragi  and  to  re-establish  Mimana  in  its  original  integrity.  But 
here  an  unforeseeable  obstacle  presented  itself.  For  all  communication  with  the 
Korean  peninsula,  Tsukushi  (Kyushu)  was  an  indispensable  basis,  and  it 
happened  that,  just  at  this  time,  Kyushu  had  for  ruler  (miyatsuko)  a  nobleman 
called  Iwai,  who  is  said  to  have  long  entertained  treasonable  designs.  A  knowl- 
edge of  his  mood  was  conveyed  to  Shiragi,  and  tempting  proposals  were  made 
to  him  from  that  place  conditionally  on  his  frustrating  the  expedition  under  Keno 
no  Omi.  Iwai  thereupon  occupied  the  four  provinces  of  Higo,  Hizen,  Bungo, 
and  Buzen,  thus  effectually  placing  his  hand  on  the  neck  of  the  communications 
with  Korea  and  preventing  the  embarkation  of  Keno  no  Omi's  army.  He 
established  a  pseudo-Court  in  Tsukushi  and  there  gave  audience  to  tribute- 
bearing  envoys  from  Koma,  Kudara  and  Shiragi. 

For  the  space  of  a  twelvemonth  this  rebel  remained  master  of  the  situation, 
but,  in  A.D.  528,  the  o-muraji,  Arakahi,  crushed  him  after  a  desperate  conflict 
in  the  province  of  Chikugo.1  Iwai  effected  his  escape  to  Buzen  and  died  by  his 
own  hand  in  a  secluded  valley.  Although,  however,  this  formidable  rebellion 
was  thus  successfully  quelled,  the  great  expedition  did  not  mature.  Keno,  its 
intended  leader,  did  indeed  proceed  to  Mimana  and  assume  there  the  duties  of 
governor,  but  he  proved  at  once  arrogant  and  incompetent,  employing  to  an 
extravagant  degree  the  ordeal  of  boiling  water,  so  that  many  innocent  people 
suffered  fatally,  and  putting  to  death  children  of  mixed  Korean  and  Japanese 
parentage  instead  of  encouraging  unions  which  would  have  tended  to  bring  the 
two  countries  closer  together. 

In  all  her  relations  with  Korea  at  this  epoch,  Japan  showed  more  loyalty 
than  sagacity.  She  was  invariably  ready  to  accede  to  proposals  from  her  old 
friend,  Kudara,  and  the  latter,  taking  astute  advantage  of  this  mood,  secured 

[l  In  the  Chikugo  Fudoki  a  minute  description  is  given  of  Iwai 's  sepulchre,  built  during 
his  lifetime  but  presumably  never  occupied  by  his  body.  The  remarkable  feature  of  the  tomb 
was  a  number  of  stone  images,  several  representing  grave-guards,  and  one  group  being  ap- 
parently designed  to  represent  the  judicial  trial  of  a  poacher.] 


124  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

her  endorsement  of  territorial  transfers  which  brought  to  the  Yamato  Court 
nothing  but  the  enmity  of  Kudara's  rivals.  By  these  errors  of  statesmanship 
and  by  the  misgovernment  of  officials  like  Keno,  conditions  were  created  which, 
as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  proved  ultimately  fatal  to  Japan's  sway  in  the  peninsula. 
Meanwhile,  every  student  of  Japanese  ancient  annals  cannot  but  be  struck  by 
the  large  space  devoted  to  recording  her  relations  with  Korea.  As  the  eminent 
historian,  Rai  Sanyo,  said  in  later  times,  her  soldiers  were  wearied  by  constant 
campaigns  oversea,  and  her  agriculturists  were  exhausted  by  frequent  requisi- 
tions for  supplies.  During  the  epoch  of  Jingo  and  Ojin,  Japan  was  palpably 
inferior  to  her  peninsular  neighbour  in  civilization,  in  wealth,  and  in  population. 
But  in  one  respect  the  superiority  was  largely  on  her  side;  namely,  in  the  quality 
of  her  soldiers.  Therefore,  she  utilized  her  military  strength  for  campaigns 
which  cost  comparatively  little  and  produced  much.  The  peninsula,  at  that 
time,  verified  the  term  commonly  applied  to  it,  Uchi-tsurmiyake,  or  the  "  Granary 
of  the  Home-land."  But  as  the  material  development  of  Japan  and  her  civiliza- 
tion progressed,  she  stood  constantly  to  lose  more  and  gain  less  by  despatching 
expeditions  to  a  land  which  squandered  much  of  its  resourses  on  internecine 
quarrels  and  was  deteriorating  by  comparison.  The  task  of  maintaining  Mimana 
and  succouring  Kudara  then  became  an  obligation  of  prestige  which  gradually 
ceased  to  interest  the  nation. 

FINANCE 

In  the  period  now  under  consideration  no  system  of  land  taxation  had  yet 
come  into  existence.  The  requirements  of  the  Court  were  met  by  the  produce 
of  the  mi-agata  (Imperial  domains),  and  rice  for  public  use  was  grown  in  the 
miyake  districts,  being  there  stored  and  devoted  to  the  administrative  needs  of 
the  region.  Occasionally  the  contents  of  several  miyake  were  collected  into  one 
district,  as,  for  example,  when  (A.D.  536)  the  Emperor  Senkwa  ordered  a  con- 
centration of  foodstuffs  in  Tsukushi.  The  miyake  were  the  property  of  the 
Crown,  as  were  also  a  number  of  hereditary  corporations  (be),  whose  members 
discharged  duties,  from  building  and  repairing  palaces  —  no  light  task,  seeing 
that  the  site  of  the  palace  was  changed  with  each  change  of  occupant  —  to 
sericulture,  weaving,  tailoring,  cooking,  and  arts  and  handicrafts  of  all  descrip- 
tions, each  be  exercising  its  own  function  from  generation  to  generation,  and 
being  superintended  by  its  own  head-man  (obito  or  atae). 

Any  insufficiency  in  the  supplies  furnished  by  the  sovereign's  own  people 
was  made  good  by  levying  on  the  tomo-no-miyatsuko.  It  will  be  seen  that  there 
was  no  annual  tax  regularly  imposed  on  the  people  in  general,  though  universal 
requisitions  were  occasionally  made  to  meet  the  requirements  of  public 
works,  festivals  or  military  operations.  Hence  when  it  is  said  that  the  Emperor 
Nintoku  remitted  all  taxes  for  the  space  of  three  years  until  the  people 's  burdens 
were  lightened,  reference  is  made  only  to  the  be  and  tomobe  belonging  to  the 
Throne  itself.  Doubtless  this  special  feature  of  Yamato  finance  was  due  in 
part  to  the  fact  that  all  the  land  and  all  the  people,  except  those  appertain- 
ing to  the  Crown,  were  in  the  possession  of  the  uji,  without  whose  co-operation 
no  general  fiscal  measure  could  be  adopted.  When  recourse  to  the  nation  at 
large  was  necessitated  to  meet  some  exceptional  purpose,  orders  had  to  be  given, 
first,  to  the  o-omi  and  o-muraji;  next,  by  these  to  the  Kami  of  the  several  o-uji; 
then,  by  the  latter  to  the  Kami  of  the  various  ko-uji,  and,  finally,  by  these  last 
to  every  household. 

The  machinery  was  thorough,  but  to  set  it  in  motion  required  an  effort  which 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  125 


constituted  an  automatic  obstacle  to  extortion.  The  lands  and  people  of  the 
uji  were  governed  by  the  Emperor  but  were  not  directly  controlled  by  him.  On 
the  other  hand,  to  refuse  a  requisition  made  by  the  Throne  was  counted  contumeli- 
ous and  liable  to  punishment.  Thus  when  (A.D.  534)  the  Emperor  Ankan 
desired  to  include  a  certain  area  of  arable  land  in  a  miyake  established  for  the 
purpose  of  commemorating  the  name  of  the  Empress,  and  when  Ajihari,  suzerain 
(atae)  of  the  region,  sought  to  evade  the  requisition  by  misrepresenting  the 
quality  of  the  land,  he  was  reprimanded  and  had  to  make  atonement  by  surren- 
dering a  portion  of  his  private  property.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that 
as  the  population  increased  and  as  uncultivated  areas  grew  less  frequent,  the 
arbitrary  establishment  of  koshiro  or  of  nashiro  became  more  and  more  irksome, 
and  the  pages  of  history  indicate  that  from  the  time  of  Keitai  (A.D.  507-531) 
this  practice  was  gradually  abandoned. 

:,'iia  od. .'  .•/  '-•-•••;    5  /.naif -te'vft  edJ'ldl  ,?.F'( eoliths  v.t'inl)  onofc&JknS  i<j  G1?  i'lno)  o-b 

CRIMINAL  LAW 

Although  the  use  of  the  ideographic  script  became  well  known  from  the 
fifth  century,  everything  goes  to  show  that  no  written  law  existed  at  that  time, 
or,  indeed,  for  many  years  afterwards.  Neither  are  there  any  traces  of  Korean 
or  Chinese  influence  in  this  realm.  Custom  prescribed  punishments,  and  the 
solemnity  of  a  judicial  trial  found  no  better  representative  than  the  boiling-water 
ordeal.  If  a  man  took  oath  to  the  deities  of  his  innocence  and  was  prepared  to 
thrust  his  arm  into  boiling  mud  or  water,  or  to  lay  a  red-hot  axe  on  the  palm  of 
his  hand,  he  was  held  to  have  complied  with  all  the  requirements.  The  familiar 
Occidental  doctrine,  "the  King  can  do  no  wrong,"  received  imperative  recogni- 
tion in  Japan,  and  seems  to  have  been  extended  to  the  Crown  Prince  also.  There 
were  no  other  exemptions.  If  a  man  committed  a  crime,  punishment  extended 
to  every  member  of  his  family.  On  the  other  hand,  offences  might  generally 
be  expiated  by  presenting  lands  or  other  valuables  to  the  Throne.  As  for  the 
duty  of  executing  sentences,  it  devolved  on  the  mononobe,  who  may  be  described 
as  the  military  corporation.  Death  or  exile  were  common  forms  of  punishment, 
but  degradation  was  still  more  frequent.  It  often  meant  that  a  family,  noble 
and  opulent  to-day,  saw  all  its  members  handed  over  to-morrow  to  be  the  serfs 
or  slaves  of  some  uji  in  whose  be  they  were  enrolled  to  serve  thenceforth,  them- 
selves and  their  children,  through  all  generations  in  some  menial  position,  —  it 
might  be  as  sepulchre-guards,  it  might  be  as  scullions. 

Tattooing  on  the  face  was  another  form  of  penalty.  The  first  mention  of 
it  occurs  in  A.D.  400  when  Richu  condemned  the  muraji,  Hamako,  to  be  thus 
branded,  but  whether  the  practice  originated  then  or  dated  from  an  earlier 
period,  the  annals  do  not  show.  It  was  variously  called  hitae-kizamu  (slicing 
the  brow),  me-saku  (splitting  the  eyes),  and  so  on,  but  these  terms  signified 
nothing  worse  than  tattooing  on  the  forehead  or  round  the  eyes.  The  Emperor 
Richu  deemed  that  such  notoriety  was  sufficient  penalty  for  high  treason,  but 
Yuryaku  inflicted  tattooing  on  a  man  whose  dog  had  killed  one  of  his  Majesty's 
fowls. 

Death  at  the  stake  appears  to  have  been  very  uncommon.  This  terrible 
form  of  punishment  seems  to  have  been  revived  by  Yuryaku.  He  caused  it  to 
be  inflicted  on  one  of  the  ladies-in-waiting  and  her  paramour,  who  had  forestalled 
him  in  the  girl 's  affections.  The  first  instance  is  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  the 
Empress  Jingo,  but  the  victim  was  a  Korean  and  the  incident  happened  in  war. 
To  Yuryaku  was  reserved  the  infamy  of  employing  such  a  penalty  in  the  case 


126  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  a  woman.  Highly  placed  personages  were  often  allowed  to  expiate  an  offence 
by  performing  the  religious  rite  of  harai  (purification),  the  offender  defraying 
all  expenses. 

ARCHITECTURE 

As  Chinese  literature  became  familiar  and  as  the  arts  of  the  Middle  Kingdom 
and  Korea  were  imported  into  Japan,  the  latter  's  customs  naturally  underwent 
some  changes.  This  was  noticeable  in  the  case  of  architecture.  Lofty  buildings, 
as  has  been  already  stated,  began  to  take  the  place  of  the  partially  subterranean 
muro.  The  annals  make  no  special  reference  to  the  authors  of  this  innovation, 
but  it  is  mentioned  that  among  the  descendants  of  the  Chinese,  Achi,  and  the 
Korean,  Tsuka,  there  were  men  who  practised  carpentry.  Apparently  the 
fashion  of  high  buildings  was  established  in  the  reign  of  Anko  when  (A.D.  456) 
the  term  ro  or  takadono  (lofty  edifice)  is,  for  the  first  time,  applied  to  the  palace  of 
Anko  in  Yamato.  A  few  years  later  (468),  we  find  mention  of  two  carpenters,1 
Tsuguno  and  Mita,  who,  especially  the  latter,  were  famous  experts  in  Korean 
architecture,  and  who  received  orders  from  Yuryaku  to  erect  high  buildings. 
It  appears  further  that  silk  curtains  (tsumugi-kaki)  came  into  use  in  this  age  for 
partitioning  rooms,  and  that  a  species  of  straw  mat  (tatsu-gomo)  served  for  carpet 
when  people  were  hunting,  travelling,  or  campaigning. 


uJ  i>')'ivs-rw  WSH  iuiij  .'jorr»-v,fi/ii  ci?i  'io  fe-  ;.h  "    -MA  o)  ateo  aoo 

SHIPS 

Occasional  references  have  been  made  already  to  the  art  of  shipbuilding  in 
Japan,  and  the  facts  elicited  may  be  summed  up  very  briefly.  They  are  that 
the  first  instance  of  naming  a  ship  is  recorded  in  the  year  A.D.  274,  when  the 
Karano  (one  hundred  feet  long)  was  built  to  order  of  the  Emperor  Ojin  by  the 
carpenters  of  Izu  promontory,  which  place  was  famed  for  skill  in  this  respect; 
that  the  general  method  of  building  was  to  hollow  out  tree-trunks,2  and  that  the 
arrival  of  naval  architects  from  Shiragi  (A.D.  300)  inaugurated  a  superior  method 
of  construction,  differing  little  from  that  employed  in  later  ages. 

-'n'Yr.  '••  ••'• 

ilo^,  VEHICLES 

A  palanquin  (koshi)  used  by  the  Emperor  Ojin  (A.D.  270-310)  was  preserved 
in  the  Kyoto  palace  until  the  year  1219,  when  a  conflagration  consumed  it. 
The  records  give  no  description  of  it,  but  they  say  that  Yuryaku  and  his  Empress 
returned  from  a  hunting  expedition  on  a  cart  (kurumaj,  and  tradition  relates 
that  a  man  named  Isa,  a  descendant  in  the  eighth  generation  of  the  Emperor 
Sujin,  built  a  covered  cart  which  was  the  very  one  used  by  Yuryaku.  It  is, 
indeed,  more  than  probable  that  a  vehicle  which  had  been  in  use  in  China  for  a 
long  time  must  have  become  familiar  to  the  Japanese  at  an  early  epoch. 

MEDICAL  ART 

For  relief  in  sickness  supplication  to  the  gods  and  the  performance  of  religious 
rites  were  chiefly  relied  on.  But  it  is  alleged  8  that  medicines  for  internal  and 

['  It  should  be  remembered  that  as  all  Japanese  edifices  were  made  of  timber,  the  carpenter 
and  thf  architect  were  one  and  the  same.] 

I*  Such  dug-outs  were  named  maruki-bune,  a  distinguishing  term  which  proves  that  some 
other  method  of  building  was  also  employed.] 

P  By  the  Nihon  Bummei  Shiryaku.} 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGN^  127 

external  use  were  in  existence  and  that  recourse  to  thermal  springs  was  common- 
ly practised  from  remote  times. 


While  Yuryaku  was  on  the  throne,  Korea  and  China  sent  pictorial  experts  to 
Japan.  The  Korean  was  named  Isuraka,  and  the  Chinese,  Shinki.  The  latter 
is  said  to  have  been  a  descendant  of  the  Emperor  Wen  of  the  Wei  dynasty.  His 
work  attracted  much  attention  in  the  reign  of  Muretsu,  who  bestowed  on  him 
the  uji  title  of  Ooka  no  Obito.  His  descendants  practised  their  art  with  success 
in  Japan,  and  from  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Tenchi  (668-671)  they  were  dis- 
tinguished as  Yamato  no  eshi  (painters  of  Yamato). 

POETRY 

If  we  credit  the  annals,  the  composition  of  poetry  commenced  in  the  earliest 
ages  and  was  developed  independently  of  foreign  influences.  From  the  sov- 
ereign down  to  the  lowest  subject,  everyone  composed  verses.  These  were  not 
rhymed;  the  structure  of  the  Japanese  language  does  not  lend  itself  to  rhyme. 
Their  differentiation  from  prose  consisted  solely  in  the  numerical  regularity  of 
the  syllables  in  consecutive  lines;  the  alternation  of  phrases  of  five  and  seven 
syllables  each.  A  tanka  (short  song)  consisted  of  thirty-one  syllables  arranged 
thus,  5,  7,  5,  7,  and  7;  and  a  naga-uta  (long  song)  consisted  of  an  unlimited 
number  of  lines,  all  fulfilling  the  same  conditions  as  to  number  of  syllables  and 
alternation  of  phrases.  No  parallel  to  this  kind  of  versification  has  been  found 
yet  in  the  literature  of  any  other  nation.  The  Chronicles  and  the  Records 
abound  with  tanka  and  naga-uta,  many  of  which  have  been  ascribed  by  skeptics 
to  an  age  not  very  remote  from  the  time  when  those  books  were  compiled.  But 
the  Japanese  themselves  think  differently.  They  connect  the  poems  directly 
with  the  events  that  inspired  them.  Further  reference  to  the  subject  will  be 
made  hereafter.  Here  it  will  suffice  to  note  that  the  composing  of  such  verselets 
was  a  feature  of  every  age  in  Japan. 

UTA-GAKI 

A  favourite  pastime  during  the  early  historic  period  was  known  as  uta-gaki 
or  uta-kai.  In  cities,  in  the  country,  in  fields,  and  on  hills,  youths  and  maidens 
assembled  in  springtime  or  in  autumn  and  enjoyed  themselves  by  singing  and  dan^ 
cing.  Promises  of  marriage  were  exchanged,  the  man  sending  some  gifts  as  a 
token,  and  the  woman,  if  her  father  or  elder  brother  approved,  despatching  her 
head-ornament  (oshiki  no  tamakatsura)  to  her  lover.  On  the  wedding  day  it  was 
customary  for  the  bride  to  present  "table-articles"  (tsukue-shiro)  to  the  bride- 
groom in  the  form  of  food  and  drink.  There  were  places  specially  associated 
in  the  public  mind  with  uta-gaki  —  Tsukuba  Mountain  in  Hitachi,  Kijima-yama 
in  Hizen,  and  Utagaki-yama  in  Settsu.  Sometimes  men  of  noble  birth  took  part 
in  this  pastime,  but  it  was  usually  confined  to  the  lower  middle  classes.  The 
great  festival  of  bon-odori,  which  will  be  spoken  of  by  and  by,  is  said  to  be  an 
outgrowth  of  the  uta-gaki. 

SUPERSTITIONS 

No  influences  of  alien  character  affected  the  religious  beliefs  of  the  Japanese 
during  the  period  we  are  now  considering  (fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  centuries). 


128  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  time  was  a  belief  in  the  supernatural 
power  of  reptiles  and  animals.  This  credulity  was  not  limited  to  the  uneducated 
masses.  The  Throne  itself  shared  it.  Yuryaku,  having  expressed  a  desire  to 
see  the  incarnated  form  of  the  Kami  of  Mimoro  Mountain,  was  shown  a  serpent 
seventy  feet  long.  In  the  same  year  a  group  of  snakes  harrassed  a  man  who  was 
reclaiming  a  marsh,  so  that  he  had  to  take  arms  against  them  and  enter  into  a 
compact  of  limitations  and  of  shrine  building.  Other  records  of  maleficent 
deities  in  serpent  shape  were  current,  and  monkeys  and  dragons  inspired  similar 
terror.  Of  this  superstition  there  was  born  an  evil  custom,  the  sacrifice  of 
human  beings  to  appease  the  hostile  spirits.  The  Kami  of  Chusan  in  Mimasaka 
province  was  believed  to  be  a  giant  ape,  and  the  Kami  of  Koya,  a  big  reptile. 
The  people  of  these  two  districts  took  it  in  turn  to  offer  a  girl  at  the  shrines  of 
those  Kami,  and  in  the  province  of  Hida  another  colossal  monkey  was  similarly 
appeased.  There  were  further  cases  of  extravagant  superstition. 

ARTS  AND  CRAFTS 

Of  the  development  of  sericulture  and  of  the  arts  of  weaving  and  ceramics 
in  this  era  enough  has  already  been  written;  but,  as  showing  the  growth  of  re- 
finement, it  may  be  noted  that  among  the  articles  ordered  by  the  Emperor 
Yuryaku  were  a  silk  hat  and  a  sashiha,  or  round  fan  with  a  long  handle.  The 
colour  of  the  fan  was  purple,  and  it  is  said  to  have  been  hung  up  as  an  ornament 
in  the  palace. 

FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT 

The  original  form  of  government  under  the  Yamato  seems  to  have  been 
feudal.  The  heads  of  uji  were  practically  feudal  chiefs.  Even  orders  from  the 
Throne  had  to  pass  through  the  uji  no  Kami  in  order  to  reach  the  people.  But 
from  the  time  of  Nintoku  (313-349)  to  that  of  Yuryaku  (457-479),  the  Court 
wielded  much  power,  and  the  greatest  among  the  uji  chiefs  found  no  opportunity 
to  interfere  with  the  exercise  of  the  sovereign's  rights.  Gradually,  however, 
and  mainly  owing  to  the  intrusion  of  love  affairs  or  of  lust,  the  Imperial  house- 
hold fell  into  disorder,  which  prompted  the  revolt  of  Heguri,  the  o-omi  of  the 
Kwobetsu  (Imperial  families) ;  a  revolt  subdued  by  the  loyalty  of  the  o-muraji 
of  the  Shimbetsu  (Kami  families). 

From  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Muretsu  (499-506),  direct  heirs  to  succeed 
to  the  sceptre  were  wanting  in  more  than  one  instance,  and  a  unique  opportunity 
thus  offered  for  traitrous  essays.  There  was  none.  Men's  minds  were  still 
deeply  imbued  with  the  conviction  that  by  the  Tenjin  alone  might  the  Throne 
be  occupied.  But  with  the  introduction  of  Buddhism  (A.D.  552) ,  that  conviction 
received  a  shock.  That  the  Buddha  directed  and  controlled  man 's  destiny  was 
a  doctrine  inconsistent  with  the  traditional  faith  in  the  divine  authority  of  the 
"son  of  heaven."  Hence  from  the  sixth  century  the  prestige  of  the  Crown 
began  to  decline,  and  the  puissance  of  the  great  uji  grew  to  exceed  that  of  the 
sovereign.  During  a  short  period  (645-670)  the  authority  of  the  Throne  was 
reasserted,  owing  to  the  adoption  of  the  Tang  systems  of  China;  but  thereafter 
the  great  Fujiwara-w/t  became  paramount  and  practically  administered  the 
empire. 

For  the  sake,  therefore,  of  an  intelligent  sequence  of  conception,  there  is 
evidently  much  importance  in  determining  whether,  in  remote  antiquity,  the 
prevailing  system  was  feudal,  or  prefectural,  or  a  mixture  of  both.  Unfortunate- 


THE  PROTOHISTORIC  SOVEREIGNS  129 

ly  the  materials  for  accurate  differentiation  are  wanting.  Much  depends  on  a 
knowledge  of  the  functions  discharged  by  the  kuni-no-miyatsuko,  who  were 
hereditary  officials,  and  the  kuni-no-tsukasa  (or  kokushi)  who  were  appointed  by 
the  Throne.  The  closest  research  fails  to  elucidate  these  things  with  absolute 
clearness.  It  is  not  known  even  at  what  date  the  office  of  kokushi  was  established. 
The  first  mention  of  these  officials  is  made  in  the  year  A.D.  374,  during  the 
reign  of  Nintoku,  but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  had  existed  from  an 
earlier  date.  They  were,  however,  few  in  number,  whereas  the  miyatsuko  were 
numerous,  and  this  comparison  probably  furnishes  a  tolerably  just  basis  for 
estimating  the  respective  prevalence  of  the  prefectural  and  the  feudal  systems. 
In  short,  the  method  of  government  inaugurated  at  the  foundation  of  the 
empire  appears  to  have  been  essentially  feudal  in  practice,  though  theoretically 
no  such  term  was  recognized ;  and  at  a  later  period  —  apparently  about  the  time 
of  Nintoku  —  when  the  power  of  the  hereditary  miyatsuko  threatened  to  grow 
inconveniently  formidable,  the  device  of  reasserting  the  Throne 's  authority  by 
appointing  temporary  provincial  governors  was  resorted  to,  so  that  the  pre- 
fectural organization  came  into  existence  side  by  side  with  the  feudal,  and  the 
administration  preserved  this  dual  form  until  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century. 
There  will  be  occasion  to  refer  to  the  matter  again  at  a  later  date. 

ANNALS  OF  THE   UJI 

It  is  essential  to  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  Japanese  history  that  some 
knowledge  should  be  acquired  of  the  annals  of  the  great  uji. 

From  the  time  of  Nintoku  (A.D.  313-399)  until  the  introduction  of  Buddhism 
(A.D.  552),  there  were  four  uji  whose  chiefs  participated  conspicuously  in  the 
government  of  the  country.  The"  first  was  that  of  Heguri.  It  belonged  to  the 
Imperial  class  (Kwobetsu)  and  was  descended  from  the  celebrated  Takenouchi- 
no-Sukune.  In  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Muretsu  (499-506),  the  chief  of  this 
uji  attempted  to  usurp  the  throne  and  was  crushed.  The  second  was  the 
Otomo.  This  uji  belonged  to  the  Kami  class  (Shimbetsu)  and  had  for  ancestor 
Michi  no  Omi,  the  most  distinguished  general  in  the  service  of  the  first  Emperor 
Jimmu.  The  chiefs  of  the  Otomo-uji  filled  the  post  of  general  from  age  to  age, 
and  its  members  guarded  the  palace  gates.  During  the  reign  of  Yuryaku  the 
office  of  o-muraji  was  bestowed  upon  Moroya,  then  chief  of  this  uji,  and  the 
influence  he  wielded  may  be  inferred  from  the  language  of  an  Imperial  rescript 
where  it  is  said  that  "the  tami-be  of  the  o-muraji  fill  the  country."  His  son, 
Kanamura,  succeeded  him.  By  his  sword  the  rebellion  of  Heguri  no  Matori 
was  quelled,  and  by  his  advice  Keitai  was  called  to  the  Throne.  He  served  also 
under  Ankan,  Senkwa,  and  Kimmei,  but  the  miscarriage  of  Japan's  relations 
with  Korea  was  attributed  to  him,  and  the  title  of  o-muraji  was  not  conferred 
on  any  of  his  descendants. 

The  uji  of  Mononobe  next  calls  for  notice.  "Monono-be"  literally  signifies, 
when  expanded,  a  group  (be)  of  soldiers  (tsuwamono).  In  later  times  a  warrior 
in  Japan  was  called  mono-no-fu  (or  bushi),  which  is  written  with  the  ideographs 
mono-be.  This  uji  also  belonged  to  the  Kami  class,  and  its  progenitor  was 
Umashimade,  who  surrendered  Yamato  to  Jimmu  on  the  ground  of  consan- 
guinity. Thenceforth  the  members  of  the  uji  formed  the  Imperial  guards 
(uchi-tsu-mononobe)  and  its  chiefs  commanded  them.  Among  all  the  uji  of  the 
Kami  class  the  Mononobe  and  the  Otomo  ranked  first,  and  after  the  latter 's 
failure  in  connexion  with  Korea,  the  Mononobe  stood  alone.  During  the  reign 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  Yuryaku,  the  uji's  chief  became  o-muraji,  as  did  his  grandson,  Okoshi,  and 
the  latter 's  son,  Moriya,  was  destroyed  by  the  o-omi,  Soga  no  Umako,  in  the 
tumult  on  the  accession  of  Sushun  (A.D.  588). 

The  fourth  of  the  great  uji  was  the  Soga,  descended  from  Takenouchi-no- 
Sukune.  After  the  ruin  of  the  Heguri,  this  uji  stood  at  the  head  of  all  the 
Imperial  class.  In  the  reign  of  Senkwa  (536-539),  Iname,  chief  of  the  Soga, 
was  appointed  o-omi,  and  his  son,  Umako,  who  held  the  same  rank,  occupies  an 
important  place  in  connexion  with  the  introduction  of  Buddhism.  It  will  be 
observed  that  among  these  four  uji,  Heguri  and  Soga  served  as  civil  officials  and 
Otomo  and  Mononobe  as  military. 

There  are  also  three  other  uji  which  figure  prominently  on  the  stage  of 
Japanese  history.  They  are  the  Nakotomi,  the  Imibe,  and  the  Kume.  The 
Nakatomi  discharged  the  functions  of  religious  supplication  and  divination, 
standing,  for  those  purposes,  between  (Naka)  the  Throne  and  the  deities.  The 
Imibe  had  charge  of  everything  relating  to  religious  festivals;  an  office  which 
required  that  they  should  abstain  (imi  suru)  from  all  things  unclean.  The 
Kume  were  descended  from  Amatsu  Kume  no  Mikoto,  and  their  duties  we- re 
to  act  as  chamberlains  and  as  guards  of  the  Court._ 

Finally,  there  was  the  Oga-uji,  descended  from  Okuninushi,  which  makes  the 
eighth  of  the  great  uji.  From  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Jimmu  to  that  of  the 
Empress  Suiko  (A.D.  593-628),  the  nobles  who  served  in  ministerial  capacities 
numbered  forty  and  of  that  total  the  Mononobe  furnished  sixteen;  the  Otomo, 
six;  the  o-omi  houses  (i.e.  the  Kwobetsu),  nine;  the  Imibe,  one;  the  Nakatomi, 
six;  and  the  Oga,  two.  Thus,  the  military  uji  of  Mononobe  and  Otomo  gave  to 
the  State  twenty-two  ministers  out  of  forty  during  a  space  of  some  twelve 
centuries. 


STORY-TELUEB 


PRINCE  SHOTOKU   (572-621  A.D.) 

(From  a  painting  in   the  collection   of   The  Imperial  Household) 


SHIGURETEI  AXD  KASA-NO-CHAYA  IN  THE  KODAIJI 
(Examples  of  Ancient  Tea  Houses) 


CHAPTER  XIV 


FROM   THE   29TH  TO   THE   35TH   SOVEREIGN 

The  29th  Sovereign,  Kimmei..  .v.SIV/J&U1?  .-to  ;»l.<  <.r.. A.D.  540-571 


30th 

31st 

32nd 

33rd 

34th 

35th 


Bidatsu ..io-/?-  *4>U- 


Suiko 
Jomei 
Kogyoku 


572-585 

586-587. 

588-592 

593-628 

629-641 

642-645 


THE  seven  reigns  —  five  Emperors  and  two  Empresses  —  commencing  with 
the  Emperor  Kimmei  and  ending  with  the  Empress  Kogyoku,  covered  a  period 
of  105  years,  from  540  to  645,  and  are  memorable  on  three  accounts  :  the  introduc- 
tion of  Buddhism;  the  usurpation  of  the  great  uji,  and  the  loss  of  Japan's 
possessions  in  Korea. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  BUDDHISM 

During  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Ming  of  the  Hou-Han  dynasty,  in  the  year 
AD.  65,  a  mission  was  sent  from  China  to  procure  the  Buddhist  Sutras  as  well  as 
some  teachers  of  the  Indian  faith.  More  than  three  centuries  elapsed  before, 
in  the  year  372,  the  creed  obtained  a  footing  in  Korea;  and  not  for  another 
century  and  a  half  did  it  find  its  way  (522)  to  Japan.  It  encountered  no  ob- 
stacles in  Korea.  The  animistic  belief  of  the  early  Koreans  has  never  been  clearly 
studied,  but  whatever  its  exact  nature  may  have  been,  it  certainly  evinced  no 
bigotry  in  the  presence  of  the  foreign  faith,  for  within  three  years  of  the  arrival 
of  the  first  image  of  Sakiya  Muni  in  Koma,  two  large  monasteries  had  been 
built,  and  the  King  and  his  Court  were  all  converts. 

No  such  reception  awaited  Buddhism  in  Japan  when,  in  522,  a  Chinese  bonze, 
Shiba  Tachito,  arrived,  erected  a  temple  on  the  Sakata  plain  in  Yamato,  en- 
shrined an  image,  of  Buddha  there,  and  endeavoured  to  propagate  the  faith. 
At  that  time,  Wu,  the  first  Emperor  of  the  Liang  dynasty  in  China,  was  employ- 
ing all  his  influence  to  popularize  the  Indian  creed.  Tradition  says  that  Shiba 
Tachito  came  from  Liang,  and  in  all  probability  he  took  the  overland  route  via 

131 


132  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  Korean  peninsula,  but  the  facts  are  obscure.  No  sensible  impression  seems 
to  have  been  produced  in  Japan  by  this  essay.  Buddhism  was  made  known  to 
a  few,  but  the  Japanese  showed  no  disposition  to  worship  a  foreign  god.  Twenty- 
three  years  later  (545),  the  subject  attracted  attention  again.  Song  Wang 
Myong,  King  of  Kudara,  menaced  by  a  crushing  attack  on  the  part  of  Koma 
and  Shiragi  in  co-operation,  made  an  image  of  the  Buddha,  sixteen  feet  high, 
and  petitioned  the  Court  of  Yamato  in  the  sense  that  as  all  good  things  were 
promised  in  the  sequel  of  such  an  effort,  protection  should  be  extended  to  him 
by  Japan.  Tradition  says  that  although  Bflddhism  had  not  yet  secured  a  foot- 
ing in  Yamato,  this  image  must  be  regarded  as  the  pioneer  of  many  similar 
objects  subsequently  set  up  in  Japanese  temples. 

Nevertheless,  A.D.  552  is  usually  spoken  of  as  the  date  of  Buddhism's  intro- 
duction into  Japan.  In  that  year  the  same  King  of  Kudara  presented  direct 
to  the  Yamato  Court  a  copper  image  of  Buddha  plated  with  gold;  several 
canopies  (tengai),  and  some  volumes  of  the  sacred  books,  by  the  hands  of  Tori 
Shichi  (Korean  pronunciation,  Nori  Sachhi)  and  others.  The  envoys  carried 
also  a  memorial  which  said:  "This  doctrine  is,  among  all,  most  excellent. 
But  it  is  difficult  to  explain  and  difficult  to  understand.  Even  the  Duke  Chou 
and  Confucius  did  not  attain  to  comprehension.  It  can  produce  fortune  and 
retribution,  immeasurable,  illimitable.  It  can  transform  a  man  into  a  Bodhi. 
Imagine  a  treasure  capable  of  satisfying  all  desires  in  proportion  as  it  is  used. 
Such  a  treasure  is  this  wonderful  doctrine.  Every  earnest  supplication  is 
fulfilled  and  nothing  is  wanting.  Moreover,  from  farthest  India  to  the  three 
Han,  all  have  embraced  the  doctrine,  and  there  is  none  that  does  not  receive  it 
with  reverence  wherever  it  is  preached.  Therefore  thy  servant,  Myong,  in  all 
sincerity,  sends  his  retainer,  Nori  Sachhi,  to  transmit  it  to  the  Imperial  country, 
that  it  may  be  diffused  abroad  throughout  the  home  provinces,1  so  as  to  fulfil 
the  recorded  saying  of  the  Buddha,  'My  law  shall  spread  to  the  East.'"  2  It 
is  highly  probable  that  in  the  effort  to  win  the  Yamato  Court  to  Buddhism, 
King  Myong  was  influenced  as  much  by  political  as  by  moral  motives.  He 
sought  to  use  the  foreign  faith  as  a  link  to  bind  Japan  to  his  country,  so  that  he 
might  count  on  his  oversea  neighbour 's  powerful  aid  against  the  attacks  of  Koma 
and  Shiragi. 

A  more  interesting  question,  however,  is  the  aspect  under  which  the  new 
faith  presented  itself  to  the  Japanese  when  it  first  arrived  among  them  as  a  rival 
of  Shintd  and  Confucianism.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  form  in  which  it 
became  known  at  the  outset  was  the  Hinayana,  or  Exoteric,  as  distinguished 
from  the  Mahayana,  or  Esoteric.  But  how  did  the  Japanese  converts  reconcile 
its  acceptance  with  their  allegiance  to  the  traditional  faith,  Shinto?  The  clearest 
available  answer  to  this  question  is  contained  in  a  book  called  Taishiden  Hochu, 
where,  in  reply  to  a  query  from  his  father,  Yomei,  who  professed  inability"  to 
believe  foreign  doctrines  at  variance  with  those  handed  down  from  the  age 
of  the  Kami,  Prince  Shotoku  is  recorded  to  have  replied:— 

Your  Majesty  has  considered  only  one  aspect  of  the  matter.  I  am  young  and  ignorant. 
but  I  have  carefully  studied  the  teachings  of  Confucius  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Kami.  I  find 
that  there  is  a  plain  distinction.  Shinld,  since  its  roots  spring  from  the  Kami,  came  into  exist- 
ence simultaneously  with  the  heaven  and  the  earth,  and  thus  expounds  the  origin  of  human 
beings.  Confucianism,  being  a  system  of  moral  principles,  is  coeval  with  the  people  and  deals 
with  the  middle  stage  of  humanity.  Buddhism,  the  fruit  of  principles,  arose  when  the  human 

That  is  to  say,  the  Kinai,  or  five  provinces,  of  which  Yamato  is  the  centre.] 
The  memorial  is  held  by  some  critics  to  be  of  doubtful  authenticity,  though  the  com- 
pilers of  the  Chronicles  may  have  inserted  it  in  good  faith.] 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  133 

intellect  matured.  It  explains  the  last  stage  of  man.  To  like  or  dislike  Buddhism  without 
any  reason  is  simply  an  individual  prejudice.  Heaven  commands  us  to  obey  reason.  The 
individual  cannot  contend  against  heaven.  Recognizing  that  impossibility,  nevertheless  to 
rely  on  the  individual  is  not  the  act  of  a  wise  man  or  an  intelligent.  Whether  the  Emperor 
desire  to  encourage  this  creed  is  a  matter  within  his  own  will.  Should  he  desire  to  reject  it, 
let  him  do  so;  it  will  arise  one  generation  later.  Should  he  desire  to  adopt  it,  let  him  do  so;  it 
will  arise  one  generation  earlier.  A  generation  is  as  one  moment  in  heaven 's  eyes.  Heaven 
is  eternal.  The  Emperor 's  reign  is  limited  to  a  generation ;  heaven  is  boundless  and  illimitable. 
How  can  the  Emperor  struggle  against  heaven?  How  can  heaven  be  concerned  about  a  loss 
of  time? 

i  nj  JqiflaJk'. 

The  eminent  modern  Japanese  historiographer,  Dr.  Ariga,  is  disposed  to 
regard  the  above  as  the  composition  of  some  one  of  later  date  than  the  illustrious 
Shotoku,  but  he  considers  that  it  rightly  represents  the  relation  assigned  to  the 
three  doctrines  by  the  Japanese  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries.  "Shinto 
teaches  about  the  origin  of  the  country  but  does  not  deal  with  the  present  or  the 
future.  Confucianism  discusses  the  present  and  has  no  concern  with  the  past 
or  the  future.  Buddhism,  alone,  preaches  about  the  future.  That  life  ends  with 
the  present  cannot  be  believed  by  all.  Many  men  think  of  the  future,  and  it 
was  therefore  inevitable  that  many  should  embrace  Buddhism." 

But  at  the  moment  when  the  memorial  of  King  Myong  was  presented  to  the 
Emperor  Kimmei,  the  latter  was  unprepared  to  make  a  definite  reply.  The 
image,  indeed,  he  found  to  be  full  of  dignity,  but  he  left  his  ministers  to  decide 
whether  it  should  be  worshipped  or  not.  A  division  of  opinion  resulted.  The 
o-omi,  Iname,  of  the  Soga  family,  advised  that,  as  Buddhism  had  won  worship 
from  all  the  nations  on  the  West,  Japan  should  not  be  singular.  But  the  6- 
muraji,  Okoshi,  of  the  Mononobe-uji,  and  Kamako,  muraji  of  the  Nakatomi-uji, 
counselled  that  to  bow  down  to  foreign  deities  would  be  to  incur  the  anger  of  the 
national  gods.  In  a  word,  the  civil  officials  advocated  the  adoption  of  the 
Indian  creed;  the  military  and  ecclesiastical  officials  opposed  it.  That  the  head 
of  the  Mononobe-uji  should  have  adopted  this  attitude  was  natural :  it  is  always 
the  disposition  of  soldiers  to  be  conservative,  and  that  is  notably  true  of  the 
Japanese  soldier  (bushi) .  In  the  case  of  the  Nakatomi,  also,  we  have  to  remember 
that  they  were,  in  a  sense,  the  guardians  of  the  Shinto  ceremonials :  thus,  their 
aversion  to  the  acceptance  of  a  strange  faith  is  explained. 

What  is  to  be  said,  however,  of  the  apparently  radical  policy  of  the  Soga 
chief?  Why  should  he  have  advocated  so  readily  the  introduction  of  a  foreign 
creed?  There  are  two  apparent  reasons.  One  is  that  the  Hata  and  Aya  groups 
of  Korean  and  Chinese  artisans  were  under  the  control  of  the  Soga-w/t,  and  that 
the  latter  were  therefore  disposed  to  welcome  all  innovations  coming  from  the 
Asiatic  continent.  The  other  is  that  between  the  o-muraji  of  the  Kami  class 
(Shimbetsu)  and  the  o-omi  of  the  Imperial  class  (Kwobetsu)  there  had  existed  for 
some  time  a  political  rivalry  which  began  to  be  acute  at  about  the  period  of  the 
coming  of  Buddhism,  and  which  was  destined  to  culminate,  forty  years  later, 
in  a  great  catastrophe.  The  Emperor  himself  steered  a  middle  course.  He 
neither  opposed  nor  approved  but  entrusted  the  image  to  the  keeping  of  the 
Soga  noble.  Probably  his  Majesty  was  not  unwilling  to  submit  the  experiment 
to  a  practical  test  vicariously,  for  it  is  to  be  noted  that,  in  those  days,  the 
influence  of  the  Kami  for  good  or  for  evil  was  believed  to  be  freely  exercised  in 
human  affairs. 

This  last  consideration  does  not  seem  to  have  influenced  Soga  no  Iname  at 
all.  He  must  have  been  singularly  free  from  the  superstitions  of  his  age,  for 
he  not  only  received  the  image  with  pleasure  but  also  enshrined  it  with  all 
solemnity  in  his  Mukuhara  residence,  which  he  converted  wholly  into  a  temple. 


134  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Very  shortly  afterwards,  however,  the  country  was  visited  by  a  pestilence,  and 
the  calamity  being  regarded  as  an  expression  of  the  Kami's  resentment,  the 
o-mnrnji  of  the  Mononobe  and  the  muraji  of  the  Nakatomi  urged  the  Emperor 
to  cast  out  the  emblems  of  a  foreign  faith.  Accordingly,  the  statue  of  the 
Buddha  was  thrown  into  the  Naniwa  canal  and  the  temple  was  burned  to  the 
ground.  Necessarily  these  events  sharply  accentuated  the  enmity  between 
the  Soga  and  the  Mononobe.  Twenty-five  years  passed,  however,  without  any 
attempt  to  restore  the  worship  of  the  Buddha.  Iname,  the  d-omi  of  the  Soga, 
died;  Okoshi,  the  o-muraji  of  the  Mononobe,  died,  and  they  were  succeeded  in 
these  high  offices  by  their  sons,  Umako  and  Moriya,  respectively. 

When  the  Emperor  Bidatsu  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  572,  the  political 
stage  was  practically  occupied  by  these  two  ministers  only;  they  had  no  competi- 
tors of  equal  rank.  In  577,  the  King  of  Kudara  made  a  second  attempt  to 
introduce  Buddhism  into  Japan.  He  sent  to  the  Yamato  Court  two  hundred 
volumes  of  sacred  books;  an  ascetic;  a  yogi  (meditative  monk);  a  nun;  a  reciter 
of  mantras  (magic  spells) ;  a  maker  of  images,  and  a  temple  architect.  If  any 
excitement  was  caused  by  this  event,  the  annals  say  nothing  of  the  fact.  It  is 
briefly  related  that  ultimately  a  temple  was  built  for  the  new-comers  in  Naniwa 
(modern  Osaka).  Two  years  later,  Shiragi  also  sent  a  Buddhist  eidolon,  and 
in  584  —  just  sixty-two  years  after  the  coming  of  Shiba  Tachito  from  Liang 
and  thirty-two  years  after  Soga  no  Iname 's  attempt  to  popularize  the  Indian 
faith  —  two  Japanese  high  officials  returned  from  Korea,  carrying  with  them 
a  bronze  image  of  Buddha  and  a  stone  image  of  Miroku.1  These  two  images 
were  handed  over,  at  his  request,  to  the  d-omi,  Umako,  who  had  inherited  his 
father's  ideas  about  Buddhism.  He  invited  Shiba  Tachito,  then  a  village 
mayor,  to  accompany  one  Hida  on  a  search  throughout  the  provinces  for  Budd- 
hist devotees.  They  found  a  man  called  Eben,  a  Korean  who  had  originally 
been  a  priest,  and  he,  having  resumed  the  stole,  consecrated  the  twelve-year-old 
daughter  of  Shiba  Tachito,  together  with  two  other  girls,  as  nuns.  The  d-omi 
now  built  a  temple,  where  the  image  of  Miroku  was  enshrined,  and  a  pagoda  on 
the  top  of  whose  central  pillar  was  deposited  a  Buddhist  relic  which  had  shown 
miraculous  powers. 

Thus,  once  more  the  creed  of  Sakiya  Muni  seemed  to  have  found  a  footing  in 
Japan.  But  again  the  old  superstitions  prevailed.  The  plague  of  small-pox 
broke  out  once  more.  This  fell  disease  had  been  carried  from  Cochin  China  by 
the  troops  of  General  Ma  Yuan  during  the  Han  dynasty,  and  it  reached  Japan 
almost  simultaneously  with  the  importation  of  Buddhism.  The  physicians  of 
the  East  had  no  skill  in  treating  it,  and  its  ravages  were  terrible,  those  that 
escaped  with  their  lives  having  generally  to  lament  the  loss  of  their  eyes.  So 
soon  as  the  malady  made  its  second  appearance  in  the  immediate  sequel  of  the 
new  honours  paid  to  Buddhism,  men  began  to  cry  out  that  the  Kami  were  punish- 
ing the  nation 's  apostacy,  and  the  o-muraji,  Moriya,  urged  the  Emperor  (Bidat- 
su) to  authorize  the  suppression  of  the  alien  religion.  Bidatsu,  who  at  heart  had 
always  been  hostile  to  the  innovation,  consented  readily,  and  the.  o-muraji, 
taking  upon  himself  the  duty  of  directing  the  work  of  iconoclasm,  caused  the 
pagoda  and  the  temple  to  be  razed  and  burned,  threw  the  image  into  the  canal, 
and  flogged  the  nuns.  But  the  pestilence  was  not  stayed.  Its  ravages  grew  more 
unsparing.  The  Emperor  himself,  as  well  as  the  d-omi,  Umako,  were  attacked, 
and  now  the  popular  outcry  took  another  tone:  men  ascribed  the  plague  to  the 
wrath  of  Buddha.  Umako,  in  turn,  pleaded  with  the  Emperor,  and  was  per- 
[«  The  Sanskrit  Maitreya,  the  expected  Messiah  of  the  Buddhist.] 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  135 

mitted  to  rebuild  the  temple  and  reinstate  the  nuns,  on  condition  that  no  efforts 
were  made  to  proselytize. 

Thus  Buddhism  recovered  its  footing,  but  the  enmity  between  the  o-muraji 
and  the  o-omi  grew  more  implacable  than  ever.  They  insulted  each  other,  even 
at  the  obsequies  of  the  sovereign,  and  an  occasion  alone  was  needed  to  convert 
their  anger  into  an  appeal  to  arms. 


Soga  no 
Iname 


DISPUTES  ABOUT  THE  ACCESSION 

•;  &«uvT  moil  hfauotd 

When  the  Emperor  Bidatsu  died  (A.D.  585)  no  nomination  of  a  Prince 
Imperial  had  taken  place,  and  the  feud  known  to  exist  between  the  o-omi  and 
the  o-muraji  increased  the  danger  of  the  situation.  The  following  genealogical 
table  will  serve  to  elucidate  the  relation  in  which  the  Soga-wy'i  stood  to  the 
Imperial  Family,  as  well  as  the  relation  between  the  members  of  the  latter: 

f  Emperor  Yomei*  (origin^  1  ™™  £?**££ 

Princess  Kitashi  (con-  ]  6  'iln  of  S°Sa  no  Umako) 

rt°       Emperorf    j  Empress   Suiko*    (originally 
consort   of    Emperor    Bi- 
[     datsu3) 

f  Prince  Anahobe  ? 

e™^°fH-  '^   • 

Emperor  Kimmei)     |    \  Empcror  SushunA..  bf! 

[  Umako  -Emishi-Iruka 

1  The  Emperor  Kimmei  was  the  elder  brother-in-law  of  Soga  no  Umako.      *  J/fcf 

2  The  Emperor  Yomei  was  the  nephew  of  Soga  no  Umako. 
*  The  Emperor  Bidatsu  was  a  nephew  of  Umako. 

4  The  Emperor  Sushun  was  a  nephew  of  Umako. 
«  The  Empress  Suiko  was  a  niece  of  Umako. 
6  Prince  Shotoku  was  son-in-law  of  Umako. 
i  Prince  Anahobe  was  a  nephew  of  Umako. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  great  uji  of  Soga  was  closely  related  to  all  the  Imperial 
personages  who  figured  prominently  on  the  stage  at  this  period  of  Japanese  his- 
tory. 


_  . 

THE  EMPEROR  YOMEI 

The  Emperor  Yomei  was  the  fourth  son  of  the  Emperor  Kimmei  and  a 
nephew  of  the  o-omi,  Umako.  The  Chronicles  say  that  he  "believed  in  the  law 
of  Buddha  and  reverenced  Shinto"  which  term  now  makes  its  first  appearance 
on  the  page  of  Japanese  history,  the  Kami  alone  having  been  spoken  of  hitherto. 
Yomei  's  accession  was  opposed  by  his  younger  brother,  Prince  Anahobe  (vide 
above  genealogical  table),  who  had  the  support  of  the  o-muraji,  Moriya;  but  the 
Soga  influence  was  exerted  in  Yomei  's  behalf.  Anahobe  did  not  suffer  his 
discomfiture  patiently.  He  attempted  to  procure  admission  to  the  mourning 
chamber  of  the  deceased  Emperor  for  some  unexplained  purpose,  and  being 
resisted  by  Miwa  Sako,  who  commanded  the  palace  guards,  he  laid  a  formal 
complaint  before  the  o-omi  and  the  o-muraji.  In  the  sequel  Sako  was  killed 
by  the  troops  of  the  o-muraji,  though  he  merited  rather  the  latter  's  protection 
as  a  brave  soldier  who  had  merely  done  his  duty,  who  opposed  Buddhism,  and 
who  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  Empress  Dowager.  To  Umako,  predicting 
that  this  deed  of  undeserved  violence  would  prove  the  beginning  of  serious 
trouble,  Moriya  insultingly  retorted  that  small-minded  men  did  not  understand 
such  matters.  Moriya  's  mind  was  of  the  rough  military  type.  He  did  not 
fathom  the  subtle  unscrupulous  intellect  of  an  adversary  like  Umako,  and  was 
destined  to  learn  the  truth  by  a  bitter  process. 


136  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

<noT:1*  '~it  u:Ji  <n..ri;jjiiov  uo  .uum  r  i.  .  . 

SHOTOKU  TAISHI 

Umayado,  eldest  son  of  the  Emperor  Yomei,  is  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
figures  in  the  annals  of  Japan.  He  has  been  well  called  "the  Constantine  of 
Buddhism."  In  proof  of  his  extraordinary  sagacity,  the  Chronicles  relate  that 
in  a  lawsuit  he  could  hear  the  evidence  of  ten  men  without  confusing  them. 
From  his  earliest  youth  he  evinced  a  remarkable  disposition  for  study.  A 
learned  man  was  invited  from  China  to  teach  him  the  classics,  and  priests  were 
brought  from  Koma  to  expound  the  doctrine  of  Buddhism,  in  which  faith  he 
ultimately  became  a  profound  believer.  In  fact,  to  his  influence,  more  than  to 
any  other  single  factor,  may  be  ascribed  the  final  adoption  of  the  Indian  creed 
by  Japan.  He  never  actually  ascended  the  throne,  but  as  regent  under  the 
Empress  Suiko  he  wielded  Imperial  authority.  In  history  he  is  known  as  Shoto- 
ku Tats/a  (Prince  Shotoku). 
-T>0tV*HJfoJorV  oTm  I  '  ««  _.»  -j 

FINAL  STRUGGLE  BETWEEN  THE  MONONOBE  AND  THE  SOGA 

In  the  second  year  of  his  reign,  the  Emperor  Yomei  was  seized  with  the 
malady  which  had  killed  his  father.  In  his  extremity  he  desired  to  be  received 
into  the  Buddhist  faith  to  which  he  had  always  inclined,  and  he  ordered  the 
leading  officials  to  consider  the  matter.  A  council  was  held.  Moriya,  6- 
muraji  of  the  Mononobe,  and  Katsumi,  muraji  of  the  Nakatomi,  objected  reso- 
lutely. They  asked  why  the  Kami  of  the  country  should  be  abandoned  in  a 
moment  of  crisis.  But  Umako,  o-omi  of  the  Soga,  said:  "It  is  our  duty  to 
obey  the  Imperial  commands  and  to  give  relief  to  his  Majesty.  Who  will  dare 
to  suggest  contumely?"  Buddhist  priests  were  then  summoned  to  the  palace. 
It  was  a  moment  of  extreme  tension.  Prince  Umayado  (Shotoku)  grasped  the 
hands  of  the  o-omi  and  exclaimed,  "  If  the  minister  had  not  believed  in  Buddhism, 
who  would  have  ventured  to  give  such  counsel?"  Umako 's  answer  is  said  to 
have  been :  "  Your  Imperial  Highness  will  work  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith. 
I,  a  humble  subject,  will  maintain  it  to  the  death."  Moriya,  the  o-muraji,  made 
no  attempt  to  hide  his  resentment,  but  recognizing  that  his  adherents  in  the 
palace  were  comparatively  few,  he  withdrew  to  a  safe  place  and  there  concen- 
trated his  forces,  endeavouring,  at  the  same  time,  to  enlist  by  magic  rites  the 
assistance  of  the  Kami  against  the  disciples  of  the  foreign  faith.  Meanwhile 
the  Emperor 's  malady  ended  fatally.  His  reign  had  lasted  only  one  year.  At 
the  point  ef  death  he  was  comforted  by  an  assurance  that  the  son  of  Shiba 
Tachito  would  renounce  the  world  to  revere  his  Majesty's  memory  and  would 
make  an  image  of  the  Buddha  sixteen  feet  high. 

Buddhism  had  now  gained  a  firm  footing  at  the  Yamato  Court,  but  its 
opponents  were  still  active.  Their  leader,  the  o-muraji,  thought  that  his  best 
chance  of  success  was  to  contrive  the  accession  of  Prince  Anahobe,  whose  attempt 
to  take  precedence  of  his  elder  brother,  the  Emperor  Yomei,  has  been  already 
noted.  The  conspiracy  was  discovered,  and  the  Soga  forces,  acting  under  the 
nominal  authority  of  the  deceased  Emperor's  consort,  Umako 's  niece,  moved 
against  Anahobe  and  Moriya,  who  had  not  been  able  to  combine  their  strength. 
The  destruction  of  Prince  Anahobe  was  easily  effected,  but  the  work  of  dealing 
with  the  o-muraji  taxed  the  resources  of  the  Soga  to  the  utmost.  Moriya  him- 
self ascended  a  tree  and  by  skill  of  archery  held  his  assailants  long  at  bay. 
Archery  had  been  practised  assiduously  by  the  Yamato  warrior  from  time 
immemorial,  and  arrows  possessing  remarkable  power  of  penetration  had  been 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  137 

devised.  During  the  reign  of  Nintoku,  when  envoys  from  Koma  presented  to 
the  Court  iron  shields  and  iron  targets,  a  Japanese  archer,  Tatebito,  was  able 
to  pierce  them;  and  in  the  time  of  Yuryaku,  a  rebel  named  Iratsuko  shot  a  shaft 
which,  passing  through  his  adversary 's  shield  and  twofold  armour,  entered  the 
flesh  of  his  body  to  the  depth  of  an  inch.  There  was  an  archery  hall  within  the 
enclosure  of  the  palace;  whenever  envoys  or  functionaries  from  foreign  countries 
visited  Yamato  they  were  invited  to  shoot  there;  frequent  trials  of  skill  took 
place,  and  when  oversea  sovereigns  applied  for  military  aid,  it  was  not  unusual 
to  send  some  bundles  of  arrows  in  lieu  of  soldiers. 

Thus,  the  general  of  the  Mononobe,  perched  among  the  branches  of  a  tree, 
with  an  unlimited  supply  of  shafts  and  with  highly  trained  skill  as  a  bowman, 
was  a  formidable  adversary.  Moriya  and  his  large  following  of  born  soldiers 
drove  back  the  Soga  forces  three  times.  Success  seemed  to  be  in  sight  for  the 
champion  of  the  Kami.  At  this  desperate  stage  Prince  Shotoku  —  then  a  lad 
of  sixteen  —  fastened  to  his  helmet  images  of  the  "Four  Guardian  Kings  of 
Heaven"1  and  vowed  to  build  a  temple  in  their  honour  if  victory  was  vouchsafed 
to  his  arms.  At  the  same  time,  the  o-omi,  Umako,  took  oath  to  dedicate  temples 
and  propagate  Buddhism.  The  combat  had  now  assumed  a  distinctly  religious 
character.  Shotoku  and  tJmako  advanced  again  to  the  attack;  Moriya  was 
shot  down;  his  family  and  followers  fled,  were  put  to  the  sword  or  sent  into 
slavery,  and  all  his  property  was  confiscated. 

An  incident  of  this  campaign  illustrates  the  character  of  the  Japanese 
soldier  as  revealed  in  the  pages  of  subsequent  history :  a  character  whose  promi- 
nent traits  were  dauntless  courage  and  romantic  sympathy.  Yorozu,  a  depend- 
ent of  the  o-muraji,  was  reduced  to  the  last  straits  after  a  desperate  fight.  The 
Chronicles  say:  "Then  he  took  the  sword  which  he  wore,  cut  his  bow  into  three 
pieces,  and  bending  his  sword,  flung  it  into  the  river.  With  a  dagger  which  he 
had  besides,  he  stabbed  himself  in  the  throat  and  died.  The  governor  of 
Kawachi  having  reported  the  circumstances  of  Yorozu 's  death  to  the  Court,  the 
latter  gave  an  order  by  a  stamp  2  that  his  body  should  be  cut  into  eight  pieces 
and  distributed  among  the  eight  provinces."3  In  accordance  with  this  order 
the  governor  was  about  to  dismember  the  corpse  when  thunder  pealed  and  a 
great  rain  fell.  "Now  there  was  a  white  dog  which  had  been  kept  by  Yorozu. 
Looking  up  and  looking  down,  it  went  round,  howling  beside  the  body,  and  at 
last,  taking  up  the  head  in  its  mouth,  it  placed  it  on  an  ancient  mound,  lay 
down  close  by,  and  starved  to  death.  When  this  was  reported  to  the  Court,  the 
latter,  moved  by  profound  pity,  issued  an  order  that  the  dog's  conduct  should 
be  handed  down  to  after  ages,  and  that  the  kindred  of  Yorozu  should  be  allowed 
to  construct  a  tomb  and  bury  his  remains." 

BUILDING  OF  TEMPLES 

After  order  had  been  restored,  Prince  Shotoku  fulfilled  his  vow  by  building 
in  the  province  of  Settsu  a  temple  dedicated  to  the  Four  Guardian  Kings  of 
Heaven  (Shitenno-ji),  and  by  way  of  endowment  there  were  handed  over  to  it 
one-half  of  the  servants  of  the  o-muraji,  together  with  his  house  and  a  quantity  of 

P  The  "Four  Guardian  Kings"  (Shi-Tenno}  are  the  warriors  who  guard  the  world  against 
the  attacks  of  demons.] 

[2  A  stamp  in  red  or  black  on  the  palm  of  the  hand.] 

[3  This  custom  of  dismembering  and  distributing  the  remains  was  practised  in  Korea  until 
the  time,  at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  the  peninsula  came  under  Japanese 
protection.  It  was  never  customary  in  Japan.] 


138  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

other  property.  The  o-omi,  Umako,  also  erected  a  temple  called  Hoko-ji  in 
Asuka  near  Kara.  It  has  been  shown  above  that  Soga  no  Iname  converted  one 
of  his  houses  into  a  temple  to  receive  the  Buddhist  image  sent  by  Myong  in 
552,  and  that  his  son,  Umako,  erected  a  temple  on  the  east  of  his  residence  to 
enshrine  a  stone  image  of  Miroku,  in  584.  But  these  two  edifices  partook  largely 
of  the  nature  of  private  worship.  The  first  public  temples  for  the  service  of 
Buddhism  were  Shotoku  's  Shitenno-ji  and  Umako  's  Hoko-ji  erected  in  587. 


AMOUNT  OF  THE  O-MURAJI'S  PROPERTY 

In  the  Annals  of  Prince  Shotoku  (Taishi-deri)  it  is  recorded  that  the  parts  of 
the  o-muraji's  estate  with  which  the  temple  of  the  Four  Kings  was  endowed 
were  273  members  of  his  family  and  household;  his  three  houses  and  movable 
property,  together  with  his  domain  measuring  186,890  shiro,  and  consisting  of 
two  areas  of  128,640  shiro  and  58,250  shiro  in  Kawachi  and  Settsu,  respectively. 
The  shiro  is  variously  reckoned  at  from  5%  to  7.12  tsubo  (1  tsubo  =  36  square 
feet).  Taking  the  shiro  as  6  tsubo,  the  above  three  areas  total  1000  acres  ap- 
proximately. That  this  represented  a  part  only  of  the  o-muraji's  property  is 
held  by  historians,  who  point  to  the  fact  that  the  o-omi  's  wife,  a  younger  sister  of 
the  o-muraji,  incited  her  husband  to  destroy  Moriya  for  the  sake  of  getting 
possession  of  his  wealth. 

THE  EMPEROR  SUSHUN 
-rrfnq  oaofr/7  i  tfo/yujflO  &  :  vjr:?.-'ii 

The  deaths  of  Prince  Anahobe  and  Moriya  left  the  Government  completely 
in  the  hands  of  Soga  no  Umako.  There  was  no  o-muraji;  the  o-omi  was  supreme. 
At  his  instance  the  crown  was  placed  upon  the  head  of  his  youngest  nephew, 
Sushun.  But  Sushun  entertained  no  friendship  for  Umako  nor  any  feeling  of 
gratitude  for  the  latter  's  action  in  contriving  his  succession  to  the  throne. 
Active,  daring,  and  astute,  he  judged  the  o-omi  to  be  swayed  solely  by  personal 
ambition,  and  he  placed  no  faith  in  the  sincerity  of  the  great  official  's  Buddhist 
propaganda.  Meanwhile,  the  fortunes  of  the  new  faith  prospered.  When  the 
dying  Emperor,  Yomei,  asked  to  be  qualified  for  Nirvana,  priests  were  summon- 
ed from  Kudara.  They  came  in  588,  the  first  year  of  Sushun  's  reign,  carrying 
relics  (sarira),  and  they  were  accompanied  by  ascetics,  temple-architects,  metal- 
founders,  potters,  and  a  pictorial  artist. 

The  Indian  creed  now  began  to  present  itself  to  the  Japanese  people,  not 
merely  as  a  vehicle  for  securing  insensibility  to  suffering  in  this  life  and  happiness 
in  the  next,  but  also  as  a  great  protagonist  of  refined  progress,  gorgeous  in 
paraphernalia,  impressive  in  rites,  eminently  practical  in  teachings,  and  substitut- 
ing a  vivid  rainbow  of  positive  hope  for  the  negative  pallor  of  Shinto.  Men 
began  to  adopt  the  stole;  women  to  take  the  veil,  and  people  to  visit  the  hills  in 
search  of  timbers  suited  for  the  frames  of  massive  temples.  Soga  no  Umako, 
the  ostensible  leader  of  this  great  movement,  grew  more  and  more  arrogant  and 
arbitrary.  The  youthful  Emperor  umbosomed  himself  to  Prince  Shotoku, 
avowing  his  aversion  to  the  o-omi  and  his  uncontrollable  desire  to  be  freed  from 
the  incubus  of  such  a  minister.  Shotoku  counselled  patience,  but  Sushun  's 
impetuosity  could  not  brook  delay,  nor  did  he  reflect  that  he  was  surrounded 
by  partisans  of  the  Soga. 

A  Court  lady  betrayed  his  designs  to  the  o-omi,  and  the  latter  decided  that 
the  Emperor  must  be  destroyed.  An  assassin  was  found  in  the  person  of  Koma, 
a  naturalized  Chinese,  suzerain  of  the  Aya^uji,  and,  being  introduced  into  the 


139 

palace  by  the  o-omi  under  pretence  of  offering  textile  fabrics  from  the  eastern 
provinces,  he  killed  the  Emperor.  So  omnipotent  was  the  Soga  chief  that  his 
murderous  envoy  was  not  even  questioned.  He  received  open  thanks  from  his 
employer  and  might  have  risen  to  high  office  had  he  not  debauched  a  daughter  of 
the  o-omi.  Then  Umako  caused  him  to  be  hung  from  a  tree  and  made  a  target 
of  his  body,  charging  him  with  having  taken  the  Emperor's  life.  "I  knew  only 
that  there  was  an  o-omi,"  retorted  the  man.  "I  did  not  know  there  was  an 
Emperor."  Many  others  shared  Koma's  comparative  ignorance  when  the 
Soga  were  in  power.  At  the  Emperor  Yomei  's  death,  only  one  person  honoured 
his  memory  by  entering  the  Buddhist  priesthood.  When  Soga  no  Umako  died, 
a  thousand  men  received  the  tonsure.  The  unfortunate  Sushun  was  interred 
on  the  day  of  his  murder,  an  extreme  indignity, yet  no  one  ventured  to  protest; 
and  even  Prince  Shotoku,  while  predicting  that  the  assassin  would  ultimately 
suffer  retribution,  justified  the  assassination  on  the  ground  that  previous 
misdeeds  had  deserved  it. 

Shotoku 's  conduct  on  this  occasion  has  inspired  much  censure  and  surprise 
when  contrasted  with  his  conspicuous  respect  for  virtue  in  all  other  cases.  But 
the  history  of  the  time  requires  intelligent  expansion.  Cursory  reading  suggests 
that  Umako 's  resolve  to  kill  Sushun  was  taken  suddenly  in  consequence  of  dis- 
covering the  latter 's  angry  mood.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  Sushun  was 
doomed  from  the  moment  of  his  accession.  His  elder  brother  had  perished  at 
the  hands  of  Umako 's  troops,  and  if  he  himself  did  not  meet  the  same  fate, 
absence  of  plausible  pretext  alone  saved  him.  To  suffer  him  to  reign,  harbour- 
ing, as  he  must  have  harboured,  bitter  resentment  against  his  brother 's  slayer, 
would  have  been  a  weakness  inconsistent  with  Umako 's  character.  Sushun  was 
placed  on  the  throne  as  a  concession  to  appearance,  but,  at  the  same  time,  he 
was  surrounded  with  creatures  of  the  o-omi,  so  that  the  latter  had  constant 
cognizance  of  the  sovereign 's  every  word  and  act. 

When  the  o-omi  judged  the  time  fitting,  he  proposed  to  the  Emperor  that  an 
expedition  should  be  despatched  to  recover  Mimana,  which  had  been  lost  to 
Japan  some  time  previously.  An  army  of  twenty  thousand  men,  commanded' 
by  a  majority  of  the  omi  and  muraji,  was  sent  to  Tsukushi,  and  all  potential 
opponents  of  the  Soga  chief  having  been  thus  removed,  he  proceeded  to  carry 
out  his  design  against  the  Emperor 's  life.  The  very  indignity  done  to  Sushun 's 
remains  testifies  the  thoroughness  of  the  Soga  plot.  It  has  been  shown  that  in 
early  days  the  erection  of  a  tomb  for  an  Imperial  personage  was  a  heavy  task, 
involving  much  time  and  labour.  Pending  the  completion  of  the  work,  the 
corpse  was  put  into  a  coffin  and  guarded  day  and  night,  for  which  purpose  a 
separate  palace  was  l  erected.  When  the  sepulchre  had  been  fully  prepared,  the 
remains  were  transferred  thither  with  elaborate  ceremonials,2  and  the  tomb  was 
thenceforth  under  the  care  of  guardians  (rioko). 

All  these  observances  were  dispensed  with  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor  Sushun. 
His  remains  did  not  receive  even  the  measure  of  respect  that  would  have  been 
paid  to  the  corpse  of  the  commonest  among  his  subjects.  Nothing  could 
indicate  more  vividly  the  omnipotence  of  the  o-omi;  everything  had  been  pre- 
pared so  that  his  partisans  could  bury  the  body  almost  before  it  was  cold.  Had 
Prince  Shotoku  protested,  he  would  have  been  guilty  of  the  futility  described 

[J  Called  Araki-no-miya,  or  the  "rough  palace."  The  interval  during  which  time  the 
coffin  remained  there  was  termed  kari-mo-gari,  or  "temporary  mourning."] 

[2  Known  as  kakushi-matsuri,  or  the  "rite  of  hiding."  It  would  seem  that  the  term  of  one 
year's  mourning  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a  parent  had  its  origin  in  the  above  arrangement. 1 


!40  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

by  a  Chinese  proverb  as  "spitting  at  the  sky."  Besides,  Shotoku  and  Umako 
were  allies  otherwise.  The  Soga  minister,  in  his  struggle  with  the  military 
party,  had  needed  the  assistance  of  Shotoku,  and  had  secured  it  by  community 
of  allegiance  to  Buddhism.  The  prince,  in  his  projected  struggle  against  the 
vji  system,  needed  the  assistance  of  Buddhist  disciples  in  general,  and  in  his 
effort  to  reach  the  throne,  needed  the  assistance  of  Umako  in  particular.  In 
short,  he  was  building  the  edifice  of  a  great  reform,  and  to  have  pitted  himself, 
at  the  age  of  nineteen,  against  the  mature  strength  of  the  o-omi  would  have  been 
to  perish  on  the  threshold  of  his  purpose. 

THE  EMPRESS  SUIKO 

By  the  contrivance  of  Umako,  the  consort  of  the  Emperor  Bidatsu  was  now 
placed  on  the  throne,  Prince  Shotoku  being  nominated  Prince  Imperial  and 
regent.  The  Soga-uji  held  absolute  power  in  every  department  of  State  affairs. 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  SHOTOKU 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  documents  in  Japanese  annals  is  the  Jushichi 
Kempo,  or  Seventeen-Article  Constitution,  compiled  by  Shotoku  Taishi  in  A.D. 
604.  It  is  commonly  spoken  of  as  the  first  written  law  of  Japan.  But  it  is  not 
a  body  of  laws  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term.  There  are  no  penal  provisions, 
nor  is  there  any  evidence  of  promulgation  with  Imperial  sanction.  The  seventeen 
articles  are  simply  moral  maxims,  based  on  the  teachings  of  Buddhism  and 
Confucianism,  and  appealing  to  the  sanctions  of  conscience.  Prince  Shotoku, 
in  his  capacity  of  regent,  compiled  them  and  issued  them  to  officials  in  the  guise 
of  "instructions." 

I.  Harmony  is  to  be  valued,  and  the  avoidance  of  wanton  opposition  honoured.     All 
men  are  swayed  by  class  feeling  and  few  are  intelligent.     Hence  some  disobey  their  lords  and 
fathers  or  maintain  feuds  with  neighbouring  villages.     But  when  the  high  are  harmonious  and 
the  low  friendly,  and  when  there  is  concord  in  the  discussion  of  affairs,  right  views  spontaneous- 
ly find  acceptance.    What  is  there  that  cannot  be  then  accomplished? 

II.  Reverence  sincerely  the  Three  Treasures  —  Buddha,  the  Law,  and  the  Priesthood  — 
for  these  are  the  final  refuge  of  the  Four  Generated  Beings 1  and  the  supreme  objects  of  faith" 
in  all  countries.     What  man  in  what  age  can  fail  to  revere  this  law?     Few  are  utterly  bad: 
they  may  be  taught  to  follow  it.     But  if  they  turn  not  to  the  Three  Treasures,  wherewithal 
shall  their  crookedness  be  made  straight? 

III.  When  you  receive  the  Imperial  Commands  fail  not  to  obey  scrupulously.     The  lord 
is  Heaven ;  the  vassal,  Earth.    Heaven  overspreads;  Earth  upbears.     When  this  is  so,  the  four 
seasons  follow  their  due  course,  and  the  powers  of  Nature  develop  their  efficiency.     K  the 
Earth  at  tempt  to  overspread,  Heaven  falls  in  ruin.     Hence  when  the  lord  speaks,  the  vassal 
hearkens;  when  the  superior  acts,  the  inferior  yields  compliance.     When,  therefore,  you  receive 
an  Imperial  Command,  fail  not  to  carry  it  out  scrupulously.     If  there  be  want  or  care  in  this 
respect,  a  catastrophe  naturally  ensues. 

IV.  Ministers  and  functionaries  should  make  decorous  behavior  their  guiding  principle, 
for  decorous  behavior  is  the  main  factor  in  governing  the  people.     If  superiors  do  not  behave 
with  decorum,  inferiors  are  disorderly;  if  inferiors  are  wanting  in  proper  behaviour,  offences 
are  inevitable.    Thus  it  is  that  when  lord  and  vassal  behave  with  propriety,  the  distinctions 
of  rank  are  not  confused;  and  when  the  people  behave  with  propriety,  the  government  of  the 
State  proceeds  of  itself. 

V.  Refraining  from  gluttony  and  abandoning  covetous  desires,  deal  impartially  with  the 
suits  brought  before  you.    Of  complaints  preferred  by  the  people  there  are  a  thousand  in  one 
day:  how  many,  then,  will  there  be  in  a  series  of  years?    Should  he  that  decides  suits  at  law 
make  gain  his  ordinary  motive  and  hear  causes  with  a  view  to  receiving  bribes,  then  will  the 
suits  of  the  rich  man  be  like  a  stone  flung  into  water,2  while  the  plaints  of  the  poor  will  resemble 

I1  Beings  produced  in  transmigration  by  the  four  processes  of  being  born  from  eggs,  from 
a  womb,  from  fermentation,  or  from  metamorphosis.] 
[*  That  is  to  say,  they  will  encounter  no  opposition.] 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  141 

water  cast  on  a  stone.     In  such  circumstances,  the  poor  man  will  not  know  whither  to  betake 
himself,  and  the  duty  of  a  minister  will  not  be  discharged. 

VI.  Chastise  that  which  is  evil  and  encourage  that  which  is  good.     This  was  the  excellent 
rule  of  antiquity.     Conceal  not,  therefore,  the  good  qualities  of  others,  and  fail  not  to  correct 
that  which  is  wrong  when  you  see  it.     Flatterers  and  deceivers  are  a  sharp  weapon  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  State,  and  a  pointed  sword  for  the  destruction  of  the  people.     Sycophants 
are  also  fond,  when  they  meet,  of  dilating  to  their  superiors  on  the  errors  of  their  inferiors;  to 
their  inferiors,  they  censure  the  faults  of  their  superiors.     Men  of  this  kind  are  all  wanting  in 
fidelity  to  their  lord,  and  in  benevolence  towards  the  people.     From  such  an  origin  great  civil 
disturbances  arise. 

VII.  Let  every  man  have  his  own  charge,  and  let  not  the  spheres  of  duty  be  confused. 
When  wise  men  are  entrusted  with  office,  the  sound  of  praise  arises.     If  unprincipled  men  hold 
office,  disasters  and  tumults  are  multiplied.     In  this  world,  few  are  born  with  knowledge: 
wisdom  is  the  product  of  earnest  meditation.     In  all  things,  whether  great  or  small,  find  the 
right  man,  and  they  will  surely  be  well  managed :  on  all  occasions,  be  they  urgent  or  the  reverse, 
meet  with  but  a  wise  man  and  they  will  of  themselves  be  amenable.     In  this  way  will  the  State 
be  eternal  and  the  Temples  of  the  Earth  and  of  Grain 1  will  be  free  from  danger.     Therefore 
did  the  wise  sovereigns  of  antiquity  seek  the  man  to  fill  the  office,  and  not  the  office  for  the  sake 
of  the  man. 

VIII.  Let  the  ministers  and  functionaries  attend  the  Court  early  in  the  morning,  and 
retire  late.     The  business  of  the  State  does  not  admit  of  remissness,  and  the  whole  day  is  hard- 
ly enough  for  its  accomplishment.     If,  therefore,  the  attendance  at  Court  is  late,  emergencies 
cannot  be  met:  if  officials  retire  soon,  the  work  cannot  be  completed. 

IX.  Good  faith  is  the  foundation  of  right.     In  everything  let  there  be  good  faith,  for  in 
it  there  surely  consists  the  good  and  fhe  bad,  success  and  failure.     If  the  lord  and  the  vassal 
observe  good  faith  one  with  another,  what  is  there  which  cannot  be  accomplished?     If  the  lord 
and  the  vassal  do  not  observe  good  faith  towards  one  another,  everything  without  exception 
ends  in  failure. 

X.  Let  us  cease  from  wrath,  and  refrain  from  angry  looks.     Nor  let  us  be  resentful  when 
others  differ  from  us.     For  all  men  have  hearts,  and  each  heart  has  its  own  leanings.     Their 
right  is  our  wrong,  and  our  right  is  their  wrong.     We  are  not  unquestionably  sages  nor  are  they 
unquestionably  fools.     Both  of  us  are  simply  ordinary  men.     How  can  anyone  lay  down  a  rule 
by  which  to  distinguish  right  from  wrong?     For  we  are  all,  one  with  another,  wise  and  foolish 
like  a  ring  which  has  no  end.     Therefore,  although  others  give  way  to  anger,  let  us,  on  the  con- 
trary, dread  our  own  faults,  and  though  we  alone  may  be  in  the  right,  let  us  follow  the  multitude 
and  act  like  them. 

XI.  Give  clear  appreciation  to  merit  and  demerit,  and  deal  out  to  each  its  sure  reward 
or  punishment.     In  these  days,  reward  does  not  attend  upon  merit,  nor  punishment  upon 
crime.     Ye  high  functionaries  who  have  charge  of  public  affairs,  let  it  be  your  task  to  make 
clear  rewards  and  punishments. 

XII.  Let  not  the  provincial  authorities  or  the  kuni  no  miyatsuko  levy  exactions  on  the 
people.     In  a  country  there  are  not  two  lords ;  the  people  have  not  two  masters.     The  sovereign 
is  the  master  of  the  people  of  the  whole  country.     The  officials  to  whom  he  gives  charge  are 
all  his  vassals.     How  can  they,  as  well  as  the  Government,  presume  to  levy  taxes  on  the 
people? 

XIII.  Let  all  persons  entrusted  with  office  attend  equally  to  their  functions.     Owing  to 
illness  or  despatch  on  missions  their  work  may  sometimes  be  neglected.     But  whenever  they 
are  able  to  attend  to  business,  let  them  be  as  accommodating  as  though  they  had  cognizance 
of  it  from  before,  and  let  them  not  hinder  public  affairs  on  the  score  of  not  having  had  to  do 
with  them. 

XIV.  Ministers  and  functionaries,  be  not  envious.     If  we  envy  others,  they,  in  turn,  will 
envy  us.     The  evils  of  envy  know  no  limit.     If  others  excel  us  in  intelligence,  it  gives  us  no 
pleasure;  if  they  surpass  us  in  ability,  we  are  envious.     Therefore  it  is  not  until  after  the  lapse 
of  five  hundred  years  that  we  at  last  meet  with  a  wise  man,  and  even  in  a  thousand  years  we 
hardly  obtain  one  sage.     But  if  wise  men  and  sages  be  not  found,  how  shall  the  country  be 
governed? 

XV.  To  turn  away  from  that  which  is  private  and  to  set  one 's  face  towards  that  which  is 
public  —  this  is  the  path  of  a  minister.     If  a  man  is  influenced  by  private  motives,  he  will 
assuredly  feel  resentment;  if  he  is  influenced  by  resentment,  he  will  assuredly  fail  to  act  har- 
moniously with  others;  if  he  fails  to  act  harmoniously  with  others,  he  will  assuredly  sacrifice 
the  public  interest  to  his  private  feelings.     When  resentment  arises,  it  interferes  with  order 
and  is  subversive  of  law.    Therefore,  in  the  first  clause  it  was  said  that  superiors  and  inferiors 
should  agree  together.     The  purport  is  the  same  as  this. 

XVI.  Let  the  employment  of  the  people  in  forced  labour  be  at  seasonable  times.     This  is 
an  ancient  and  excellent  rule.     Let  them  be  employed,  therefore,  in  the  winter  months  when 
they  have  leisure.     But  from  spring  to  autumn,  when  they  are  engaged  in  agriculture  or  with 
the  mulberry  trees,  the  people  should  not  be  employed.     For  if  they  do  not  attend  to  agricul- 
ture, what  will  they  have  to  eat?     If  they  do  not  attend  to  the  mulberry  trees,  what  will  they 
do  for  clothing? 

[x  A  Chinese  expression  for  the  Imperial  house.] 


142  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

X  V 1 1.  Decisions  on  import  ant  matters  should  not  be  rendered  by  one  person  alone:  they 
should  bo  discussed  by  many.  But  small  matters  being  of  less  consequence,  need  not  be  con- 
sulted about  by  a  number  of  people.  It  is  only  in  the  discussion  of  weighty  affairs,  when  t  linv 
is  an  apprehension  <>f  miscarriage,  that  matters  should  be  arranged  in  concert  with  others  so  as 
to  iii-rivc  at  the  right  conclusion.1 

For  a  document  compiled  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  these 
seventeen  ethical  precepts  merit  much  approbation.  With  the  exception  of  the 
doctrine  of  expediency,  enunciated  at  the  close  of  the  tenth  article,  the  code  of 
Shotoku  might  be  taken  for  guide  by  any  community  in  any  age.  But  the 
prince  as  a  moral  reformer  2  cannot  be  credited  with  originality;  his  merit  con- 
sists in  having  studied  Confucianism  and  Buddhism  intelligently.  The  political 
purport  of  his  code  is  more  remarkable.  In  the  whole  seventeen  articles  there 
is  nothing  to  inculcate  worship  of  the  Kami  or  observance  of  Shinto  rites. 
Again,  whereas,  according  to  the  Japanese  creed,  the  sovereign  power  is  derived 
from  the  Imperial  ancestor,  the  latter  is  nowhere  alluded  to.  The  seventh 
article  makes  the  eternity  of  the  State  and  the  security  of  the  Imperial  house 
depend  upon  wise  administration  by  well-selected  officials,  but  says  nothing  of 
hereditary  rights.  How  is  such  a  vital  omission  to  be  interpreted,  except  on  the 
supposition  that  Shotoku,  who  had  witnessed  the  worst  abuses  incidental  to  the 
hereditary  system  of  the  uji,  intended  by  this  code  to  enter  a  solemn  protest 
against  that  system? 

Further,  the  importance  attached  to  the  people  3  is  a  very  prominent  feature 
of  the  code.  Thus,  in  Article  IV,  it  is  stated  that  "when  the  people  behave  with 
propriety  the  government  of  the  State  proceeds  of  itself;"  Article  V  speaks  of 
"complaints  preferred  by  the  people;"  Article  VI  refers  to  "the  overthrow  of 
the  State"  and  "the  destruction  of  the  people;"  Article  VII  emphasises  "the 
eternity  of  the  State;"  that  "the  sovereign  is  the  master  of  the  people  of  the 
whole  country;"  that  "the  officials  to  whom  he  gives  charge  are  all  his  vassals," 
and  that  these  officials,  whether  miyatsuko  or  provincial  authorities,  must  not 
"presume,  as  well  as  the  Government,  to  levy  taxes  on  the  people."  All  thoe 
expressions  amount  to  a  distinct  condemnation  of  the  uji  system,  under  whic.h 
the  only  people  directly  subject  to  the  sovereign  were  those  of  the  minashiro, 
and  those  who  had  been  naturalized  or  otherwise  specially  assigned,  all  the  rest 
being  practically  the  property  of  the  uji,  and  the  only  lands  paying  direct  taxes 
to  the  Throne  were  the  domains  of  the  miyake. 

Forty-two  years  later  (A.D.  646),  the  abolition  of  private  property  in  persons 
and  lands  was  destined  to  become  the  policy  of  the  State,  but  its  foundations 
seem  to  have  been  laid  in  Shotoku 's  time.  It  would  be  an  error  to  suppose  that 
the  neglect  of  Shinto  suggested  by  the  above  code  was  by  any  means  a  distinct 
feature  of  the  era,  or  even  a  practice  of  the  prince  himself.  Thus,  an  Imperial 
edict,  published  in  the  year  607,  enjoined  that  there  must  be  no  remissness  in  the 
worship  of  the  Kami,  and  that  they  should  be  sincerely  reverenced  by  all  officials, 
In  the  sequel  of  this  edict  Prince  Shotoku  himself,  the  o-omi,  and  a  number  of 
functionaries  worshipped  the  Kami  of  heaven  and  of  earth.  In  fact,  Shotoku,  for 
all  his  enthusiasm  in  the  cause  of  Buddhism,  seems  to  have  shrunk  from  anything 
like  bigoted  exclusiveness.  He  is  quoted4  as  saying:  "The  management  of 
State  affairs  cannot  be  achieved  unless  it  is  based  on  knowledge,  and  the  sources 
of  knowledge  are  Confucianism,  Buddhism,  and  Shinto."6  He  who  inclines  to 

('  The  above  is  taken  almost  verbatim  from  Aston 's  translation  of  the  Nihongi.] 
[•  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  tradition  represents  this  prince  as  having  been  born  at  the  door 
of  a  stable.     Hence  his  original  name,  Umayado  (Stable-door).) 

('  The  word  used  is  hyakusho,  which  ultimately  came  to  be  applied  to  farmers  only.] 
4  In  the  Sankyo-ron.]  [5  The  order  of  this  enumeration  is  significant.] 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  143 

one  of  these  three,  must  study  the  other  two  also;  for  what  one  knows  seems 
reasonable,  but  that  of  which  one  is  ignorant  appears  unreasonable.  Therefore 
an  administrator  of  public  affairs  should  make  himself  acquainted  with  all  three 
and  should  not  affect  one  only,  for  such  partiality  signifies  maladministration. 

DEATH  OF  SHOTOKU  TAISHI 

Prince  Shotoku  died  in  the  year  621.  The  Records  do  not  relate  anything 
of  his  illness  :  they  say  merely  that  he  foresaw  the  day  and  hour  of  his  own  death, 
and  they  say  also  that  when  the  Buddhist  priest,  Hyecha  of  Koma,  who  had 
instructed  the  prince  in  the  "inner  doctrine,"  learned  of  his  decease,  he  also 
announced  his  determination  to  die  on  the  same  day  of  the  same  month  in  the 
following  year  so  as  "to  meet  the  prince  in  the  Pure  Land  and,  together  with 
him,  pass  through  the  metempsychosis  of  all  living  creatures." 

The  last  months  of  Shotoku  's  life  were  devoted  to  compiling,  in  concert  with 
the  o-omi  Umako,  "a  history  of  the  Emperors;  a  history  of  the  country,  and  the 
original  record  of  the  omi,  the  muraji,  the  tomo  no  miyatsuko,  the  kuni  no  miyat- 
suko,  the  180  be,  and  the  free  subjects."  This,  the  first  Japanese  historical  work, 
was  completed  in  the  year  620.  It  was  known  afterwards  as  the  Kujihongi,  and 
twenty-five  years  later  (645)  when  —  as  will  presently  be  seen  —  the  execution 
of  the  Soga  chief  took  place,  the  book  was  partially  consumed  by  fire.  Yet  that 
it  had  not  suffered  beyond  the  possibility  of  reconstruction,  and  that  it  survived 
in  the  Ko-jiki  was  never  doubted  until  the  days  (1730-1801)  of  "the  prince  of 
Japanese  literati,"  Motoori  Norinaga.  The  question  of  authenticity  is  still  un- 
settled. 

Shotoku  's  name  is  further  connected  with  calendar  making,  though  no 
particulars  of  his  work  in  that  line  are  on  record.  Japanese  historians  speak  of 
him  as  the  father  of  his  country  's  civilization.  They  say  that  he  breathed  life 
into  the  nation;  that  he  raised  the  status  of  the  Empire;  that  he  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  Japanese  learning;  that  he  fixed  the  laws  of  decorum;  that  he  imparted 
a  new  character  to  foreign  relations,  and  that  he  was  an  incarnation  of  the 
Buddha,  specially  sent  to  convert  Japan.  The  Chronicles  say  that  at  his  death 
nobles  and  commoners  alike,  "the  old,,  as  if  they  had  lost  a  dear  child,  the  young, 
as  if  they  had  lost  a  beloved  parent,  filled  the  ways  with  the  sound  of  their  la- 
menting." 


THE  SPREAD  OF  BUDDHISM  AND  THE  CONTROL  OF  ITS  PRIESTS 

7   uri.fi:> 

The  roots  of  Japanese  Buddhism  were  watered  with  blood,  as  have  been  the 
roots  of  so  many  religions  in  so  many  countries.  From  the  day  of  the  destruction 
of  the  military  party  under  the  o-muraji  Moriya,  the  foreign  faith  flourished. 
Then  —  as  has  been  shown  —  were  built  the  first  two  great  temples,  and  then, 
for  the  first  time,  a  Buddhist  place  of  worship  was  endowed  1  with  rich  estates 
and  an  ample  number  of  serfs  to  till  them.  Thenceforth  the  annals  abound 
with  references  to  the  advent  of  Buddhist  priests  from  Korea,  bearing  relics  or 
images.  The  omi  and  the  muraji  vied  with  each  other  in  erecting  shrines,  and 
in  605,  we  find  the  Empress  Suiko  commanding  all  high  dignitaries  of  State  to 
make  16-foot  images  of  copper  2  and  of  embroidery. 

t1  The  endowment  of  religious  edifices  was  not  new  in  Japan.  A  conspicuous  instance  was 
in  A.D.  487,  when  rice-fields  were  dedicated  to  the  Moon  god  and  to  the  ancestor  of  the  Sun 
goddess.] 

[2  The  metal  employed  was  of  gold  and  copper  ;  in  the  proportion  of  one  part  of  the  former 


144  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Buddhist  festivals  were  instituted  in  606,  and  their  magnificence,  as  compared 
with  the  extreme  simplicity  of  the  Shinto  rites,  must  have  deeply  impressed  the 
people.  In  a  few  decades  Buddhism  became  a  great  social  power,  and  since  its 
priests  and  nuns  were  outside  the  sphere  of  ordinary  administration,  the  question 
of  their  control  soon  presented  itself.  It  became  pressing  in  623  when  a  priest 
killed  his  grandfather  with  an  axe.  The  Empress  Suiko,  who  was  then  on  the 
throne,  would  have  subjected  the  whole  body  of  priests  and  nuns  to  judicial 
examination,  a  terrible  ordeal  in  those  days  of  torture;  but  at  the  instance  of  a 
Korean  priest,  officials  corresponding  to  bishops  (sojo),  high  priests  (sozu)  and 
abbots  (hotto)  were  appointed  from  the  ranks  of  Buddhism,  and  the  duty  of 
prescribing  law  and  order  was  entrusted  to  them.  This  involved  registration  of 
all  the  priesthood,  and  it  was  thus  found  (623)  that  the  temples  numbered  46; 
the  priests  816,  and  the  nuns  569. 

INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 

That  not  a  few  Chinese  migrated  to  Japan  in  remote  times  is  clear.  The 
Records  show  that  in  the  year  A.D.  540,  during  the  reign  of  Kimmei,  immigrants 
from  Tsin  and  Han  were  assembled  and  registered,  when  their  number  was 
found  to  be  7053  households.  The  terms  "Tsin"  and  "Han"  refer  to  Chinese 
dynasties  of  those  names,  whose  sway  covered  the  period  between  255  B.C.  and 
A.D.  419.  Hence  the  expression  is  too  vague  to  suggest  any  definite  idea  of  the 
advent  of  those  settlers;  but  the  story  of  some,  who  came  through  Korea,  has 
already  been  traced.  It  was  in  A.D.  552,  during  the  reign  of  this  same  Kimmei, 
that  Buddhism  may  be  said  to  have  found  a  home  in  Japan.  China  was  then 
under  the  sceptre  of  the  Liang  dynasty,  whose  first  sovereign,  Wu,  had  been 
such  an  enthusiastic  Buddhist  that  he  abandoned  the  throne  for  .a  monastery.. 
Yet  China  took  no  direct  part  in  introducing  the  Indian  faith  to  Japan,  nor  does 
it  appear  that  from  the  fourth  century  A.D.  down  to  the  days  of  Shotoku  Taishi, 
Japan  thought  seriously  of  having  recourse  to  China  as  the  fountain-head  of  the 
arts,  the  crafts,  the  literature,  and  the  moral  codes  which  she  borrowed  during 
the  period  from  Korea. 

Something  of  this  want  of  enterprise  may  have  been  attributable  to  the  un- 
settled state  of  China's  domestic  politics;  something  to  the  well-nigh  perpetual 
troubles  between  Japan  and  Korea  —  troubles  which  not  only  taxed  Japan's 
resources  but  also  blocked  the  sole  route  by  which  China  was  then  accessible, 
namely,  the  route  through  Korea.  But  when  the  Sui  dynasty  (A.D.  589-619) 
came  to  the  Chinese  throne,  its  founder,  the  Emperor  Wen,  on  the  one  hand, 
devoted  himself  to  encouraging  literature  and  commerce;  and  on  the  other, 
threw  Korea  and  Japan  into  a  ferment  by  invading  the  former  country  at  the 
head  of  a  huge  army.1  This  happened  when  Shotoku  Taishi  was  in  his  sixteenth 
year,  and  though  the  great  expedition  proved  abortive  for  aggressive  purposes, 
it  brought  China  into  vivid  prominence,  and  when  news  reached  Japan  of 
extensions  of  the  Middle  Kingdom's  territories  under  Wen's  successor,  the 
Japanese  Crown  Prince  determined  to  open  direct  intercourse  with  the  Sui  Court; 
not  only  for  literary  and  religious  purposes,  but  also  to  study  the  form  of  civiliza- 
tion which  the  whole  Orient  then  revered.  This  resolve  found  practical  expres- 

to  430  of  the  latter.     It  is  related  that  when  these  images  were  completed,  the  temple  door 
proved  too  low  to  admit  them,  and  the  artisan  —  Tori  the  Saddle-maker  —  whose  ingenuity 
overcame  the  difficulty  without  pulling  down  the  door,  received  large  honour  and  reward.] 
I1  Reputed  to  have  mustered  300,000  strong.] 


145 

sion  in  the  year  607,  when  the  omi  Imoko  was  sent  as  envoy  to  the  Sui  Court,  a 
Chinese  of  the  Saddlers'  Corporation,  byname  Fukuri,  being  attached  to  him 
in  the  capacity  of  interpreter.  China  received  these  men  hospitably  and  sent 
an  envoy  of  her  own,  with  a  suite  of  twelve  persons,  to  the  Yamato  sovereign  in 
the  following  year. 

The  annals  contain  an  instructive  description  of  the  ceremony  connected 
with  the  reception  of  this  envoy  in  Japan.  He  was  met  in  Tsukushi  (Kyushu) 
by  commissioners  of  welcome,  and  was  conducted  thence  by  sea  to  Naniwa 
(now  Osaka),  where,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  thirty  "gaily-decked"  boats 
awaited  him,  and  he  and  his  suite  were  conducted  to  a  residence  newly  built  for 
the  occasion.  Six  weeks  later  they  entered  the  capital,  after  a  message  of  wel- 
come had  been  delivered  to  them  by  a  muraji.  Seventy-five  fully  caparisoned 
horses  were  placed  at  their  disposal,  and  after  a  further  rest  of  nine  days,  the 
envoy's  official  audience  took  place.  He  did  not  see  the  Empress'  face.  Her 
Majesty  was  secluded  in  the  hall  of  audience  to  which  only  the  principal  ministers 
were  admitted.  Hence  the  ceremony  may  be  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the 
court-yard.  There  the  gifts  brought  by  the  envoy  were  ranged,  and  the  envoy 
himself,  introduced  by  two  high  officials,  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  court, 
made  obeisance  twice,  and,  kneeling,  declared  the  purport  of  his  mission.  The 
despatch  carried  by  him  ran  as  follows: — 

The  Emperor  greets  the  sovereign  of  Wa.1  Your  envoy  and  his  suite  have  arrived  and 
have  given  us  full  information.  We,  by  the  grace  of  heaven,  rule  over  the  universe.  It  is  Our 
desire  to  diffuse  abroad  our  civilizing  influence  so  as  to  cover  all  living  things,  and  Our  senti- 
ment of  loving  nurture  knows  no  distinction  of  distance.  Now  We  learn  that  Your  Majesty, 
dwelling  separately  beyond  the  sea,  bestows  the  blessings  of  peace  on  Your  subjects;  that  there 
is  tranquillity  within  Your  borders,  and  that  the  customs  and  manners  are  mild.  With  the 
most  profound  loyalty  You  have  sent  Us  tribute  from  afar,  and  We  are  delighted  at  this 
admirable  token  of  Your  sincerity.  Our  health  is  as  usual,  notwithstanding  the  increasing 
heat  of  the  weather.  Therefore  We  have  sent  Pei  Shieh-ching,  Official  Entertainer  of  the 
Department  charged  with  the  Ceremonial  for  the  Reception  of  Foreign  Ambassadors,  and  his 
suite,  to  notify  to  you  the  preceding.  We  also  transmit  to  you  the  products  of  which  a  list 
is  given  separately.2 

When  the  reading  of  the  document  was  concluded,  a  high  noble  stepped 
forward,  took  it  from  the  envoy 's  hands  and  advanced  with  it  towards  the 
audience-hall,  from  which  another  noble  came  out  to  meet  him,  received  the 
letter,  deposited  it  on  a  table  before  the  chief  entrance,  and  then  reported  the 
facts  to  the  Empress.  This  ended  the  ceremony.  The  haughty  condescension 
of  the  Chinese  despatch  does  not  appear  to  have  offended  the  Japanese,  nor  did 
they  cavil  at  the  omission  of  one  important  ideograph  from  the  title  applied 
to  their  Empress.  China's  greatness  seems  to  have  been  fully  recognized. 
When,  a  month  later,  the  envoy  took  his  departure,  the  same  Imoko  was  deputed 
to  accompany  him,  bearing  a  despatch  3  in  which,  to  China's  simple  "greeting, " 
Japan  returned  a  "respectful  address;"  to  China's  expression  of  ineffable 
superiority  Japan  replied  that  the  coming  of  the  embassy  had  "dissolved  her 
long-harboured  cares;"  and  to  China's  grandiloquent  prolixity  Japan  made 

I1  It  has  already  been  stated  that  Japan  was  generally  known  in  China  and  Korea  by  the 
term  "Wa,"  which,  being  written  with  an  ideograph  signifying  "dwarf"  or  "subservient," 
was  disliked  by  the  Japanese.  The  envoy  sent  from  Yamato  in  607  was  instructed  to  ask  for 
the  substitution  of  Nippon  (Place  of  Sunrise),  but  the  Sui  sovereign  declined  to  make  the  change 
and  Japan  did  not  receive  the  designation  "Nippon"  in  China  until  the  period  Wu  Teh  (A.D. 
618-626)  of  the  Tang  dynasty.  It  is  not  certain  at  what  time  exactly  the  Japanese  them- 
selves adopted  this  nomenclature,  but  it  certainly  was  before  the  seventh  century.] 

P  Translated  by  Aston  in  the  Nihongi.} 

[3  In  this  despatch  Japan  called  herself  "the  place  where  the  sun  comes  forth,  "and  desig- 
nated China  as  "  the  place  where  the  sun  sets."  The  idea,  doubtless,  wasmerely  to  distinguish 
between  east  and  west,  but  the  Sui  sovereign  resented  the  diction  of  this  "barbarian  letter."] 


146  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

:ms\v(T  with  half  a  dozen  brief  lines.  Imoko  was  now  accompanied  by  eight 
students  —  four  of  literature  and  four  of  religion.  Thus  was  established,  and 
for  long  afterwards  maintained,  a  bridge  over  which  the  literature,  arts,  ethics, 
and  philosophies  of  China  were  copiously  imported  into  Japan. 

RANKS 

It  will  be  recognized  by  considering  the  uji  system  that  while  many  titles 
existed  in  Japan,  there  was  practically  no  promotion.  A  man  might  be  raised 
to  uji  rank.  Several  instances  of  that  kind  have  been  noted,  especially  in  the 
case  of  foreign  artists  or  artisans  migrating  to  the  island  from  Korea  or  China. 
But  nothing  higher  was  within  reach,  and  for  the  hereditary  Kami  of  an  uji  no 
reward  offered  except  a  gift  of  land,  whatever  services  he  might  render  to  the 
State.  Such  a  system  could  not  but  tend  to  perfunctoriness  in  the  discharge  of 
duty.  Perception  of  this  defect  induced  the  regent,  Shotoku,  to  import  from 
China  (A.D.  603)  the  method  of  official  promotion  in  vogue  under  the  Sui  dynasty 
and  to  employ  caps  as  insignia  of  rank.1  Twelve  of  such  grades  were  instituted, 
and  the  terminology  applied  to  them  was  based  on  the  names  of  six  moral  quali- 
ties —  virtue,  benevolence,  propriety,  faith,  justice,  and  knowledge  —  each 
comprising  two  degrees,  "greater"  and  "lesser."  The  caps  were  made  of 
sarcenet,  a  distinctive  colour  for  each  grade,  the  cap  being  gathered  upon  the 
crown  in  the  shape  of  a  bag  with  a  border  attached.  The  three  highest  ranks 
of  all  were  not  included  in  this  category. 

THE  EMPEROR  JOMEI  AND  THE  EMPRESS  KOGYOKU 

In  the  year  626,  the  omnipotent  Soga  chief,  the  o-omi  Umako,  died.  His 
brief  eulogy  in  the  Chronicles  is  that  he  had  "a  talent  for  military  tactics,"  was 
"gifted  with  eloquence,"  and  deeply  reverenced  "the  Three  Precious  Things" 
(Buddha,  Dharma,  and  Samgha).  In  the  court-yard  of  his  residence  a  pond 
was  dug  with  a  miniature  island  in  the  centre,  and  so  much  attention  did  this 
innovation  attract  that  the  great  minister  was  popularly  called  Shima  (island) 
no  o-omi.  His  office  of  d-omi  was  conferred  on  his  son,  Emishi,  who  behaved 
with  even  greater  arrogance  and  arbitrariness  than  his  father  had  shown.  The 
Empress  Suiko  died  in  628,  and  the  question  of  the  accession  at  once  became 
acute.  Two  princes  were  eligible;  Tamura,  grandson  of  the  Emperor  Bidatsu, 
and  Yamashiro,  son  of  Shotoku  Taishi.  Prince  Yamashiro  was  a  calm,  virtuous, 
and  faithful  man.  He  stated  explicitly  that  the  Empress,  on  the  eve  of  her 
demise,  had  nominated  him  to  be  her  successor.  But  Prince  Tamura  had  the 
support  of  the  d-omi,  Emishi,  whose  daughter  he  admired.  No  one  ventured 
to  oppose  the  will  of  the  Soga  chieftain  except  Sakaibe  no  Marise,  and  he  with 
his  son  were  ruthlessly  slain  by  the  orders  of  the  o-omi. 

Prince  Tamura  then  (629)  ascended  the  throne  —  he  is  known  in  history  as 
Jomei  —  but  Soga  no  Emishi  virtually  ruled  the  empire.  Jomei  died  in  641, 
after  a  reign  of  twelve  years,  and  by  the  contrivance  of  Emishi  the  sceptre  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  an  Empress,  Kogyoku,  a  great-granddaughter  of  the 
Emperor  Bidatsu,  the  claims  of  the  son  of  Shotoku  Taishi  being  again  ignored. 
One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  sovereign  was  to  raise  Emishi  to  the  rank  held  by 
his  father,  the  rank  of  o-omi,  and  there  then  came  into  prominence  Emishi 's  son, 

[l  In  China  to-day  the  distinguishing  mark  is  a  button  of  varying  material  fastened  on  the 
top  of  the  cap.] 


FROM  THE   29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN 


147 


Iruka,  who  soon  wielded  power  greater  than  even  that  possessed  by  his  father. 
Iruka's  administration,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  altogether 
unwholesome.  The  Chronicles  say  that  "thieves  and  robbers  were  in  dread  of 
him,  and  that  things  dropped  on  the  highway  were  not  picked  up."  But 
Emishi  rendered  himself  conspicuous  chiefly  by  aping  Imperial  state.  He  erect- 
ed an  ancestral  temple;  organized  performances  of  a  Chinese  dance  (yatsura) 
which  was  essentially  an  Imperial  pageant;  levied  imposts  on  the  people  at  large 
for  the  construction  of  tombs  —  one  for  himself,  another  for  his  son,  Iruka  — 
which  were  openly  designated  misasagi  (Imperial  sepulchres) ;  called  his  private 
residence  mikado  (sacred  gate);  conferred  on  his  children  the  title  of  miko 
(august  child),  and  exacted  forced  labour  from  all  the  people  of  the  Kamutsumiya 
estate,  which  belonged  to  the  Shotoku  family. 

This  last  outrage  provoked  a  remonstrance  from  Shotoku  Taishi's  daughter, 
and  she  was  thenceforth  reckoned  among  the  enemies  of  the  Soga.  One  year 
later  (643),  this  feud  ended  in  bloodshed.  Emishi 's  usurpation  of  Imperial 
authority  was  carried  so  far  that  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  confer  the  rank 
of  o-omi  on  his  son,  Iruka,  and  upon 
the  latter 's  younger  brother  also. 
Iruka  now  conceived  the  design  of 
placing  upon  the  throne  Prince 
Furubito,  a  son  of  the  Emperor 
Jomei.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
the  Soga  chief,  Emishi,  had  lent  his 
omnipotent  influence  to  secure  the 
sceptre  for  Jomei,  because  of  the 
latter's  affection  for  Emishi 's 
daughter.  This  lady,  having  be- 
come one  of  Jomei 's  consorts,  had 
borne  to  him  Prince  Furubito,  who 
was  consequently  Iruka's  uncle. 
Iruka  determined  that  the  prince 
should  succeed  the  Empress  Kogy- 
oku.  To  that  end  it  was  necessary 
to  remove  the  Shotoku  family, 
against  which,  as  shown  above,  the 
Soga  had  also  a  special  grudge.  Not 
even  the  form  of  devising  a  protest 
was  observed.  Orders  were  simply 

issued  to  a  military  force  that  the  Shotoku  house  should  be  extirpated.  Its 
representative  was  Prince  Yamashiro,  the  same  who  had  effaced  himself  so 
magnanimously  at  the  time  of  Jomei 's  accession.  He  behaved  with  ever 
greater  nobility  on  this  occasion.  Having  by  a  ruse  escaped  from  the  Soga 
troops,  he  was  urged  by  his  followers  to  flee  to  the  eastern  provinces,  and  there 
raising  an  army,  to  march  back  to  the  attack  of  the  Soga. 

There  is  reason  to  think  that  this  policy  would  have  succeeded.  But  the 
prince  replied:  "I  do  not  wish  it  to  be  said  by  after  generations  that,  for  my 
sake,  anyone  has  mourned  the  loss  of  a  father  or  a  mother.  Is  it  only  when  one 
has  conquered  in  battle  that  one  is  to  be  called  a  hero?  Is  he  not  also  a  hero  who 
has  made  firm  his  country  at  the  expense  of  his  own  life?"  He  then  returned  to 
the  temple  at  Ikaruga,  which  his  father  had  built,  and  being  presently  besieged 


FUJIWARA  KAMATAKI 


148  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

there  by  the  Soga  forces,  he  and  the  members  of  his  family,  twenty-three  in  all, 
committed  suicide.  This  tragedy  shocked  even  Emishi.  He  warned  Iruka 
against  the  peril  of  such  extreme  measures. 

There  now  appears  a  statesman  destined  to  leave  his  name  indelibly  written 
on  the  pages  of  Japanese  history,  Kamatari,  muraji  of  the  Nakatomi-uji.  The 
Nakatomi's  functions  were  specially  connected  with  Shinto  rites,  and  Kamatari 
must  be  supposed  to  have  entertained  little  good-will  towards  the  Soga,  who 
were  the  leaders  of  the  Buddhist  faction,  and  whose  feud  with  the  military  party 
sixty-seven  years  previously  had  involved  the  violent  death  of  Katsumi,  then 
(587)  muraji  of  the  Nakatomi.  Moreover,  Kamatari  makes  his  first  appearance 
in  the  annals  as  chief  Shinto  official.  Nevertheless,  it  is  not  apparent  that 
religious  zeal  or  personal  resentment  was  primarily  responsible  for  Kamatari 's 
determination  to  compass  the  ruin  of  the  Soga.  Essentially  an  upright  man  and 
a  loyal  subject,  he  seems  to  have  been  inspired  by  a  frank  resolve  to  protect  the 
Throne  against  schemes  of  lawless  ambitions,  unconscious  that  his  own  family, 
the  Fujiwara,  were  destined  to  repeat  on  a  still  larger  scale  the  same  abuses. 

The  succession  may  be  said  to  have  had  three  aspirants  at  that  time:  first, 
Prince  Karu,  younger  brother  of  the  Empress  Kogyoku;  secondly,  Prince  Naka, 
her  son,  and  thirdly,  Prince  Furubito,  uncle  of  Soga  no  Iruka.  The  last  was,  of 
course,  excluded  from  Kamatari 's  calculations,  and  as  between  the  first  two  he 
judged  it  wiser  that  Prince  Karu  should  have  precedence  in  the  succession, 
Prince  Naka  not  being  old  enough.  The  conspiracy  that  ensued  presents  no 
specially  remarkable  feature.  Kamatari  and  Prince  Naka  became  acquainted 
through  an  incident  at  the  game  of  football,  when  the  prince,  having  accidently 
kicked  off  his  shoe,  Kamatari  picked  it  up  and  restored  it  to  him  on  bended  knee. 
The  two  men,  in  order  to  find  secret  opportunities  for  maturing  their  plans,  be- 
came fellow  students  of  the  doctrines  of  Chow  and  Confucius  under  the  priest 
Shoan,  who  had  been  among  the  eight  students  that  accompanied  the  Sui  envoy 
on  his  return  to  China  in  the  year  608. 

Intimate  relations  were  cemented  with  a  section  of  the  Soga  through  Kuraya- 
mada,  whose  daughter  Prince  Naka  married,  and  trustworthy  followers  having 
been  attached  to  the  prince,  the  conspirators  watched  for  an  occasion.  It  was 
not  easy  to  find  one.  The  Soga  mansion,  on  the  eastern  slope  of  Mount  Unebi, 
was  a  species  of  fortress,  surrounded  by  a  moat  and  provided  with  an  armoury 
having  ample  supply  of  bows  and  arrows.  Emishi,  the  o-omi,  always  had  a  guard 
of  fifty  soldiers  when  he  went  abroad,  and  Iruka,  his  son,  wore  a  sword  "day  and 
night."  Nothing  offered  except  to  convert  the  palace  itself  into  a  place  of 
execution.  On  the  twelfth  day  of  the  sixth  month,  645,  the  Empress  held  a 
Court  in  the  great  hall  of  audience  to  receive  memorials  and  tribute  from  the 
three  kingdoms  of  Korea.  All  present,  except  her  Majesty  and  Iruka,  were 
privy  to  the  plot.  Iruka  having  been  beguiled  into  laying  aside  his  sword,  the 
reading  of  the  memorials  was  commenced  by  Kurayamada,  and  Prince  Naka 
ordered  the  twelve  gates  to  be  closed  simultaneously.  At  that  signal,  two 
swordsmen  should  have  advanced  and  fallen  upon  Iruka;  but  they  showed 
themselves  so  timorous  that  Prince  Naka  himself  had  to  lead  them  to  the  attack. 
Iruka,  severely  wounded,  struggled  to  the  throne  and  implored  for  succour  and 
justice;  but  when  her  Majesty  in  terror  asked  what  was  meant,  Prince  Naka 
charged  Iruka  with  attempting  to  usurp  the  sovereignty.  The  Empress,  seeing 
that  her  own  son  led  the  assassins,  withdrew  at  once,  and  the  work  of  slaughter- 
ing Iruka  was  completed,  his  corpse  being  thrown  into  the  court-yard,  where  it 
lay  covered  with  straw  matting. 


149 

Prince  Naka  and  Karaatari  had  not  been  so  incautious  as  to  take  a  wide 
circle  of  persons  into  their  confidence.  But  they  were  immediately  joined  by 
practically  all  the  nobility  and  high  officials,  and  the  o-omi  's  troops  having  dis- 
persed without  striking  a  blow,  Emishi  and  his  people  were  all  executed.  The 
Empress  Kogyoku  at  once  abdicated  in  favour  of  her  brother,  Prince  Kara, 
her  son,  Prince  Naka,  being  nominated  Prince  Imperial.  Her  Majesty  had 
worn  the  purple  for  only  three  years.  All  this  was  in  accord  with  Kamatari  's 
carefully  devised  plans.  They  were  epoch  making. 

-:^i  of  j  •  .,f\.  Vs!  fi'.i/.uqr'.yb 

RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA  DURING  THE  SEVEN  REIGNS  FROM  KIMMEI  TO 

KOGYOKU  (A.D.  540—645) 

io&KiK!i'.a£iJ7)    ...iVy      -  .     .>,u>afif  »ffcii],jiqoJ  j-jms.its 

The  story  of  Japan's  relations  with  Korea  throughout  the  period  of  over  a 
century,  from  the  accession  of  Kimmei  (540)  to  the  abdication  of  Kogyoku  (645), 
is  a  series  of  monotonously  similar  chapters,  the  result  for  Japan  being  that  she 
finally  lost  her  position  at  Mimana.  There  was  almost  perpetual  fighting 
between  the  petty  kingdoms  which  struggled  for  mastery  in  the  peninsula,  and 
Kudara,  always  nominally  friendly  to  Japan,  never  hesitated  to  seek  the  latter 's 
assistance  against  Shiragi  and  Koma.  To  these  appeals  the  Yamato  Court  lent 
a  not-unready  ear,  partly  because  they  pleased  the  nation 's  vanity,  but  mainly 
because  Kudara  craftily  suggested  danger  to  Mimana  unless  Japan  asserted 
herself  with  arms.  But  when  it  came  to  actually  rendering  material  aid,  Japan 
did  nothing  commensurate  with  her  gracious  demeanour.  She  seems  to  have 
been  getting  weary  of  expensive  interference,  and  possibly  it  may  also  have 
occurred  to  her  that  no  very  profound  sympathy  was  merited  by  a  sovereign 
who,  like  the  King  of  Kudara,  preferred  to  rely  on  armed  aid  from  abroad  rather 
than  risk  the  loss  of  his  principality  to  his  own  countrymen. 

At  all  events,  in  answer  to  often  iterated  entreaties  from  Kudara,  the  Yamato 
Court  did  not  make  any  practical  response  until  the  year  551,  when  it  sent  five 
thousand  koku  of  barley-seed  (?),  followed,  two  years  later,  by  two  horses,  two 
ships,  fifty  bows  with  arrows,  and  —  a  promise.  Kudara  was  then  ruled  by  a 
very  enterprising  prince  (Yo-chang).  Resolving  to  strike  separately  at  his  ene- 
mies, Koma  and  Shiragi,  he  threw  himself  with  all  his  forces  against  Koma  and 
gained  a  signal  victory  (553).  Then,  at  length,  Japan  was  induced  to  assist. 
An  omi  was  despatched  (554)  to  the  peninsula  with  a  thousand  soldiers,  as  many 
horses  and  forty  ships.  Shiragi  became  at  once  the  objective  of  the  united 
forces  of  Kudara  and  Japan.  A  disastrous  defeat  resulted  for  the  assailants. 
The  Kudara  army  suffered  almost  complete  extermination,  losing  nearly  thirty 
thousand  men,  and  history  is  silent  as  to  the  fate  of  the  omi's  contingent. 
Nevertheless  the  fear  of  Japanese  vengeance  induced  Shiragi  to  hold  its  hand, 
and,  in  the  year  561,  an  attempt  was  made  twice  to  renew  friendly  relations 
with  the  Yamato  Court  by  means  of  tribute-bearing  envoys.  Japan  did  not 
repel  these  overtures,  but  she  treated  the  envoy  oi.the  victorious  Shiragi  with 
less  respect  than  that  extended  to  the  envoy  of  the  vanquished  Kudara. 

In  the  spring  of  the  following  year  (562),  Shiragi  invaded  Mimana,  destroyed 
the  Japanese  station  there  and  overran  the  whole  region  (ten  provinces).  No 
warning  had  reached  Japan.  She  was  taken  entirely  unawares,  and  she  regarded 
it  as  an  act  of  treachery  on  Shiragi 's  part  to  have  transformed  itself  suddenly 
from  a  tribute-bearing  friend  into  an  active  enemy.  Strangely  enough,  the 
King  of  Shiragi  does  not  appear  to  have  considered  that  his  act  precluded  a 
continuance  of  friendly  relations  with  the  Yamato  Court.  Six  months  after 


150  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

his  invasion  of  Mimana  he  renewed  the  despatch  of  envoys  to  Japan,  and  it  was 
not  until  their  arrival  in  Yamato  that  they  learned  Japan's  mood.  Much  to 
the  credit  of  the  Yamato  Court,  it  did  not  wreak  vengeance  on  these  untimely 
envoys,  but  immediately  afterwards  an  armed  expedition  was  despatched  to  call 
Shiragi  to  account.  The  forces  were  divided  into  two  corps,  one  being  ordered 
to  march  under  Ki  no  Omaro  northwest  from  Mimana  and  effect  a  junction  with 
Kudara;  the  other,  under  Kawabe  no  Nie,  was  to  move  eastward  against  Shiragi. 
This  scheme  became  known  to  the  Shiragi  generals  owing  to  the  seizure  of  a 
despatch  intended  for  Kudara.  They  attempted  to  intercept  Omaro 's  corps, 
but  were  signally  defeated. 

The  movement  under  Kawabe  no  Nie  fared  differently.  Japanese  annals 
attempt  to  palliate  his  discomfiture  by  a  story  about  the  abuse  of  a  flag  of  truce, 
but  the  fact  seems  to  have  been  that  Kawabe  no  Nie  was  an  incompetent  and 
pusillanimous  captain.  He  and  his  men  were  all  killed  or  taken  prisoners,  the 
only  redeeming  feature  being  the  intrepidity  of  a  Japanese  officer,  Tsugi  no 
Ikina,  who,  with  his  wife  and  son,  endured  to  be  tortured  and  killed  rather  than 
utter  an  insult  against  their  country. 

It  is  difficult  to  interpret  the  sequence  of  events  after  this  catastrophe. 
Japan  immediately  despatched  a  strong  army  —  from  thirty  to  forty  thousand 
men  —  but  instead  of  directing  it  against  Shiragi,  sent  it  to  the  attack  of  Koma, 
under  advice  of  the  King  of  Kudara.  Possibly  the  idea  may  have  been  to  crush 
Koma,  and  having  thus  isolated  Shiragi,  to  deal  with  the  latter  subsequently. 
If  so,  the  plan  never  matured.  Koma,  indeed,  suffered  a  signal  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  Japanese,  Satehiko,  muraji  of  the  Otomo,  but  Shiragi  remained 
unmolested,  and  nothing  accrued  to  Japan  except  some  attractive  spoils  — 
curtains  of  seven-fold  woof,  an  iron  house,  two  suits  of  armour,  two  gold-mounted 
swords,  three  copper  belts  with  chasings,  two  variously  coloured  flags,  and  two 
beautiful  women.  Even  as  to  the  ultimate  movements  of  Satehiko  and  his 
army  the  annals  are  silent. 

Things  remained  thus  for  nine  years.  Tribute-bearing  envoys  arrived  at 
intervals  from  Koma,  but  with  Shiragi  there  was  no  communication.  At  last, 
in  571,  an  official  was  sent  to  demand  from  Shiragi  an  explanation  of  the  reasons 
for  the  destruction  of  Mimana.  The  intention  may  have  been  to  follow  up  this 
formality  with  the  despatch  of  an  effective  force,  but  within  a  month  the  Emperor 
Kimmei  died.  On  his  death-bed  he  is  said  to  have  taken  the  Prince  Imperial 
-Bidatsu  —  by  the  hand  and  said:  "That  which  comes  after  devolves  on 
thee.  Thou  must  make  war  on  Shiragi  and  establish  Mimana  as  a  feudal 
dependency,  renewing  a  relationship  like  that  of  husband  and  wife,  just  as  it  was 
in  former  days.  If  this  be  done,  in  my  grave  I  shall  rest  content." 

Twelve  years  passed  before  Bidatsu  took  any  step  to  comply  with  this  dying 
injunction.  During  that  long  interval  there  were  repeated  envoys  from  Koma, 
now  a  comparatively  feeble  principality,  and  Shiragi  made  three  unsuccessful 
overtures  to  renew  amicable  relations.  At  length,  in  583,  the  Emperor  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  carrying  out  the  last  testament  of  his  predecessor. 
To  that  end  his  Majesty  desired  to  consult  with  a  Japanese,  Nichira,  who  had 
served  for  many  years  at  the  Kudara  Court  and  was  thoroughly  familiar  with 
the  conditions  existing  in  Korea.  Nichira  came  to  Japan,  but  the  annals 
indicate  that  his  counsels  were  directed  wholly  against  Kudara,  which  was  osten- 
sibly on  the  friendliest  terms  with  Japan,  and  not  at  all  against  Shiragi,  whose 
punishment  was  alone  in  question.  Besides,  instead  of  advising  an  appeal  to 
arms,  he  urged  the  necessity  of  developing  Japan's  material  resources,  so  that 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  151 

her  neighbours  might  learn  to  count  her  formidable  and  her  people  might  acquire 
ardour  in  her  cause.  Whether  the  wisdom  of  this  advice  appealed  to  Bidatsu, 
or  whether  the  disputes  consequent  upon  the  introduction  of  Buddhism  paralyzed 
his  capacity  for  oversea  enterprise,  he  made  no  further  attempt  to  resolve  the 
Korean  problem. 

In  the  year  591,  the  ill-fated  Emperor  Sushun  conceived  the  idea  of  sending 
a  large  army  to  re-establish  his  country 's  prestige  in  the  peninsula,  but  his  own 
assassination  intervened,  and  for  the  space  of  nine  years  the  subject  was  not 
publicly  revived.  Then,  in  600,  the  Empress  Suiko  being  on  the  throne,  a 
unique  opportunity  presented  itself.  War  broke  out  between  Shiragi  and 
Mimana.  The  Yamato  Court  at  once  despatched  a  force  of  ten  thousand  men 
to  Mimana 's  aid,  and  Shiragi,  having  suffered  a  signal  defeat,  made  act  of  abject 
submission,  restoring  to  Mimana  six  of  its  original  provinces  and  promising 
solemnly  to  abstain  from  future  hostilities.  The  Japanese  committed  the  error 
of  crediting  Shiragi 's  sincerity.  They  withdrew  their  forces,  but  no  sooner  had 
their  ships  passed  below  the  horizon  than  Shiragi  once  more  invaded  Mimana. 
It  seemed  at  this  juncture  as  though  the  stars  in  their  courses  fought  against 
Japan.  Something,  indeed,  must  be  ascribed  to  her  own  methods  of  warfare 
which  appear  to  have  been  overmerciful  for  the  age.  Thus,  with  the  bitter 
experience  of  Shiragi 's  treachery  fresh  in  her  recollection,  she  did  not  execute  a 
Shiragi  spy  siezed  in  Tsushima,  but  merely  banished  him  to  the  province  of 
Kozuke.  Still,  she  must  be  said  to  have  been  the  victim  of  special  ill-fortune 
when  an  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men,  assembled  in  Tsukushi  for  the 
invasion  of  Shiragi,  was  twice  prevented  from  sailing  by  unforseeable  causes, 
one  being  the  death  of  Prince  Kume,  its  commander-in-chief ;  the  other,  the  death 
of  the  consort  of  his  successor,  Prince  Taema.1 

These  things  happened  in  the  year  603,  and  for  the  next  five  years  all  relations 
with  Korea  seem  to  have  been  severed.  Then  (608)  a  brief  paragraph  in  the 
Chronicles  records  that  "many  persons  from  Shiragi  came  to  settle  in  Japan." 
It  is  certainly  eloquent  of  the  Yamato  Court 's  magnanimity  that  it  should  have 
welcomed  immigrants  from  a  country  with  which  it  was  virtually  at  war.  Two 
years  later  (610),  Shiragi  and  Mimana,  acting  in  concert,  sent  envoys  who  were 
received  with  all  the  pomp  and  ceremony  prescribed  by  Shotoku  Taishi  's  code 
of  decorum.  Apparently  this  embassy  was  allowed  to  serve  as  a  renewal  of 
friendly  relations,  but  it  is  not  on  record  that  the  subject  of  former  dispute  was 
alluded  to  in  any  way,  'nor  was  the  old-time  habit  of  annual  tribute-bearing 
envoys  revived.  Visitors  from  Korea  were,  indeed,  few  and  far-between,  as 
when,  in  616,  Shiragi  sent  a  golden  image  of  Buddha,  two  feet  high,  whose  efful- 
gence worked  wonders;  or  in  618,  when  an  envoy  from  Korea  conveyed  the 
important  tidings  that  the  invasion  of  the  peninsula  by  the  Sui  sovereign,  Yang, 
at  the  head  of  three  hundred  thousand  men,  had  been  beaten  back.  This  envoy 
carried  to  Yamato  presents  in  the  form  of  two  captive  Chinese,  a  camel,  and  a 
number  of  flutes,  cross-bows,  and  catapults  (of  which  instruments  of  war 
mention  is  thus  made  for  the  first  time  in  Japanese  history). 

The  Yamato  Court  had  evidently  now  abandoned  all  idea  of  punishing 
Shiragi  or  restoring  the  station  at  Mimana;  while  Shiragi,  on  her  side,  was 
inclined  to  maintain  friendly  relations  though  she  did  not  seek  frequent  inter- 
course. After  an  interval  of  five  years '  aloofness,  she  presented  (621)  a  memorial 
on  an  unrecorded  subject,  and  in  the  following  year,  she  presented,  once  more,  a 

[*  Early  Japanese  history  furnishes  several  examples  showing  that  wivec  often  accompanied 
their  husbands  on  campaigns.] 


152  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

gold  image  of  Buddha,  a  gold  pagoda,  and  a  number  of  baptismal  flags.1  But 
Shiragi  was  nothing  if  not  treacherous,  and,  even  while  making  these  valuable 
presents  to  the  Yamato  Court,  and  while  despatching  envoys  in  company  with 
those  from  Mimana,  she  was  planning  another  invasion  of  the  latter.  It  took 
place  that  very  year  (622).  When  the  news  reached  Japan,  the  Empress 
Suiko  would  have  sent  an  envoy  against  Shiragi,  but  it  was  deemed  wiser  to 
employ  diplomacy  in  the  first  place,  for  the  principalities  of  Korea  were  now  in 
close  relations  with  the  great  Tang  dynasty  of  China  and  might  even  count  on 
the  latter 's  protection  in  case  of  emergency. 

Two  plenipotentiaries  were  therefore  sent  from  Japan.  Their  mission 
proved  very  simple.  Shiragi  acquiesced  in  all  their  proposals  and  pledged  her- 
self once  for  all  to  recognize  Mimana  as  a  dependency  of  Japan.  But  after  the 
despatch  of  these  plenipotentiaries,  the  war-party  in  Japan  had  gained  the 
ascendancy,  and  just  as  the  plenipotentiaries-,  accompanied  by  tribute-bearing 
envoys  from  Shiragi  and  Mimana,  were  about  to  embark  for  Japan,  they  were 
astounded  by  the  apparition  of  a  great  flotilla  carrying  thousands  of  armed  men. 
The  exact  dimensions  of  this  force  are  not  on  record:  it  is  merely  described  as 
having  consisted  of  "  several  tens  of  thousands  of  men,"  but  as  it  was  commanded 
by  two  generals  of  the  first  rank  and  seven  of  the  second,  it  must  have  been  a 
very  formidable  army,  and  nothing  is  more  remarkable  about  it  than  that  it  was 
assembled  and  embarked  in  the  space  of  a  few  weeks.  Shiragi  did  not  attempt 
to  resist.  The  King  tendered  his  submission  and  it  was  accepted  without  a 
blow  having  been  struck.  But  there  were  no  tangible  results.  Japan  did  not 
attempt  to  re-establish  her  miyake  in  Mimana,  and  Shiragi  refrained  from  send- 
ing envoys  to  Yamato  except  on  special  occasions.  Friendly,  though  not 
intimate,  relations  were  still  maintained  with  the  three  kingdoms  of  Korea, 
mainly  because  the  peninsula  long  continued  to  be  the  avenue  by  which  the 
literature,  arts,  and  crafts  of  China  under,  the  Tang  dynasty  found  their  way  to 
Japan.  Since,  however,  the  office  in  Mimana  no  longer  existed  to  transact 
business  connected  with  this  intercourse,  and  since  Yamato  was  too  distant  from 
the  port  of  departure  and  arrival  —  Anato,  now  Nagato  —  a  new  office  was 
established  in  Tsukushi  (Kyushu)  under  the  name  of  the  Dazai-fu. 

-•>    .1  r-t  >r>   nf     » .•••/,•[  iM  •"     -  ••  .  • 

LESSONS  TAUGHT  BY  THE  INTERCOURSE  BETWEEN  JAPAN  AND  KOREA 

The  record  of  Japan's  relations  with  Korea,  so  far  as  it  has  been  carried 
above  —  namely,  to  the  close  of  the  Empress  Kogyoku's  reign  (A.D.  645)- 
discloses  in  the  Korean  people  a  race  prone  to  self-seeking  feuds,  never  reluctant 
to  import  foreign  aid  into  domestic  quarrels,  and  careless  of  the  obligations  of 
good  faith.  In  the  Japanese  we  see  a  nation  magnanimous  and  trustful  but  of 
aggressive  tendencies. 

>  •    ••..(  jnfcru   (It'llivr  "li>>   Mlirfretf.o    }, 

IMPORTATION  OP  CHINESE  CIVILIZATION 

Although  Japan's  military  influence  on  the  neighbouring  continent  waned 
perceptibly  from  the  reign  of  Kimmei  (540-571)  onwards,  a  stream  of  Chinese 
civilization  flowed  steadily  into  the  Island  Empire  from  the  west,  partly  coming 

(l  "The  Buddhist  baptism  consists  in  washing  the  top  of  the  head  with  perfumed  water. 
The  baptismal  flags  were  so  called  because  they  had  the  same  efficiency,  raising  those  who 
passed  under  them,  first,  to  the  rank  of  Tchakra  Radja,  and,  ultimately,  to  that  of  a  Buddha." 
(Aston.)] 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  153 

direct  from  the  fountain  head;  partly  filtering,  in  a  more  or  less  impure  form, 
through  Korean  channels.  Many  of  the  propagandists  of  this  civilization  re- 
mained permanently  in  Japan,  where  they  received  a  courteous  welcome,  being 
promoted  to  positions  of  trust  and  admitted  to  the  ranks  of  the  nobility.  Thus 
a  book  (the  Seishi-roku} ,  published  in  814,  which  has  been  aptly  termed  the 
"peerage  of  Japan,"  shows  that,  at  that  time,  nearly  one-third  of  the  Japanese 
nobility  traced  their  descent  to  Chinese  or  Korean  ancestors  in  something  like 
equal  proportions.  The  numbers  are,  China,  162  families;  Kudara,  104;  Koma, 
50;  Mimana,  9;  Shiragi,  9;  doubtful,  47.  Total,  381  Chinese  and  Korean 
families  out  of  a  grand  aggregate  of  1177.  But  many  of  the  visitors  returned 
home  after  having  sojourned  for  a  time  as  teachers  of  literature,  art,  or  industrial 
science. 

This  system  of  brief  residence  for  purposes  of  instruction  seems  to  have  been 
inaugurated  during  the  reign  of  Keitai,  in  the  year  513,  when  Tan  Yang-i,  a 
Chinese  expounder  of  the  five  classics,  was  brought  to  Yamato  by  envoys  from 
Kudara  as  a  gift  valued  enough  to  purchase  political  intervention  for  the 
restoration  of  lost  territory;  and  when,  three  years  later,  a  second  embassy  from 
the  same  place,  coming  to  render  thanks  for  effective  assistance  in  the  matter 
of  the  territory,  asked  that  Tan  might  be  allowed  to  return  in  exchange  for  an- 
other Chinese  pundit,  Ko  An-mu.  The  incident  suggests  how  great  was  the 
value  attached  to  erudition  even  in  those  remote  days.  Yet  this  promising 
precedent  was  not  followed  for  nearly  forty  years,  partly  owing  to  the  unsettled 
nature  of  Japan's  relations. with  Korea. 

After  the  advent  of  Buddhism  (552),  however,  Chinese  culture  found  new 
expansion  eastward.  In  554,  there  arrived  from  Kudara  another  Chinese 
literatus,  and,  by  desire  of  the  Emperor,  Kimmei,  a  party  of  experts  followed 
shortly  afterwards,  including  a  man  learned  in  the  calendar,  a  professor  of 
divination,  a  physician,  two  herbalists,  and  four  musicians.  The  record  says 
that  these  men,  who,  with  the  exception  of  the  Chinese  doctor  of  literature,  were 
all  Koreans,  took  the  place  of  an  equal  number  of  their  countrymen  who  had 
resided  in  Japan  for  some  years.  Thenceforth  such  incidents  were  frequent. 
Yet,  at  first,  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  ideographic  script  seems  to  have  spread 
very  slowly  in  Japan,  for  in  572,  when  the  Emperor  Bidatsu  sought  an  inter- 
pretation of  a  memorial  presented  by  the  Koma  sovereign,  only  one  man  among 
all  the  scribes  (fumi-bito) ,  and  he  (Wang  Sin-i)  of  Chinese  origin,  was  found 
capable  of  reading  the  document. 

But  from  the  accession  of  the  Empress  Suiko  (593),  the  influence  of  Shotoku 
Taishi  made  itself  felt  in  every  branch  of  learning,  and  thenceforth  China  and 
Japan  may  be  said  to  have  stood  towards  each  other  in  the  relation  of  teacher 
and  pupil.  Literature,  the  ideographic  script,1  calendar  compiling,  astronomy, 
geography,  divination,  magic,  painting,  sculpture,  architecture,  tile-making, 
ceramics,  the  casting  of  metal,  and  other  crafts  were  all  cultivated  assiduously 
under  Chinese  and  Korean  instruction.  In  architecture,  all  substantial  progress 
must  be  attributed  to  Buddhism,  for  it  was  by  building  temples  and  pagodas 
that  Japanese  ideas  of  dwelling-houses  were  finally  raised  above  the  semi- 
subterranean  type,  and  to  the  same  influence  must  be  attributed  signal  and 
rapid  progress  in  the  art  of  interior  decoration.  The  style  of  architecture 
adopted  in  temples  was  a  mixture  of  the  Chinese  and  the  Indian.  Indeed,  it  is 

[*  The  oldest  ideographic  inscription  extant  in  Japan  is  carved  on  a  stone  in  lyo  province 
dating  from  A.D.  596.  Next  in  point  of  antiquity  is  an  inscription  on  the  back  of  an  image  of 
Yakushi  which  stands  in  the  temple  Horyu-ji.  It  is  ascribed  to  the  year  A.D.  607.] 


154 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


characteristic  of  this  early  epoch  that  traces  of  the  architectural  and  glyptic 
fashions  of  the  land  where  Buddhism  was  born  showed  themselves  much  more 
conspicuously  than  they  did  in  later  eras;  a  fact  which  illustrates  Japan's  constant 
tendency  to  break  away  from  originals  by  modifying  them  in  accordance  with 
her  own  ideals. 

None  of  the  religious  edifices  then  constructed  has  survived  in  its  integrity  to 
the  present  day.  One,  however,  —  the  Horyu-ji,  at  Nara  —  since  all  its  restora- 
tions have  been  in  strict  accord  with  their  originals,  is  believed  to  be  a  true  repre- 
sentative of  the  most  ancient  type.  It  was  founded  by  Shotoku  Taishi  and 
completed  in  607.  At  the  time  of  its  construction,  this  Horyu-ji  was  the  chief 
academy  of  Buddhist  teaching,  and  it  therefore  received  the  name  of  Gakumon- 
ji  (Temple  of  Learning).  Among  its  treasures  is  an  image  of  copper  and  gold 
which  was  cast  by  the  Korean  artist,  Tori  —  commonly  called  Tori  Busshi,  or 
Tori  the  image-maker  —  to  order  of  Shotoku;  and  there  is  mural  decoration 
from  the  brush  of  a  Korean  priest,  Doncho.  This  building  shows  that  already 


THE 


ft,  HALL  or  THE  HonrC-Ji  TEMPLE 
(Ji  moans  temple) 


in  the  seventh  century  an  imposing  type  of  wooden  edifice  had  been  elaborated 
—  an  edifice  differing  from  those  of  later  epochs  in  only  a  few  features;  as,  slight 
inequality  in  the  scantling  of  its  massive  pillars;  comparatively  gentle  pitch  of 
roof;  abnormally  overhanging  eaves,  and  shortness  of  distance  between  each 
storey  of  the  pagoda.  These  sacred  buildings  were  roofed  with  tiles,  and  were 
therefore  called  kawara-ya  (tiled  house)  by  way  of  distinction,  for  all  private 
dwellings,  the  Imperial  palace  not  excepted,  continued  to  have  thatched  roofs 
in  the  period  now  under  consideration,1  or  at  best  roofs  covered  with  boards. 
The  annals  show  that  when  the  Empress  Kogyoku  built  the  Asuka  palace,  timber 
was  obtained  from  several  provinces;  labour  was  requisitioned  throughout  a 
district  extending  from  Omi  in  the  east  to  Aki  in  the  west;  the  floor  of  the  "great 
hall"2  was  paved  with  tiles;  there  were  twelve  gates,  three  on  each  of  the  four 

[l  Down  to  A.D.  645.1 

[2  It  was  here  that  the  assassination  of  Soga  no  Iruka  took  place.] 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  155 

sides,  and  the  whole  was  in  the  architectural  style  of  the  Tang  dynasty.     Yet 
for  the  roofs,  boards  alone  were  used. 


PAINTING 

Little  is  recorded  about  the  progress  of  painting  in  this  epoch.  It  has  been 
shown  above  that  during  Yuryaku's  reign  pictorial  experts  crossed  to  Japan 
from  Korea  and  from  China.  The  Chronicles  add  that,  in  A.D.  604,  when  the 
Empress  Suiko  occupied  the  throne,  two  schools  of  painters  were  established, 
namely,  the  Kibumi  and  the  Yamashiro.  It  is  elsewhere  explained  that  the 
business  of  those  artists  was  to  paint  Buddhist  pictures,  the  special  task  of  the 
Kibumi  men  being  to  illuminate  scrolls  of  the  Sutras.  We  read  also  that,  in 
603,  on  the  occasion  of  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of  Hachioka,  Prince  Shotoku 
painted  banners  as  offerings.  These  had  probably  the  same  designs  as  those 
spoken  of  a  century  later  (710)  when,  at  a  ceremony  in  the  great  hall  of  the  pal- 
ace, there  were  set  up  flags  emblazoned  with  a  crow,1  the  sun,  an  azure  dragonj 
a  red  bird,  and  the  moon,  all  which  designs  were  of  Chinese  origin.  Shotoku 
Taishi  himself  is  traditionally  reported  to  have  been  a  skilled  painter  and 
sculptor,  and  several  of  his  alleged  masterpieces  are  preserved  to  this  day,  but 
their  authenticity  is  disputed. 

AGRICULTURE 

In  the  field  of  agriculture  this  epoch  offers  nothing  more  remarkable  than 
the  construction  of  nine  reservoirs  for  irrigation  purposes  and  the  digging  of  a 
large  canal  in  Yamashiro  province.  It  is  also  thought  worthy  of  historical 
notice  that  a  Korean  prince  unsuccessfully  attempted  to  domesticate  bees  on  a 
Japanese  mountain. 

COMMERCE 

Considerable  progress  seems  to  have  been  made  in  tradal  matters.  Markets 
were  opened  at  several  places  in  the  interior,  and  coastwise  commerce  developed 
so  much  that,  in  A.D.  553,  it  was  found  expedient  to  appoint  an  official  for  the 
purpose  of  numbering  and  registering  the  vessels  thus  employed.  The  Chinese 
settler,  Wang  Sin-i,  who  has  already  been  spoken  of  as  the  only  person  able  to 
decipher  a  Korean  memorial,  was  given  the  office  of  fune  no  osa  (chief  of  the 
shipping  bureau)  and  granted  the  title  of  fune  no  fubito  (registrar  of  vessels). 
Subsequently,  during  the  reign  of  Jomei  (629-641),  an  akinai-osa  (chief  o^  orade) 
was  appointed  in  the  person  of  Munemaro,  whose  father,  Kuhi,  had  brought 
scales  and  weights  from  China  during  the  reign  of  Sushun  (558-592),  and  this 
system  was  formally  adopted  in  the  days  of  Jomei  (629-641).  There  had  not 
apparently  been  any  officially  recognized  weights  and  measures  in  remote 
antiquity.  The  width  of  the  hand  (ta  or  tsuka)  and  the  spread  of  the  arms 
(hiro]  were  the  only  dimensions  employed.  By  and  by  the  Korean  shaku  (foot), 
which  corresponds  to  1.17  shaku  of  the  present  day,  came  into  use.  In  Kenso's 
time  (485-487)  there  is  mention  of  a  measure  of  rice  being  sold  for  a  piece  of  silver, 
and  the  Emperor  Kimmei  (540-571)  is  recorded  to  have  given  1000  koku  of 
seed-barley  to  the  King  of  Kudara.  But  it  is  supposed  that  the  writer  of  the 
Chronicles,  hi  making  these  entries,  projected  the  terminology  of  his  own  time 
into  the  previous  centuries.  There  were  neither  coins  nor  koku  in  those  eras. 

t1  The  three-legged  crow  of  the  sun.] 


166  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

T 

COSTUME  AND  COIFFURE 

Up  to  the  time  (A.D.  603)  of  the  institution  of  caps  as  marks  of  rank,  men 
were  in  the  habit  of  dividing  their  hair  in  the  centre  and  tying  it  above  the  ears 
in  a  style  called  mizura.  But  such  a  fashion  did  not  accord  with  the  wearing 
of  caps  which  were  gathered  up  on  the  crown  in  the  shape  of  a  bag.  Hence  men 
of  rank  took  to  binding  the  hair  in  a  queue  on  the  top  of  the  head.  The  old  style 
was  continued,  however,  by  men  having  no  rank  and  by  youths.  A  child 's  hair 
was  looped  on  the  temples  in  imitation  of  the  flower  of  a  gourd  —  hence  called 
hisago-bana  —  and  women  wore  their  tresses  hanging  free.  The  institution  of 
caps  interfered  also  with  the  use  of  hairpins,  which  were  often  made  of  gold  and 
very  elaborate.  These  now  came  to  be  thrust,  not  directly  into  the  hair,  but 
through  the  cord  employed  to  tie  the  cap  above.  It  is  recorded  that,  in  the 
year  611,  when  the  Empress  Suiko  and  her  Court  went  on  a  picnic,  the  colour 
of  the  ministers '  garments  agreed  with  that  of  their  official  caps,  and  that  each 
wore  hair-ornaments  which,  in  the  case  of  the  two  highest  functionaries,  were 
made  of  gold;  in  the  case  of  the  next  two,  of  leopard's  tails;  and  in  the  case  of 
lower  ranks,  of  birds'  tails. 

On  a  more  ceremonious  occasion,  namely,  the  reception  of  the  Chinese  envoys 
from  the  Sui  Court,  the  Chronicles  state  that  Japanese  princes  and  ministers 
"all  wore  gold  hair-ornaments,1  and  their  garments  were  of  brocade,  purple, 
and  embroidery,  with  thin  silk  stuffs  of  various  colours  and  patterns."  Costume 
had  become  thus  gorgeous  after  the  institution  of  Buddhism  and  the  establish- 
ment of  intercourse  direct  with  the  Sui,  and,  subsequently,  the  Tang  dynasty. 
Even  in  the  manner  of  folding  the  garments  over  the  breast  —  not  from  right  to 
left  but  from  left  to  right  —  the  imported  fashion  was  followed.  Wadded 
garments  are  incidently  mentioned  in  the  year  A.D.  643. 

MUSIC  AND  AMUSEMENTS 

It  has  already  been  recorded  that,  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  musicians 
were  sent  from  the  Kudara  Court  to  the  Yamato,  and  since  these  are  said  to  have 
taken  the  place  of  others  then  sojourning  in  Japan,  the  fact  is  established  that 
such  a  visit  was  not  then  without  precedent.  Music,  indeed,  may  be  said  to 
have  benefitted  largely  by  the  advent  of  Buddhism,  for  the  services  of  the  latter 
required  a  special  kind  of  music.  The  first  foreign  teacher  of  the  art  was  a 
Korean,  Mimashi,  who  went  to  Japan  in  A.D.  612,  after  having  studied  both 
music  and  dancing  for  some  years  in  China.  A  dwelling  was  assigned  to  him  at 
Sakurai  (in  Yamato)  and  he  trained  pupils.  At  the  instance  of  Prince  Shotoku 
and  for  the  better  performance  of  Buddhist  services,  various  privileges  were 
granted  to  the  professors  of  the  art.  They  were  exempted  from  the  discharge 
of  official  duties  and  their  occupation  became  hereditary.  Several  ancient 
Japanese  books  contain  reference  to  music  and  dancing,  and  in  one  work  2 
illustrations  are  given  of  the  wooden  masks  worn  by  dancers  and  the  instruments 
used  by  musicians  of  the  Wu  (Chinese)  school.  These  masks  were  introduced 
by  Mimashi  and  are  still  preserved  in  the  temple  Horyu-ji. 

In  the  matter  of  pastimes,  a  favourite  practice,  first  mentioned  in  the  reign 
of  the  Empress  Suiko,  was  a  species  of  picnic  called  "  medicine  hunting"  (kusuri- 
kari).  It  took  place  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  fifth  month.  The  Empress,  her 

These  were  called  usu.    They  were,  in  fact,  hairpins,  generally  shaped  like  a  flower.] 
[2  The  Horyu-ji  Shizai-cho,  composed  in  A.D.  747.] 


FROM  THE  29TH  TO  THE  35TH  SOVEREIGN  157 

ladies,  and  the  high  functionaries,  all  donned  gala  costumes  and  went  to  hunt 
stags,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  the  young  antlers,  and  to  search  for  "deer- 
fungus  ' '  (shika-take] ,  the  horns  and  the  vegetables  being  supposed  to  have  medical 
properties.  All  the  amusements  mentioned  in  previous  sections  continued  to 
be  followed  in  this  era,  and  football  is  spoken  of  as  having  inaugurated  the 
afterwards  epoch-making  friendship  between  Prince  Naka  and  Kamatari.  It 
was  not  played  in  the  Occidental  manner,  however.  The  game  consisted  in 
kicking  a  ball  from  player  to  player  without  letting  it  fall.  This  was  apparently 
a  Chinese  innovation.  Here,  also,  mention  may  be  made  of  thermal  springs. 
Their  sanitary  properties  were  recognized,  and  visits  were  paid  to  them  by 
invalids.  The  most  noted  were  those  of  Dogo,  in  lyo,  and  Arima,  in  Settsu. 
The  Emperor  Jomei  spent  several  months  at  each  of  these,  and  Prince  Shotoku 
caused  to  be  erected  at  Dogo  a  stone  monument  bearing  an  inscription  to  attest 
the  curative  virtues  of  the  water. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

That  Buddhism  obtained  a  firm  footing  among  the  upper  classes  during  the 
first  century  after  its  introduction  must  be  attributed  in  no  small  measure  to 
the  fact  that  the  throne  was  twice  occupied  by  Empresses  in  that  interval.  The 
highly  decorative  aspects  of  the  creed  appealing  to  the  emotional  side  of  woman 's 
nature,  these  Imperial  ladies  encouraged  Buddhist  propagandism  with  earnest 
munificence.  But  the  mass  of  the  people  remained,  for  the  most  part,  outside 
the  pale.  They  continued  to  believe  in  the  Kami  and  to  worship  them.  Thus, 
when  a  terribly  destructive  earthquake  l  occured  in  599,  it  was  to  the  Kami  of 
earthquakes  that  prayers  were  offered  at  his  seven  shrines  in  the  seven  home 
provinces  (Kinai),  and  not  to  the  Merciful  Buddha,  though  the  saving  grace  of 
the  latter  had  then  been  preached  for  nearly  a  cycle.  The  first  appeal  to  the 
foreign  deity  in  connexion  with  natural  calamity  was  in  the  opening  year  (642) 
of  the  Empress  Kogyoku  's  reign  when,  in  the  presence  of  a  devastating  drought, 
sacrifices  of  horses  and  cattle  to  the  Shinto  Kami,  changes  of  the  market-places,2 
and  prayers  to  the  river  gods  having  all  failed  to  bring  relief,  an  imposing  Budd- 
hist service  was  held  in  the  south  court  of  the  Great  Temple.  "The  images  of 
Buddha,  of  the  bosatsu,  and  of  the  Four  Heavenly  Kings  were  magnificently 
adorned;  a  multitude  of  priests  read  the  Mahayana  Sutra,  and  the  o-omi,  Soga 
no  Emishi,  held  a  censer,  burned  incense,  and  prayed."  But  there  was  no 
success;  and  not  until  the  Empress  herself  had  made  a  progress  to  the  source  of 
a  river  and  worshipped  towards  the  four  quarters,  did  abundant  rain  fall. 

Such  an  incident  cannot  have  contributed  to  popularize  the  Indian  creed. 
The  people  at  large  adhered  to  their  traditional  cult  and  were  easily  swayed  by 
superstitions.  The  first  half  of  the  seventh  century  was  marked  by  abnormal 
occurrences  well  calculated  to  disturb  men 's  minds.  There  were  comets  (twice) ; 
there  was  a  meteor  of  large  dimensions;  there  were  eclipses  of  the  sun  and  moon; 
there  were  occultations  of  Venus;  there  was  snow  in  July  and  hail  "as  large  as 
peaches"  in  May,  and  there  was  a  famine  (621)  when  old  people  ate  roots  of 
herbs  and  died  by  the  wayside,  when  infants  at  the  breast  perished  with  their 
mothers,  and  when  thieves  and  robbers  defied  authority.  It  is  not,  perhaps, 
surprising  in  such  circumstances,  and  when  witches  and  wizards  abounded,  that 

[l  Only  three  earthquakes  are  recorded  up  to  the  year  A.D.  645,  and  the  second  alone  (A.D. 
599)  is  described  as  destructive.] 

[2  This  was  a  Chinese  custom,  as  was  also  the  sacrificial  rite  mentioned  in  the  same  context.] 


158 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


people  fell  into  strange  moods,  and  were  persuaded  to  regard  a  caterpillar  as  the 
"insect  of  the  everlasting  world,"  to  worship  it,  and  to  throw  away  their  valuables 
in  the  belief  that  riches  and  perpetual  youth  would  be  thus  won.  A  miyatsuko, 
by  name  Kawakatsu,  had  the  courage  to  kill  the  designing  preacher  of  this 
extravagance,  and  the  moral  epidemic  was  thus  stayed. 


ONE  OF  THE  STATUES  OF  "SHITENNO"  IN  THE  KAIDAN-IN, 
(Tembyo  Sculpture,  Eighth  Century) 


)•:, 


m 

iifeaiiiiuxs 


3^       rs'rtb  o    .«    •< 


to  ri.t-anBiJc:  mit  gi 


UTENSILS  USED  IN  THE  TEA  CEREMONY  (CHA-NO-YU) 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE   DA/tfA   REFORMS 

•"!3wd-Oi  ^>:ji.:i£i  ii;i"'i!'o.  /»!'.;'H  ?.'<!.  If  J"-  '>{tr.  i'jo.j.^.i'Ly  ^.liiiJjioTvliib  <>l  'fe,rivj')io.!J-;>yil] 

THE  THIRTY-SIXTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KOTOKU  (A.D.  645-654) 

AFTER  the  fall  of  the  Soga  and  the  abdication  of  the  Empress  Kogyoku,  her 
son,  Prince  Naka,  would  have  been  the  natural  successor,  and  such  was  her  own 
expressed  wish.  But  the  prince  's  procedure  was  largely  regulated  by  Kamatari, 
who,  alike  in  the  prelude  and  in  the  sequel  of  this  crisis,  proved  himself  one  of  the 
greatest  statesmen  Japan  ever  produced.  He  saw  that  the  Soga  influence, 
though  broken,  was  not  wholly  shattered,  and  he  understood  that  the  great 
administrative  reform  which  he  contemplated  might  be  imperilled  were  the 
throne  immediately  occupied  by  a  prince  on  whose  hands  the  blood  of  the  Soga 
chief  was  still  warm.  Therefore  he  advised  Prince  Naka  to  stand  aside  in 
favour  of  his  maternal  uncle,  Prince  Karu,  who  could  be  trusted  to  co-operate 
loyally  in  the  work  of  reform  and  whose  connexion  with  the  Soga  overthrow  had 
been  less  conspicuous.  But  to  reach  Prince  Karu  it  was  necessary  to  pass  over 
the  head  of  another  prince,  Furubito,  Naka's  half-brother,  who  had  the  full 
sympathy  of  the  remnant  of  the  Soga  clan,  his  mother  having  been  a  daughter 
of  the  great  Umako.  The  throne  was  therefore  offered  to  him.  But  since  the 
offer  followed,  instead  of  preceding  the  Empress'  approval  of  Prince  Karu, 
Furubito  recognized  the  farce,  and  knowing  that,  though  he  might  rule  in  defiance 
of  the  Kamatari  faction,  he  could  not  hope  to  rule  with  its  consent,  he  threw 
away  his  sword  and  declared  his  intention  of  entering  religion. 

Very  soon  the  Buddhist  monastery  at  Yoshino,  where  he  received  the  tonsure, 
became  a  rallying  point  for  the  Soga  partisans,  and  a  war  for  the  succession 
seemed  imminent.  Naka,  however,  now  Prince  Imperial,  was  not  a  man  to  dally 
with  such  obstacles.  He  promptly  sent  to  Yoshino  a  force  of  soldiers  who  killed 
Furubito  with  his  children  and  permitted  his  consorts  to  strangle  themselves. 
Prince  Naka  's  name  must  go  down  to  all  generations  as  that  of  a  great  reformer, 
but  it  is  also  associated  with  a  terrible  injustice.  Too  readily  crediting  a 
slanderous  charge  brought  against  his  father-in-law,  Kurayamada,  who  had 
stood  at  his  right  hand  in  the  great  coup  d  'etat  of  645,  he  despatched  a  force  to 
seize  the  alleged  traitor.  Kurayamada  fled  to  a  temple,  and  there,  declaring 
that  he  would  "leave  the  world,  still  cherishing  fidelity  in  his  bosom,"  he  com- 

159 


1GO  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

raitted  suicide,  his  wife  and  seven  children  sharing  his  fate.  Subsequent 
examination  of  his  effects  established  his  innocence,  and  his  daughter,  consort 
of  Prince  Naka,  died  of  grief. 

THE  DAIKA,  OR  "GREAT  CHANGE" 

Not  for  these  things,  however,  but  for  sweeping  reforms  in  the  administration 
of  the  empire  is  the  reign  of  Kotoku  memorable.  Prince  Naka  and  Kamatari, 
during  the  long  period  of  their  intimate  intercourse  prior  to  the  deed  of  blood  in 
the  great  hall  of  audience,  had  fully  matured  their  estimates  of  the  Sui  and 
Tang  civilization  as  revealed  in  documents  and  information  carried  to  Japan  by 
priests,  literati,  and  students,  who,  since  the  establishment  of  Buddhism,  had 
paid  many  visits  to  China.  They  appreciated  that  the  system  prevailing  in 
their  own  country  from  time  immemorial  had  developed  abuses  which  were 
sapping  the  strength  of  the  nation,  and  in  sweeping  the  Soga  from  the  path  to  the 
throne,  their  ambition  had  been  to  gain  an  eminence  from  which  the  new  civiliza- 
tion might  be  authoritatively  proclaimed. 

Speaking  broadly,  their  main  objects  were  to  abolish  the  system  of  hereditary 
office-holders;  to  differentiate  aristocratic  -titles  from  official  ranks;  to  bring  the 
whole  mass  of  the  people  into  direct  subjection  to  the  Throne,  and  to  establish 
the  Imperial  right  of  ownership  in  all  the  land  throughout  the  empire.  What 
these  changes  signified  and  with  what  tact  and  wisdom  the  reformers  proceeded, 
will  be  clearly  understood  as  the  story  unfolds  itself.  Spectacular  effect  was 
enlisted  as  the  first  ally.  A  coronation  ceremony  of  unprecedented  magnificence 
took  place.  High  officials,  girt  with  golden  quivers,  stood  on  either  side  of  the 
dais  forming  the  throne,  and  all  the  great  functionaries  —  omi,  muraji,  and 
miyatsuko  —  together  with  representatives  of  the  180  hereditary  corporations 
(be)  filed  past,  making  obeisance.  The  title  of  "Empress  Dowager"  was 
conferred  for  the  first  time  on  Kogyoku,  who  had  abdicated;  Prince  Naka  was 
made  Prince  Imperial ;  the  head  of  the  great  uji  of  Abe  was  nominated  minister 
of  the  Left  (sa-daijiri) ;  Kurayamada,  of  the  Soga-uji,  who  had  shared  the  dangers 
of  the  conspiracy  against  Emishi  and  Iruka,  became  minister  of  the  Right 
(u-daijiri),  and  Kamatari  himself  received  the  post  of  minister  of  the  Interior 
(nai-daijin),  being  invested  with  the  right  to  be  consulted  on  all  matters  whether 
of  statecraft  or  of  official  personnel. 

These  designations,  "minister  of  the  Left"1,  "minister  of  the  Right,"  and 
"  minister  of  the  Interior,"  were  new  in  Japan.2  Hitherto,  there  had  been  o-omi 
and  o-muraji,  who  stood  between  the  Throne  and  the  two  great  classes  of  uji,  the 
o-omi  and  the  6-muraji  receiving  instructions  direct  from  the  sovereign,  and 
the  two  classes  of  uji  acknowledging  no  control  except  that  of  the  o-omi  and  the 
d-muraji.  But  whereas  the  personal  status  of  Kurayamada  was  only  omi  (not 
o-omi),  and  the  personal  status  of  Kamatari,  only  muraji  (not  o-muraji),  neither 
was  required,  in  his  new  capacity,  to  take  instructions  from  any  save  the  Emper- 
or, nor  did  any  one  of  the  three  high  dignitaries  nominally  represent  this  or  that 
congeries  of  uji.  A  simultaneous  innovation  was  the  appointment  of  a  Buddhist 
priest,  Bin,  and  a  literatus,  Kuromaro,  to  be  "national  doctors."  These  men 
had  spent  some  years  at  the  Tang  Court  and  were  well  versed  in  Chinese  systems. 

The  next  step  taken  was  to  assemble  the  ministers  under  a  patriarchal  tree, 
o:  ••')  o\  K  \< '  b)i,  ;•  i  ,<.|  i)  jo  jjA'i  V>  <^\  uf.j  ni  brut  if  )j!;j:i  'id  $n  fooo-ta 

The  left  takes  precedence  of  the  right  in  Japan.] 

The  offices  were  borrowed  from  the  Tang  system  of  China— a  remark  which  applies  to 
nearly  all  the  innovations  of  the  epoch.] 

961 


THE  DAIKA   REFORMS  161 

and,  in  the  presence  of  the  Emperor,  the  Empress  Dowager,  and  the  Prince 
Imperial,  to  pronounce,  in  the  names  of  the  Kami  of  heaven  and  the  Kami  of 
earth  —  the  Tenshin  and  the  Chigi  —  a  solemn  imprecation  on  rulers  who 
attempted  double-hearted  methods  of  government,  and  on  vassals  guilty  of 
treachery  in  the  service  of  their  sovereign.  This  amounted  to  a  formal  de- 
nunciation of  the  Soga  as  well  as  a  pledge  on  the  part  of  the  new  Emperor.  The 
Chinese  method  of  reckoning  time  by  year-periods  was  then  adopted,  and  the 
year  A.D.  645  became  the  first  of  the  Daika  era.  But  before  proceeding  to  really 
radical  innovations,  two  further  precautions  were  taken.  In  order  to  display 
reverence  for  the  foundations  of  the  State,  the  sovereign  publicly  declared  that 
"the  empire  should  be  ruled  by  following  the  footsteps  of  the  Emperors  of 
antiquity,"  and  in  order  to  win  the  sympathy  of  the  lower  orders,  his  Majesty 
directed  that  inquiry  should  be  made  as  to  the  best  method  of  alleviating  the 
hardships  of  forced  labour.  Further,  a  solemn  ceremony  of  Shinto  worship  was 
held  by  way  of  preface. 

Then  the  reformers  cominenced  their  work  in  earnest.  Governors  (kokushi) 
were  appointed  to  all  the  eastern  provinces.  These  officials  were  not  a  wholly 
novel  institution.  It  has  been  shown  that  they  existed  previously  to  the  Daika 
era,  but  in  a  fitful  and  uncertain  way,  whereas,  under  the  system  now  adopted, 
they  became  an  integral  part  of  the  administrative  machinery.  That  meant 
that  the  government  of  the  provinces,  instead  of  being  administered  by  hereditary 
officials,  altogether  irrespective  of  their  competence,  was  entrusted  for  a  fixed 
term  to  men  chosen  on  account  of  special  aptitude.  The  eastern  provinces  were 
selected  for  inaugurating  this  experiment,  because  their  distance  from  the 
capital  rendered  the  change  less  conspicuous.  Moreover,  the  appointments 
were  given,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  former  miyatsuko  or  mikotomochi.  An 
ordinance  was  now  issued  for  placing  a  petition-box  in  the  Court  and  hanging 
a  bell  near  it.  The  box  was  intended  to  serve  as  a  receptacle  for  complaints 
and  representations.  Anyone  had  a  right  to  present  such  documents.  They 
were  to  be  collected  and  conveyed  to  the  Emperor  every  morning,  and  if  a  reply 
was  tardy,  the  bell  was  to  be  struck. 

Side  by  side  with  these  measures  for  bettering  the  people 's  lot,  precautions 
against  any  danger  of  disturbance  were  adopted  by  taking  all  weapons  of  war 
out  of  the  hands  of  private  individuals  and  storing  them  in  arsenals  specially 
constructed  on  waste  lands.  Then  followed  a  measure  which  seems 
to  have  been  greatly  needed.  It  has  been  already  explained  that  a  not  incon- 
siderable element  of  the  population  was  composed  of  slaves,  and  that  these 
consisted  of  two  main  classes,  namely,  aborigines  or  Koreans  taken  prisoners  in 
war,  and  members  of  an  uji  whose  Kami  had  been  implicated  in  crime.  As 
time  passed,  there  resulted  from  inter  course  between  these  slaves  and  their  owners 
a  number  of  persons  whose  status  was  confused,  parents  asserting  the  manumis- 
sion of  their  children  and  masters  insisting  on  the  permanence  of  the  bond.  To 
correct  these  complications  the  whole  nation  was  now  divided  into  freemen 
(ryomin)  and  bondmen  (senmin),  and  a  law  was  enacted  that,  since  among  slaves 
no  marriage  tie  was  officially  recognized,  a  child  of  mixed  parentage  must  always 
be  regarded  as  a  bondman.  On  that  basis  a  census  was  ordered  to  be  taken,  and 
in  it  were  included  not  only  the  people  of  all  classes,  but  also  the  area  of  cultivated 
and  throughout  the  empire. 

At  the  same  time  stringent  regulations  were  enacted  for  the  control  and 
guidance  of  the  provincial  governors.  They  were  to  take  counsel  with  the 
people  in  dividing  the  profits  of  agriculture.  They  were  not  to  act  as  judges  in 


162  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE   PEOPLE 

criminal  cases  or  to  accept  bribes  from  suitors  in  civil  ones;  their  staff,  when 
visiting  the  capital,  was  strictly  limited,  and  the  use  of  public-service  horses  l 
as  well  as  the  consumption  of  State  provisions  was  vetoed  unless  they  were 
travelling  on  public  business.  Finally,  they  were  enjoined  to  investigate  care- 
fully all  claims  to  titles  and  all  alleged  rights  of  land  tenure.  The  next  step  was 
the  most  drastic  and  far-reaching  of  all.  Hereditary  corporations  were  entirely 
abolished,  alike  those  established  to  commemorate  the  name  of  a  sovereign  or  a 
prince  and  those  employed  by  the  nobles  to  cultivate  their  estates.  The  estates 
themselves  were  escheated.  Thus,  at  one  stroke,  the  lands  and  titles  of  the 
hereditary  aristocracy  were  annulled,  just  as  was  destined  to  be  the  case  in  the 
Meiji  era,  twelve  centuries  later. 

This  reform  involved  a  radical  change  in  the  system  and  method  of  taxation, 
but  the  consideration  of  that  phase  of  the  question  is  deferred  for  a  moment  in 
order  to  explain  the  nature  and  the  amount  of  the  new  fiscal  burdens.  Two 
kinds  of  taxes  were  thenceforth  imposed,  namely,  ordinary  taxes  and  commuted 
taxes.  The  ordinary  consisted  of  twenty  sheaves  of  rice  per  cho  2  (equivalent 
to  about  eight  sheaves  per  acre),  and  the  commuted  tax  —  in  lieu  of  forced 
labour  —  was  fixed  at  a  piece  of  silk  fabric  forty  feet  in  length  by  two  and  a  half 
feet  in  breadth  per  cho,  being  approximately  a  length  of  sixteen  feet  per  acre. 
The  dimensions  of  the  fabric  were  doubled  in  the  case  of  coarse  silk,  and  quad- 
rupled in  the  case  of  cloth  woven  from  hemp  or  from  the  fibre  of  the  inner  bark 
of  the  paper-mulberry.  A  commuted  tax  was  levied  on  houses  also,  namely, 
a  twelve-foot  length  of  the  above  cloth  per  house.  No  currency  existed  in  that 
age.  All  payments  were  made  in  kind.  There  is,  therefore,  no  method  of 
calculating  accurately  the  monetary  equivalent  of  a  sheaf  of  rice.  But  in  the 
case  of  fabrics  we  have  some  guide.  Thus,  in  addition  to  the  above  imposts, 
every  two  townships  —  a  township  was  a  group  of  fifty  houses  —  had  to  con- 
tribute one  horse  of  medium  quality  (or  one  of  superior  quality  per  two  hundred 
houses)  for  public  service;  and  since  a  horse  was  regarded  as  the  equivalent  of 
a  total  of  twelve  feet  of  cloth  per  house,  it  would  follow,  estimating  a  horse  of 
medium  quality  at  £5,  ($25.),  that  the  commuted  tax  in  the  case  of  land  was 
above  5  s.,  4  d.,  ($1.30)  per  acre.  Finally,  each  homestead  was  required  to 
provide  one  labourer  as  well  as  rations  for  his  support;  and  every  two  home- 
steads had  to  furnish  one  palace  waiting-woman  (uneme),  who  must  be  good- 
looking,  the  daughter  or  sister  of  a  district  official  of  high  rank,  and  must  have  one 
male  and  two  female  servants  to  attend  on  her  —  these  also  being  supported  by 
the  two  homesteads.  In  every  homestead  there  was  an  alderman  who  kept  the 
register,  directed  agricultural  operations,  enforced  taxes,  and  took  measures  to 
prevent  crime  as  well  as  to  judge  it. 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  a  regular  system  of  national  taxation  was  introduced  and 
that  the  land  throughout  the  whole  empire  was  considered  to  be  the  property  of 
the  Crown.  As  for  the  nobles  who  were  deprived  of  their  estates,  sustenance 
gifts  were  given  to  them,  but  there  is  no  record  of  the  bases  upon  which  these 
gifts  were  assessed.  With  regard  to  the  people's  share  in  the  land,  the  plan 
pursued  was  that  for  every  male  or  female  over  five  years  of  age  two  tan  (about 
half  an  acre)  should  be  given  to  the  former  and  one-third  less  to  the  latter,  these 
grants  being  made  for  a  period  of  six  years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  a  general 

['Everyone  having  a  right  to  use  public-service  horses  was  required  to  carry  a  token  of  his 
right  m  the  shape  of  a  small  bronze  bell,  or  group  of  bells,  indicating  by  their  shape  and  number 
how  many  horses  the  bearer  was  entitled  to.] 

P  The  cho  was  two  and  a  half  acres  approximately.] 


THE  DAIKA   REFORMS 


163 


restoration  was  to  be  effected.  A  very  striking  evidence  of  the  people 's  condition 
is  that  every  adult  male  had  to  contribute  a  sword,  a'rmour,  a  bow  and  arrows, 
and  a  drum.  This  impost  may  well  have  outweighed  all  the  others. 


SEPULCHRES 

Another  important  reform  regulated  the  dimensions  of  burial  mounds.  The 
construction  of  these  on  the  grand  scale  adopted  for  many  sovereigns,  princes, 
and  nobles  had  long  harrassed  the  people,  who  were  compelled  to  give  their  toil 
gratis  for  such  a  purpose.  What  such  exactions  had  entailed  may  be  gathered 
from  Kotoku  's  edict,  which  said,  "  Of  late  the  poverty  of  our  people  is  absolutely 
due  to  the  construction  of  tombs."  Nevertheless,  he  did  not  undertake  to  limit 
the  size  of  Imperial  tombs.  The  rescript  dealt  only  with  those  from  princes 
downwards.  Of  these,  the  greatest  tumulus  permitted  was  a  square  mound  with 
a  side  of  forty-five  feet  at  the  base  and  a  height  of  twenty-five  feet,  measured 
along  the  slope,  a  further  restriction  being  that  the  work  must  not  occupy  more 
than  one  thousand  men  for  seven  days.  The  maximum  dimensions  were  similar- 
ly prescribed  in  every  case,  down  to  a  minor  official,  whose  grave  must  not  give 
employment  to  more  than  fifty  men  for  one  day.  When  ordinary  people  died, 
it  was  directed  that  they  should  be  buried  in  the  ground  without  a  day 's  delay, 
and,  except  in  the  case  of  an  Emperor  or  an  Empress,  the  custom  of  temporary 
interment  was  strictly  vetoed.  Cemeteries  were  ordered  to  be  constructed  for 
the  first  time,  and  peremptory  injunctions  were  issued  against  self-destruction 
to  accompany  the  dead;  against  strangling  men  or  women  by  way  of  sacrifice; 
against  killing  the  deceased 's  horse,  and  against  cutting  the  hair  or  stabbing  the 
thighs  by  way  of  showing  grief.  It  must  be  assumed  that  all  these  customs 
existed. 

ABUSES 

anr  -TO/:  ;:u;Au'.*jii  •:  iv>y>;h_}r!|> 

Other  evil  practices  are  incidentally  referred  to  in  the  context  of  the  Daika 
reforms.  Thus  it  appears  that  slaves  occasionally  left  their  lawful  owners  "owing 
to  the  latter 's  poverty  and  entered  the  service  of  rich  men,  who  thereafter  refused 
to  give  them  up;  that  when  a  divorced  wife  or  concubine  married  into  another 
family,  her  former  husband,  after  the  lapse  of  years,  often  preferred  claims 
against  her  new  husband 's  property;  that  men,  relying  on  their  power,  demanded 
people's  daughters  in  marriage,  and  in  the  event  of  the  girl  entering  another 
house,  levied  heavy  toll  on  both  families;  that  when  a  widow,  of  ten  or  twenty 
years '  standing,  married  again,  or  when  a  girl  entered  into  wedlock,  the  people 
of  the  vicinity  insisted  on  the  newly  wedded  couple  performing  the  Shinto  rite 
of  harai  (purgation),  which  was  perverted  into  a  device  for  compelling  offerings 
of  goods  and  wine;  that  the  compulsory  performance  of  this  ceremony  had 
become  so  onerous  as  to  make  poor  men  shrink  from  giving  burial  to  even  their 
own  brothers  who  had  died  at  a  distance  from  home,  or  hesitate  to  extend  aid  to 
them  in  mortal  peril,  and  that  when  a  forced  labourer  cooked  his  food  by  the 
roadside  or  borrowed  a  pot  to  boil  his  rice,  he  was  often  obliged  to  perform  ex- 
pensive purgation. 

-  - 


OFFICIAL  ORGANIZATION 


At  the  head  of  all  officials  were  the  sa-daijin  (minister  of  the  Left),  the  u- 
daijin  (minister  of  the  Right)  and  the  nai-daijin  (minister  of  the  Interior),  and 
after  them  came  the  heads  of  departments,  of  which  eight  were  established,  after 


164  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  model  of  the  Tang  Court  in  China.  They  were  the  Central  Department 
(Nakatsukasa-sho);  the  Department  of  Ceremonies  (Shikibu-sho) ;  the  Depart- 
ment of  Civil  Government  (Jibu-sho) ;  the  Department  of  Civil  Affairs  (Mimbu- 
sho);  the  Department^  of  War  (Hydbu-sho);  the  Department  of  Justice  (Gyobu- 
sho)',  the  Treasury  (Okura-sho),  and  the  Household  Department  (Kunai-sho). 
These  departments  comprised  a  number  of  bureaux.  All  officials  of  high  rank 
had  to  assemble  at  the  south  gate  of  the  palace  in  time  to  enter  at  sunrise,  and 
they  remained  there  until  some  time  between  1 1  A.  M.  and  1  P.  M. 

In  a  province  the  senior  official  was  the  governor,  and  under  him  were  heads 
of  districts,  aldermen  of  homesteads  (fifty  houses),  elders  of  five  households— 
all  the  houses  being  divided  into  groups  of  five  for  purposes  of  protection  —  and 
market  commissioners  who  superintended  the  currency  (in  kind),  commerce, 
the  genuineness  of  wares,  the  justness  of  weights  and  measures,  the  prices  of 
commodities,  and  the  observance  of  prohibitions.  Since  to  all  official  posts  men 
of  merit  were  appointed  without  regard  to  lineage,  the  cap-ranks  inaugurated 
by  Prince  Shotoku  were  abolished,  inasmuch  as  they  designated  personal  status 
by  inherited  right  only,  and  they  were  replaced  by  new  cap-grades,  nineteen  in 
all,  which  were  distinguished  partly  by  their  borders,  partly  by  their  colours, 
and  partly  by  their  materials  and  embroidery.  Hair-ornaments  were  also  a 
mark  of  rank.  They  were  cicada-shaped,  of  gold  and  silver  for  the  highest 
grades,  of  silver  for  the  medium  grades,  and  of  copper  for  the  low  grades.  The 
caps  indicated  official  status  without  any  reference  to  hereditary  titles. 

RATIONALE  OF  THE  NEW  SYSTEM 

The  radical  changes  outlined  above  were  all  effected  in  the  short  space  of 
eight  years.  If  it  be  asked  what  motive  inspired  the  reformers,  the  obvious 
answer  is  that  experience,  culminating  in  the  usurpations  of  the  Soga,  had  fully 
displayed  the  abuses  incidental  to  the  old  system.  Nothing  more  memorable 
than  this  flood  of  reforms  has  left  its  mark  upon  Japan 's  ancient  history.  During 
the  first  thirteen  centuries  of  the  empire 's  existence  —  if  we  accept  the  tradition- 
al chronology  —  the  family  was  the  basis  of  the  State's  organization.  Each 
unit  of  the  population  either  was  a  member  of  an  uji  or  belonged  to  the  tomobe 
of  an  uji,  and  each  uji  was  governed  by  its  own  omi  or  muraji,  while  all  the  uji 
of  the  Kwobetsu  class  were  under  the  o-omi  and  all  those  of  the  Shimbetsu  class, 
under  the  o-muraji.  Finally,  it  was  through  the  o-omi  and  the  o-muraji  alone 
that  the  Emperor  communicated  his  will.  In  other  words,  the  Japanese  at 
large  were  not  recognized  as  public  people,  the  only  section  that  bore  that  char- 
acter being  the  units  of  the  hereditary  corporations  instituted  in  memory  of 
some  Imperial  personage  and  the  folk  that  cultivated  the  miyakc  (State  domains). 

All  these  facts,  though  already  familiar  to  the  reader,  find  a  fitting  place  in 
the  context  of  the  great  political  development  of  the  Daika  era.  For  the  main 
features  of  that  development  were  that  the  entire  nation  became  the  public 
people  of  the  realm  and  the  whole  of  the  land  became  the  property  of  the  Crown, 
the  hereditary  nobles  being  relegated  to  the  rank  of  State  pensioners.  This 
metamorphosis  entailed  taking  an  accurate  census  of  the  population ;  making  a 
survey  of  the  land;  fixing  the  boundaries  of  provinces,  districts,  and  villages; 
appointing  officials  to  administer  the  affairs  of  these  local  divisions,  and  organiz- 
ing the  central  government  with  boards  and  bureaux.  The  system  of  taxation 
also  had  to  be  changed,  and  the  land  had  to  be  apportioned  to  the  people.  In 
former  days,  the  only  charges  levied  by  the  State  on  the  produce  of  the  land  were 


THE  DAIKA   REFORMS  165 

those  connected  with  religious  observances  and  military  operations,  and  even  in 
imposing  these  the  intervention  of  the  heads  of  uji  had  to  be  employed.  But 
by  the  Daika  reforms  the  interest  of  the  hereditary  nobility  in  the  taxes  Avas 
limited  to  realizing  their  sustenance  allowances;  while  as  for  the  land,  it  was 
removed  entirely  beyond  their  control  and  partitioned  among  the  people,  in  the 
proportion  already  noted,  on  leases  terminable  at  the  end  of  six  years. 

Of  course,  whatever  political  exigency  may  have  dictated  this  short-tenure 
system,  it  was  economically  unsound  and  could  not  remain  long  in  practice. 
The  measures  adopted  to  soften  the  aspect  of  these  wholesale  changes  in  the  eyes 
of  the  hereditary  nobility  whom  they  so  greatly  affected,  have  been  partly  noted 
above.  It  may  here  be  added,  however,  that  not  only  was  the  office  of  district 
governor  —  who  ranked  next  to  the  provincial  governor  (kokushi)  —  filled  as 
far  as  possible  by  former  kuni  no  miyatsuko,  but  also  these  latter  were  entrusted 
with  the  duty  of  observing  and  reporting  upon  the  conduct  of  the  new  officials  as 
to  assiduity  and  integrity,  to  which  duty  there  were  also  nominated  special 
officials  called  choshu-shi.  By  the  aid  of  these  and  other  tactful  devices,  the 
operation  of  the  new  system  was  guaranteed  against  disturbance.  Nothing  was 
deemed  too  trivial  to  assist  in  promoting  that  end.  Even  such  a  petty  incident 
as  the  appearance  of  a  white  pheasant  was  magnified  into  a  special  indication  of 
heaven's  approval,  and  a  grand  Court  ceremony  having  been  held  in  honour  of 
the  bird,  the  Emperor  proclaimed  a  general  amnesty  and  ordered  that  the  name 
of  the  period  should  be  changed  to  Haku-chi  (White  Pheasant).  Something  of 
this  may  be  set  down  frankly  to  the  superstitious  spirit  of  the  time.  But  much  is 
evidently  attributable  to  the  statecraft  of  the  Emperor 's  advisers,  who  sought  to 
persuade  the  nation  that  this  breaking  away  from  all  its  venerable  old  traditions 
had  supernatural  approval. 

There  was,  indeed,  one  defect  in  the  theory  of  the  new  system.  From  time 
immemorial  the  polity  of  the  empire  had  been  based  on  the  family  relation.  The 
sovereign  reigned  in  virtue  of  his  lineage,  and  the  hereditary  nobles  owed  their 
high  positions  and  administrative  competence  equally  to  descent.  To  discredit 
the  title  of  the  nobles  was  to  disturb  the  foundation  of  the  Throne  itself,  and  to 
affirm  that  want  of  virtue  constituted  a  valid  reason  for  depriving  the  scions  of 
the  gods  of  their  inherited  functions,  was  to  declare  constructively  that  the 
descendant  of  Amaterasu  also  held  his  title  by  right  of  personal  worthiness. 
That  was  the  Chinese  theory.  Their  history  shows  plainly  that  they  recognized 
the  right  of  men  like  Tang  or  Wu  to  overturn  tyrants  like  Chieh  of  the  Hsia 
dynasty,  and  Chou  of  the  Yen  dynasty.  The  two  Japanese  Emperors,  Kotoku 
and  Tenchi  (668-671),  seem  to  have  partially  endorsed  a  cognate  principle. 
But  nothing  could  be  at  greater  variance  with  the  cardinal  tenet  of  the  Japanese 
polity,  which  holds  that  "the  King  can  do  no  wrong"  and  that  the  Imperial 
line  must  remain  unbroken  to  all  eternity. 

ENVOYS  TO  CHINA 

The  importance  attached  to  intercourse  with  China  during  the  reign  of 
Kotoku  was  illustrated  by  the  dimensions  of  the  embassies  sent  to  the  Tang 
Court  and  by  the  quality  of  the  envoys.  Two  embassies  were  sent  in  653,  one 
consisting  of  121  persons  and  the  other  of  120.1  The  former  included  seventeen 
student-priests,  and  among  them  was  the  eldest  son  of  Kamatari  himself.  An- 

[l  The  ship  carrying  the  embassy  was  wrecked  off  the  south  coast  of  Japan,  and  out  of  120 
persons  only  five  escaped.] 


166  HISTORY  OF   THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

other  embassy  was  despatched  in  654,  and  the  records  show  incidently  that  the 
sea  route  was  taken,  for  after  a  voyage  lasting  some  months  and  therefore  pre- 
sumably of  a  coasting  character,  the  envoys  landed  at  Laichou  in  Shantung. 
They  finally  reached  Changan,  the  Tang  capital,  and  were  most  hospitably  re- 
ceived by  the  Emperor  Kao-sung.  The  hardships  of  the  journey  are  attested 
by  the  fact  that  three  of  the  student-priests  died  at  sea.  One  remained  in 
China  for  thirty-six  years,  and  Joye,  Kamatari's  son,  did  not  return  to  Japan 
for  twelve  years. 

In  short,  when  these  students  left  their  country  in  search  of  literary,  religious, 
and  political  lore,  they  had  no  assurance  of  ever  thereafter  finding  an  opportunity 
to  see  their  homes  again.  The  overland  journey  was  almost  impossible  without 
guides  and  guards,  and  communication  by  sea  seems  to  have  been  fitful  and  un- 
certain. The  last  of  the  above  three  embassies  was  led  by  no  less  a  person  than 
the  renowned  scholar,  Kuromaro,  who  had  been  associated  with  the  priest,  Bin, 
in  modelling  the  new  administrative  system  of  Japan.  Kuromaro  never  returned 
from  China;  he  died  there.  A  few  months  before  the  despatch  of  Kuromaro 
as  envoy,  his  illustrious  coadjutor.  Bin,  expired  in  the  temple  of  Azumi.  The 
Emperor  repaired  in  person  to  the  sick  priest's  chamber,  and  said,  "If  you  die 
to-day,  I  will  follow  you  to-morrow."  So  great  was  the  reverence  showed 
towards  learning  and  piety  in  that  era.  Thus,  hazardous  and  wearisome  as  was 
the  voyage  to  China  over  stormy  waters  in  a  rude  sailing  boat,  its  successful 
accomplishment  established  a  title  to  official  preferment  and  high  honour.  It 
will  be  seen  by  and  by  that  similar  treatment  was  extended  in  the  nineteenth 
century  to  men  who  visited  Europe  and  America  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge. 

n> 

THE  THIRTY-SEVENTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPRESS  SAIMEI   (A.D.  655-661) 

On  the  demise  of  Kotoku,  in  654,  his  natural  successor  would  have  been  Prince 
Naka,  who,  ten  years  previously,  had  chosen  to  reform  the  empire  rather  than 
to  rule  it.  But  the  prince  deemed  that  the  course  of  progress  still  claimed  his 
undivided  attention,  and  therefore  the  Empress  Kogyoku  was  again  raised  to 
the  throne  under  the  name  of  x  Saimei  —  the  first  instance  of  a  second  accession 
in  Japanese  history.  She  reigned  nearly  seven  years,  and  the  era  is  remarkable 
chiefly  for  expeditions  against  the  Yemishi  and  for  complications  with  Korea. 
To  the  former  chapter  of  history  sufficient  reference  had  already  been  made, 
but  the  latter  claims  a  moment's  attention. 


RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA 

It  has  been  shown  how,  in  A.D.  562,  the  Japanese  settlement  in  Mimana  was 
exterminated;  how  the  Emperor  Kimmei  's  dying  behest  to  his  successor  was  that 
this  disgrace  must  be  removed;  how  subsequent  attempts  to  carry  out  his  testa- 
ment ended  in  failure,  owing  largely  to  Japan's  weak  habit  of  trusting  the 
promises  of  Shiragi,  and  how,  in  618,  the  Sui  Emperor,  Yang,  at  the  head  of  a 
great  army,  failed  to  make  any  impression  on  Korea. 

Thereafter,  intercourse  between  Japan  and  the  peninsula  was  of  a  fitful  char- 
actor  unmarked  by  any  noteworthy  event  until,  in  the  second  year  (651)  of  the 
"White  Pheasant"  era,  the  Yamato  Court  essayed  to  assert  itself  in  a  futile 

[l  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remind  the  reader  that  all  the  names  given  in  these  pages  to 
Japanese  sovereigns  are  posthumous.  Thus  Saimei,  during  her  lifetime,  was  called  Ame-toyo- 
takara-ikashi-hi-tarashi-hime.l 

m 


THE  DAIKA  REFORMS  167 

fashion  by  refusing  to  give  audience  to  Shiragi  envoys  because  they  wore  costumes 
after  the  Tang  fashion  without  offering  any  excuse  for  such  a  caprice.  Kotoku 
was  then  upon  the  Japanese  throne,  and  Japan  herself  was  busily  occupied 
importing  and  assimilating  Tang  institutions.  That  she  should  have  taken 
umbrage  at  similar  imitation  on  Shiragi 's  part  seems  capricious.  Shiragi  sent 
no  more  envoys,  and  presently  (655),  finding  herself  seriously  menaced  by  a 
coalition  between  Koma  and  Kudara,  she  applied  to  the  Tang  Court  for  assist- 
ance. The  application  produced  no  practical  response,  but  Shiragi,  who  for 
some  time  had  been  able  to  defy  the  other  two  principalities,  now  saw  and 
seized  an  opportunity  offered  by  the  debauchery  and  misrule  of  the  King  of 
Kudara.  She  collected  an  army  to  attack  her  neighbour  and  once  more  suppli- 
cated Tang's  aid.  This  was  in  the  year  660.  The  second  appeal  produced  a 
powerful  response.  Kao-sung,  then  the  Tang  Emperor,  despatched  a  general, 
Su  Ting-fang,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  two  hundred  thousand  men.  There  was 
now  no  long  and  tedious  overland  march  round  the  littoral  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili 
and  across  Liaotung.  Su  embarked  his  forces  at  Chengshan,  on  the  east  of  the 
Shantung  promontory,  and  crossed  direct  to  Mishi-no-tsu  —  the  modern  Che- 
mulpo —  thus  attacking  Kudara  from  the  west  while  Shiragi  moved  against  it 
from  the  east.  Kudara  was  crushed.  It  lost  ten  thousand  men,  and  all  its 
prominent  personages,  from  the  debauched  King  downwards,  were  sent  as  pris- 
oners to  Tang.  But  one  great  captain,  Pok-sin,  saved  the  situation.  Collect- 
ing the  fugitive  troops  of  Kudara  he  fell  suddenly  on  Shiragi  and  drove  her  back, 
thereafter  appealing  for  Japanese  aid. 

At  the  Yamato  Court  Shiragi  was  now  regarded  as  a  traditional  enemy.  It 
had  played  fast  and  loose  again  and  again  about  Mimana,  and  in  the  year  657 
it  had  refused  safe  conduct  for  a  Japanese  embassy  to'the  Tang  Court.  The 
Empress  Saimei  decided  that  Kudara  must  be  succoured.  Living  in  Japan 
at  that  time  was  Phung-chang,1  a  younger  brother  of  the  deposed  King  of 
Kudara.  It  was  resolved  that  he  should  be  sent  to  the  peninsula  accompanied 
by  a  sufficient  force  to  place  him  on  the  throne.  But  Saimei  died  before  the 
necessary  preparations  were  completed,  and  the  task  of  carrying  out  a  design 
which  had  already  received  his  endorsement  devolved  upon  Prince  Naka,  the 
great  reformer.  A  fleet  of  170  ships  carrying  an  army  of  thirty-seven  thousand 
men  escorted  Phung-chang  from  Tsukushi,  and  the  kingdom  of  Kudara  was 
restored.  But  the  conclusive  battle  had  still  to  be  fought.  It  took  place  in 
September,  662,  at  Paik-chhon-ku  (Ung-jin),  between  the  Chinese  under  Liu 
Jen-kuei,  a  Tang  general,  and  the  Japanese  under  Atsumi  no  Hirafu.  The 
forces  were  about  equal  on  each  side,  and  it  was  the  first  signal  trial  of  strength 
between  Chinese  and  Japanese.  No  particulars  have  been  handed  down  by 
history.  Nothing  is  known  except  that  the  Japanese  squadron  drove  straight 
ahead,  and  that  the  Chinese  attacked  from  both  flanks.  The  result  was  a 
crushing  defeat  for  the  Japanese.  They  were  shattered  beyond  the  power  of 
rallying,  and  only  a  remnant  found  its  way  back  to  Tsukushi.  Kudara  and 
Koma  fell,  and  Japan  lost  her  last  footing  in  a  region  where  her  prestige  had  stood 
so  high  for  centuries. 

Shiragi  continued  during  more  than  a  hundred  years  to  maintain  a  semblance 
of  deferential  intercourse,  but  her  conduct  became  ultimately  so  unruly  that,  in 
the  reign  of  Nimmyo  (834-850),  her  people  were  prohibited  from  visiting  Japan. 

[L  He  was  a  hostage.  The  constant  residence  of  Korean  hostages  in  Japan  speaks  eloquent- 
ly of  the  relations  existing  between  the  two  countries.  There  were  no  Japanese  hostages  in 
Korea.] 


168  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

From  Kudara,  however,  after  its  overthrow  by  China,  there  migrated  almost 
continuously  for  some  time  a  number  of  inhabitants  who  became  naturalized 
in  Japan.  They  were  distributed  chiefly  in  the  provinces  of  Omi  and  Musashi, 
Son-Kwang,  a  brother  of  the  former  King  of  Kudara,  being  required  to  live  in 
Naniwa  (Osaka)  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  them.  Koma,  also,  when  it  fell 
into  Chinese  hands,  sent  many  settlers  to  Japan,  and  during  the  reign  of  the 
Empress  Gemmyo  (708-715),  they  were  transferred  from  the  six  provinces  of 
Suruga,  Kai,  Sagami,  Kazusa,  Shimosa,  and  Hitachi  to  Musashi,  where  the 
district  inhabited  by  them  was  thenceforth  called  Koma-gori.  Thus,  Japan 
extended  her  hospitality  to  the  men  whose  independence  she  had  not  been  able 
to  assert.  Her  relations  with  her  peninsular  neighbour  ended  humanely  though 
not  gloriously.  They  had  cost  her  heavily  in  life  and  treasure,  but  she  had  been 
repaid  fully  with  the  civilization  which  Korea  helped  her  to  import. 
.;uw  i.'i!J;--i.-oii1  j"j';i>i.imj  •:-'7/J  '!(•  /.::?,  u.  •  I>. 


;  i  >[m<j  'to  V  "  u.  iib'j  vo  iii 

THE  THIRTY-EIGHTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  TENCHI   (A.D.  668-671) 

91JJ-  HI  ;--.>n  j  /•:  aaaio:  t.  ;i  iv:»ariacn 

It  will  be  observed  that  although  the  thirty-seventh  sovereign,  the  Empress 
Saimei,  died  in  the  year  661,  the  reign  of  her  successor,  Tenchi,  did  not  commence 
historically  until  668.  There  thus  appears  to  have  been  an  interregnum  of 
seven  years.  The  explanation  is  that  the  Crown  Prince,  Naka,  while  taking  the 
sceptre,  did  not  actually  wield  it.  He  entrusted  the  administrative  functions  to 
his  younger  brother,  Oama,  and  continued  to  devote  himself  to  the  great  work 
of  reform.  He  had  stood  aside  in  favour  of  Kotoku  sixteen  years  previously  and 
in  favour  of  the  Empress  Saimei  six  years  previously,  and  now,  for  seven  years 
longer,  he  refrained  from  identifying  himself  with  the  Throne  until  the  fate  of 
his  innovations  was  known.  Having  assumed  the  task  of  eradicating  abuses 
which,  for  a  thousand  years,  had  been  growing  unchecked,  he  shrank  from 
associating  the  Crown  directly  with  risks  of  failure.  But  in  the  year  668, 
judging  that  his  reforms  had  been  sufficiently  assimilated  to  warrant  confidence, 
he  formally  ascended  the  throne  and  is  known  in  history  as  Tenchi  (Heavenly 
Intelligence). 

Only  four  years  of  life  remained  to  him,  and  almost  immediately  after  his 
accession  he  lost  his  great  coadjutor,  Kamatari.  Of  the  four  men  who  had 
worked  out  the  "Daika  restoration,"  Kuromaro,  the  student,  died  in  China  a 
year  (654)  after  the  demise  of  the  illustrious  priest,  Bin;  Kamatari  barely 
survived  until  success  came  in  sight,  and  Prince  Naka  (Tenchi)  was  taken  two 
years  later  (671).  It  is  related  that  in  the  days  when  the  prince  and  Kamatari 
planned  the  outlines  of  their  great  scheme,  they  were  accustomed  to  meet  for 
purposes  of  conference  in  a  remote  valley  on  the  east  of  the  capital,  where  an 
aged  wistaria  happened  to  be  in  bloom  at  the  most  critical  of  their  consultations. 
Kamatari  therefore  desired  to  change  his  uji  name  from  Nakatomi  to  Fujiwara 
(wistaria),  and  the  prince,  on  ascending  the  throne,  gave  effect  to  this  request. 
There  thus  came  into  existence  a  family,  the  most  famous  in  Japanese  history. 
The  secluded  valley  where  the  momentous  meetings  took  place  received  the  name 
of  Tamu  l  no  Mine,  and  a  shrine  stands  there  now  in  memory  of  Kamatari. 
The  Emperor  would  fain  have  attended  Kamatari  's  obsequies  in  person,  but 
his  ministers  dissuaded  him  on  the  ground  that  such  a  course  would  be  unprece- 
dented. His  Majesty  confined  himself  therefore  to  conferring  on  the  deceased 
statesman  posthumous  official  rank,  the  first  instance  of  a  practice  destined  to 
became  habitual  in  Japan. 

P  "Tamu"  signifies  to  converse  about  military  affairs.] 


THE  DAIKA   REFORMS  169 

THE  OMI  STATUES  AND  THE  CENSUS  REGISTER 

During  the  reign  of  Tenchi  no  rescript  embodying  signal  administrative 
changes  was  issued,  though  the  reforms  previously  inaugurated  seem  to  have 
made  steady  progress.  But  by  a  legislative  office  specially  organized  for  the 
purpose  there  was  enacted  a  body  of  twenty-two  laws  called  the  Omi  Ritsu-ryo 
(the  Omi  Statutes),  Omi,  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Biwa,  being  then  the  seat  of  the 
Imperial  Court.  Shotoku  Taishi  's  Jushichi  Kempo,  though  often  spoken  of  as 
a  legislative  ordinance,  was  really  an  ethical  code,  but  the  Omi  Ritsu-ryo  had  the 
character  of  genuine  laws,  the  first  of  their  kind  in  Japan.  Unfortunately  this 
valuable  document  did  not  survive.  Our  knowledge  of  it  is  confined  to  a  state- 
ment in  the  Memoirs  of  Kamatari  that  it  was  compiled  in  the  year  667.  Two 
years  later — that  is  to  say,  in  the  year  after  Tenchi 's  actual  accession — the  census 
register,  which  had  formed  an  important  feature  of  the  Daika  reforms,  became 
an  accomplished  fact.  Thenceforth  there  was  no  further  occasion  to  appeal  to 
the  barbarous  ordeal  of  boiling  water  (kuga-dachi)  when  questions  of  lineage 
had  to  be  determined. 


THE  THIRTY-NINTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KOBUN  (A.D  672-672) 

Among  four  "palace  ladies"  (uneme)  upon  whom  the  Emperor  Tenchi  looked 
with  favour,  one,  Yaka  of  Iga  province,  bore  him  a  son  known  in  his  boyhood 
days  as  Prince  Iga  but  afterwards  called  Prince  Otomo.  For  this  lad  his  father 
conceived  a  strong  affection,  and  would  doubtless  hava  named  him  heir  apparent 
had  he  not  been  deterred  by  the  consideration  that  during  his  own  abstention 
from  actually  occupying  the  throne,  administrative  duties  _would  have  to  be 
entrusted  mainly  to  the  hands  of  a  Prince  Imperial,  and  Otomo,  being  only 
thirteen  years  of  _age,  could  not  undertake  such  a  task.  Thus,  on  Tenchi 's 
younger  brother,  Oama,  the  dignity  of  Crown  Prince  was  conferred,  and  he  be- 
came the  Emperor 's  locum  tenens,  in  which  position  he  won  universal  applause 
by  sagacity  and  energy.  But  during  these  seven  years  of  nominal  interregnum, 
the  fame  of  Prince  Otomo  also  grew  upon  men's  lips.  An  ancient  book  speaks 
of  him  as  "wise  and  intelligent;  an  able  administrator  alike  of  civil  and  of 
military  affairs;  commanding  respect  and  esteem;  sage  of  speech,  and  rich  in 
learning."  When  the  Emperor  actually  ascended  the  throne,  Otomo  had 
reached  his  twentieth  year,  and  four  years  later  (671)  the  sovereign  appointed 
him  prime  minister  (dajo  daijin),  an  office  then  created  for  the  first  time. 

Thenceforth  the  question  of  Tenchi 's  successor  began  to  be  disquieting. 
The  technical  right  was  on  Oama's  side,  but  the  paternal  sympathy  was  with 
Otomo.  Tradition  has  handed  down  a  tale  about  a  certain  Princess  Nukata, 
who,  having  bestowed  her  affections  originally  on  Prince  Oama,  was  afterwards 
constrained  to  yield  to  the  addresses  of  the  Emperor  Tenchi,  and  thus  the  two 
brothers  became  enemies.  But  that  story  does  not  accord  with  facts.  It  is  also 
related  that  during  a  banquet  at  the  palace  on  the  occasion  of  Tenchi 's  accession, 
Prince  Oama  thrust  a  spear  through  the  floor  from  below,  and  the  Emperor 
would  have  punished  the  outrage  with  death  had  not  Kamatari  interceded  for 
the  prince.  These  narratives  are  cited  to  prove  that  the  Emperor  Tenchi 's 
purpose  was  to  leave  the  throne  to  Otomo,  not  Oama.  There  is,  however,  no 
valid  reason  to  infer  any  such  intention.  What  actually  occurred  was  that 
when,  within  a  few  months  of  Otomo 's  appointment  as  dajo  daijin,  the  sovereign 
found  himself  mortally  sick,  he  summoned  Oama  and  named  him  to  succeed 


170  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

But  Oama,  having  been  warned  of  a  powerful  conspiracy  to  place  Otomo  on  the 
throne,  and  not  unsuspicious  that  it  had  the  Emperor's  sympathy,  declined  the 
honour  and  announced  his  intention  of  entering  religion,  which  he  did  by  retiring 
to  the  monastery  at  Yoshino.  The  conspirators,  at  whose  head  were  the 
minister  of  the  Left,  Soga  no  Akae,  and  the  minister  of  the  Right,  Nakatomi  no 
Kane,  aimed  at  reverting  to  the  times  when,  by  placing  on  the  throne  a  prince  of 
their  own  choice,  one  or  two  great  uji  had  grasped  the  whole  political  power. 
The  prime  mover  was  Kane,  muraji  of  the  Nakatomi. 

Immediately  after  Tenches  death,  which  took  place  at  the  close  of  671,  and 
after  the  accession  of  Prince  Otomo  —  known  in  history  as  the  Emperor  Kobun 
—  the  conspirators  began  to  concert  measures  for  the  destruction  of  Prince 
Oama,  whom  they  regarded  as  a  fatal  obstacle  to  the  achievement  of  their  pur- 
pose. But  the  Emperor  Kobun 's  consort,  Toichi,  was  a  daughter  of  Prince 
Oama,  and  two  sons  of  the  latter,  Takaichi  and  Otsu,  were  also  in  the  Court  at 
Omi.  By  these  three_persons  Yoshino  was  kept  fully  informed  of  everything 
happening  at  Omi.  Oama  fled  precipitately.  He  did  not  even  wait  for  a 
palanquin  or  a  horse.  His  course  was  shaped  eastward,  for  two  reasons:  the 
first,  that  his  domains  as  Prince  Imperial  had  been  in  Ise  and  Mino ;  the  second, 
that  since  in  the  eastern  provinces  the  Daika  reforms  had  been  first  put  into 
operation,  in  the  eastern  provinces,  also,  conservatism  might  be  expected  to 
rebel  with  least  reluctance. 

The  struggle  that  ensued  was  the  fiercest  Japan  had  witnessed  since  the 
foundation  of  the  empire.  For  twenty  days  there  was  almost  continuous  fight- 
ing. The  prince  'sjirst  measure  was  to  block  the  passes  on  the  eastward  high- 
roads, so  that  the  Omi  forces  could  not  reach  him  till  he  was  fully  ready  to  re- 
ceive them.  Thousands  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  he  was  soon  able  to  assume 
the  offensive.  On  the  other  hand,  those  whom  the  Omi  Court  summoned  to 
arms  declined  for  the  most  part  to  respond.  The  nation  evidently  regarded 
Prince  Oama  as  the  champion  of  the  old  against  the  new.  The  crowning  contest 
took  place  at  the  Long  Bridge  of  Seta,  which  spans  the  waters  of  Lake  Biwa  at 
the  place  where  they  narrow  to  form  the  Seta  River.  Deserted  by  men  who  had 
sworn  to  support  him,  his  army  shattered,  and  he  himself  a  fugitive,  the  Emperor 
fled  to  Yamazaki  and  there  committed  suicide.  His  principal  instigator, 
muraji  of  the  Nakatomi  and  minister  of  the  Right,  with  eight  other  high  officials, 
suffered  the  extreme  penalty;  Akae,  omi  of  the  Soga  and  minister  of  the  Left, 
had  to  go  into  exile,  but  the  rest  of  Kobun 's  followers  were  pardoned.  Not  be- 
cause of  its  magnitude  alone  but  because  its  sequel  was  the  dethronement  and 
suicide  of  a  legitimate  Emperor,  this  struggle  presents  a  shocking  aspect  to 
Japanese  eyes.  It  is  known  in  history  as  the  "Jinshin  disturbance,"  so  called 
after  the  cyclical  designation  of  the  year  (672)  when  it  occurred 

THE  FORTIETH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  TEMMU  (A.D.  673-686) 

Prince  Oama  succeeded  to  the  throne  and  is  known  in  history  as  the  fortieth 
Sovereign,  Temmu.  During  the  fourteen  years  of  his  reign  he  completed  the 
administrative  systems  of  the  Daika  era,  and  asserted  the  dignity  and  authority 
of  the  Court  to  an  unprecedented  degree.  Among  the  men  who  espoused  his 
cause  in  the  Jinshin  struggle  there  are  found  many  names  of  aristocrats  who 
boasted  high  titles  and  owned  hereditary  estates.  Whatever  hopes  these 
conservatives  entertained  of  a  reversion  to  the  old-time-order  of  things,  they  were 
signally  disappointed.  The  Daika  reformers  had  invariably  contrived  that 


THE  DAIKA   REFORMS  171 

conciliation  should  march  hand  in  hand  with  innovation.  Temmu  relied  on 
coercion.  He  himself  administered  State  affairs  with  little  recourse  to  minis- 
terial aid  but  always  with  military  assistance  in  the  background.  He  was 
especially  careful  not  to  sow  the  seeds  of  the  abuses  which  his  immediate  prede- 
cessors had  worked  to  eradicate.  Thus,  while  he  did  not  fail  to  recognize  the 
services  of  those  that  had  stood  by  him  in  the  Jinshin  tumult,  he  studiously 
refrained  from  rewarding  them  with  official  posts,  and  confined  himself  to 
bestowing  titles  of  a  purely  personal  character  together  with  posthumous  rank 
in  special  cases. 

It  has  been  shown  that  in  the  so-called  "code"  of  Shotoku  Taishi  prominent 
attention  was  directed  to  the  obligations  of  decorum.  This  principle  received 
much  elaboration  in  Temmu 's  reign.  A  law,  comprising  no  less  than  ninety-two 
articles,  was  enacted  for  guidance  in  Court  ceremonials,  the  demeanour  and 
salutation  of  each  grade  of  officials  being  explicitly  set  forth.  It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  a  veto  was  imposed  on  the  former  custom  of  kneeling  to  make  obeisance 
and  advancing  or  retreating  in  the  presence  of  a  superior  on  the  knees  and  hands; 
all  salutations  were  ordered  to  be  made  standing.  Further,  the  clear  differentia- 
tion of  official  functions,  which  had  been  commenced  under  the  sway  of  Tenchi, 
was  completed  in  this  reign. 

But,  though  relying  on  military  force  in  the  last  resort,  Temmu  did  not 
neglect  appeals  to  religion  and  devices  to  win  popularity.  On  the  one  hand,  we 
find  him  establishing  a  War-Office  (Heisei-kan)  and  making  it  second  in  grade  and 
importance  to  the  Privy  Council  (Dajo-kwan)  alone ;  on  the  other,  he  is  seen  endow- 
ing shrines,  erecting  temples,  and  organizing  religious  fetes  on  a  sumptuous  scale. 
If,  again,  all  persons  in  official  position  were  required  to  support  armed  men;  if 
the  provincials  were  ordered  to  practise  military  exercises,  and  if  arms  were 
distributed  to  the  people  in  the  home  provinces  (Kinai),  at  the  same  time  taxes 
were  freely  remitted,  and  amnesties  were  readily  granted.  Further,  if  much 
attention  was  paid  to  archery,  and  if  drastic  measures  were  adopted  to  crush  the 
partisans  of  the  Omi  Court  who  still  occasionally  raised  the  standard  of  revolt, 
the  sovereign  devoted  not  less  care  to  the  discharge  of  the  administrative 
functions,  and  his  legislation  extended  even  to  the  realm  of  fishery,  where  stake- 
nets  and  other  methods  of  an  injurious  nature  were  strictly  interdicted.  The 
eating  of  flesh  was  prohibited,  but  whether  this  veto  was  issued  in  deference  to 
Buddhism  or  from  motives  of  economy,  there  is  no  evidence  to  show. 

One  very  noteworthy  feature  of  Temmu 's  administration  was  that  he  never 
appointed  to  posts  in  the  Government  men  who  did  not  give  promise  of  com- 
petence. All  those  who  possessed  a  claim  on  his  gratitude  were  nominated 
chamberlains  (toneri),  and  having  been  thus  brought  under  observation,  were 
subsequently  entrusted  with  official  functions  commensurate  with  their  proved 
ability.  The  same  plan  was  pursued  in  the  case  of  females.  With  regard  to  the 
titles  conferred  by  this  sovereign  in  recognition  of  meritorious  services,  they  were 
designed  to  replace  the  old-time  kabane  (or  sei),  in  that  whereas  the  kabane  had 
always  been  hereditary,  and  was  generally  associated  with  an  office,  the  new  sei 
was  obtained  by  special  grant,  and,  though  it  thereafter  became  hereditary,  it 
was  never  an  indication  of  office  bearing.  Eight  of  these  new  titles  were 
instituted  by  Temmu,  namely,  mahito,  asomi,  sukune,  imiki,  michi-no-shi,  omi, 
muraji,  and  inagi,  and  their  nearest  English  equivalents  are,  perhaps,  duke, 
marquis,  count,  lord,  viscount,  baron,  and  baronet.  It  is  unnecessary  to  give 
any  etymological  analysis  of  these  terms;  their  order  alone  is  important.  But 
two  points  have  to  be  noted.  The  first  is  that  the  title  imiki  was  generally  that 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

chosen  for  bestowal  on  naturalized  foreigners;  the  second,  that  a  conspicuously 
low  place  in  the  list  is  given  to  the  revered  old  titles,  ami  and  muraji.  This 
latter  feature  is  significant.  The  new  peerage  was,  in  fact,  designed  not  only 
to  supplant,  but  also  to  discredit,  the  old. 

Thus,  in  the  first  place,  the  system  was  abolished  under  which  all  uji  having 
the  title  of  omi  were  controlled  by  the  o-omi,  and  all  having  the  title  of  muraji 
by  the  o-muraji;  and  in  the  second,  though  the  above  eight  sei  were  established, 
not  every  uji  was  necessarily  granted  a  title.  Only  the  most  important  received 
that  distinction,  and  even  these  found  themselves  relegated  to  a  comparatively 
low  place  on  the  list.  All  the  rest,  however,  were  permitted  to  use  their  old, 
but  now  depreciated  kabane,  and  no  change  was  made  in  the  traditional  custom 
of  entrusting  the  management  of  each  uji's  affairs  to  its  own  Kami.  But,  in 
order  to  guard  against  the  abuses  of  the  hereditary  right,  an  uji  no  Kami  ceased 
in  certain  cases  to  succeed  by  birthright  and  became  elective,  the  election 
requiring  Imperial  endorsement. 

The  effect  of  these  measures  was  almost  revolutionary.  They  changed  the 
whole  fabric  of  the  Japanese  polity.  But  in  spite  of  all  Temmu  'a  precautions 
to  accomplish  the  centralization  of  power,  success  was  menaced  by  a  factor 
which  could  scarcely  have  been  controlled.  The  arable  lands  in  the  home 
provinces  at  that  time  probably  did  not  exceed  130,000  acres,  and  the  food  stuffs 
produced  cannot  have  sufficed  for  more  than  a  million  persons.  As  for  the 
forests,  their  capacities  were  ill  developed,  and  thus  it  fell  out  that  the  sustenance 
fiefs  granted  to  omi  and  muraji  of  the  lower  grades  did  not  exceed  a  few  acres. 
Gradually,  as  families  multiplied,  the  conditions  of  life  became  too  straightened 
in  such  circumstances,  and  relief  began  to  be  sought  in  provincial  appointments, 
which  furnished  opportunities  for  getting  possession  of  land.  It  was  in  this  way 
that  local  magnates  had  their  origin  and  the  seeds  of  genuine  feudalism  were 
sown.  Another  direction  in  which  success  fell  short  of  purpose  was  in  the  matter 
of  the  hereditary  guilds  (be).  The  Daika  reforms  had  aimed  at  converting 
everyone  in  the  empire  into  a  veritable  unit  of  the  nation,  not  a  mere  member  of 
an  uji  or  a  tomobe.  But  it  proved  impossible  to  carry  out  this  system  in  the 
case  of  the  tomobe  (called  also  kakibe),  or  labouring  element  of  the  uji,  and  the 
yakabe,  or  domestic  servants  of  a  family.  To  these  their  old  status  had  to  be 
left. 

THE  FORTY-FIRST  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPRESS  JITO   (A.D.  690-697) 

The  Emperor  Temmu  died  in  686,  and  the  throne  remained  nominally 
unoccupied  until  690.  A  similar  interregnum  had  separated  the  accession  of 
Tenchi  from  the  death  of  his  predecessor,  the  Empress  Saimei,  and  both  events 
were  due  to  a  cognate  cause.  Tenchi  did  not  wish  that  his  reforms  should  be 
directly  associated  with  the  Throne  until  their  success  was  assured;  Temmu 
desired  that  the  additions  made  by  him  to  the  Daika  system  should  be  con- 
solidated by  the  genius  of  his  wife  before  the  sceptre  passed  finally  into  the 
hands  of  his  son.  Jito  had  stood  by  her  husband 's  side  when,  as  Prince  Oama, 
he  had  barely  escaped  the  menaces  of  the  Omi  Court,  and  there  is  reason  to 
think  that  she  had  subsequently  shared  his  administrative  confidence  as  she 
had  assisted  at  his  military  councils.  The  heir  to  the  throne,  Prince  Kusakabe, 
was  then  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  but  he  quietly  endorsed  the  paternal  behest 
that  his  mother  should  direct  State  affairs.  The  arrangement  was  doubtless 
intended  to  be  temporary,  but  Kusakabe  died  three  years  later,  and  yielding 
to  the  solicitations  of  her  ministers,  Jito  then  (690)  finally  ascended  the  throne. 


THE  DAIKA  REFORMS  173 

Her  reign,  however,  was  not  entirely  free  from  the  family  strife  which  too 
often  accompanied  a  change  of  sovereigns  in  Japan's  early  days.  In  addition 
to  his  legitimate  offspring,  Kusakabe,  the  Emperor  Temmu_left  several  sons  by 
secondary  consorts,  and  the  eldest  survivor  of  these,  Prince  Otsu,  listening  to  the 
counsels  of  the  Omi  Court 's  partisans  and  prompted  by  his  own  well-deserved 
popularity  and  military  prowess,  intrigued  to  seize  the  throne.  He  was  executed 
in  his  house,  and  his  fate  is  memorable  for  two  reasons:  the  first,  that  his  young 
wife,  Princess  Yamanobe,  "hastened  thither  with  her  hair  dishevelled  and  her 
feet  bare  and  joined  him  in  death;"  the  second,  that  all  his  followers,_pver  thirty 
in  number,  were  pardoned  —  rare  clemency  in  those  days.  Prince  Otsu  is  said 
to  have  inaugurated  a  pastime  which  afterwards  became  very  popular  —  the 
composition  of  Chinese  verses. 

SLAVES 

The  most  important  legislation  of  the  Empress  Jito  's  reign  related  to  slaves.1 
In  the  year  of  her  accession  (690),  she  issued  an  edict  ordering  that  interest  on 
all  debts  contracted  prior  to,  or  during  the  year  (685)  prior  to  Temmu's  death 
should  be  cancelled.  Temmu  himself  had  created  the  precedent  for  this.  When 
stricken  by  mortal  illness,  he  had  proclaimed  remission  of  all  obligations, 
"whether  in  rice  or  in  valuables,"  incurred  on  or  before  the  last  day  of  the  pre- 
ceding year.  But  Jito 's  edict  had  a  special  feature.  It  provided  that  anyone 
already  in  servitude  on  account  of  a  debt  should  be  relieved  from  serving  any 
longer  on  account  of  the  interest.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  the  practice  of  pledging 
the  service  of  one 's  body  in  discharge  of  debt  was  in  vogue  at  that  epoch,  and 
that  it  received  official  recognition  with  the  proviso  that  the  obligation  must  not 
extend  to  interest.  Debts,  therefore,  had  become  instruments  for  swelling  the 
ranks  of  the  slave  class. 

But  while  sanctioning  this  evil  custom,  the  tendency  of  the  law  was  to 
minimize  its  results.  In  another  edict  of  the  same  reign  it  was  laid  down  that, 
when  a  younger  brother  of  the  common  people  (hyakusei)  was  sold  by  his  elder 
brother,  the  former  should  still  be  classed  as  a  freeman  (ryomin),  but  a  child 
sold  by  its  father  became  a  serf  (senmin) ;  that  service  rendered  to  one  of  the 
senmin  class  by  a  freeman  in  payment  of  a  debt  must  not  affect  the  status  of  the 
freeman,  and  that  the  children  of  freemen  so  serving,  even  though  born  of  a 
union  with  a  slave,  should  be  reckoned  as  freemen.  It  has  been  shown  already 
that  degradation  to  slavery  was  a  common  punishment  or  expiation  of  a  crime, 
and  the  annals  of  the  period  under  consideration  indicate  that  men  and  women 
of  the  slave  class  were  bought  and  sold  like  any  other  chattels.  Documents 
certainly  not  of  more  recent  date  than  the  ninth  century,  show  particulars  of 
some  of  these  transactions.  One  runs  as  follows : — 

Men  (nu)  ..-it  .to.  J&il ; ;1  J&1  &tik  JHailub.  «awl .     3 

Women  (hi) ,  vumvsnfib  -9.Bl*-q«  vkigwol 

2  at  loKundies  of  rice  each! '  '  ^  ^  '  '***S**T  b°*'*'    ° 
2  at    800  bundles  of  rice  each. 
1  at    700  bundles  of  rice. 

T^u^S!::.0'*6- 

1  man  (nu)  named  Kokatsu;  age  34;  with  a  mole  under  the  left  eye 

Price  1000  bundles  of  rice. 

The  above  are  slaves  of  Kannawo  Oba  of  Okambe  in  Yamagata 

district. 

t1  The  senmin,  or  slave  class,  was  divided  into  two  groups,  namely,  public  slaves  (kwanko 
ryoko,  and  ko-nuhi),  and  private  slaves  (kenin  and  shi-nuhi).} 


174  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Comparison  of  several  similar  vouchers  indicates  that  the  usual  price  of  an 
able-bodied  slave  was  one  thousand  bundles  of  rice,  and  as  one  bundle  gave  five 
sho  of  unhulled  rice,  one  thousand  bundles  represented  fifty  koku,  which,  in  the 
modern  market,  would  sell  for  about  six  hundred  yen.  It  is  not  to  be  inferred, 
however,  that  the  sale  of  freemen  into  slavery  was  sanctioned  by  law.  During 
the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Temmu,  a  farmer  of  Shimotsuke  province  wished  to 
sell  his  child  on  account  of  a  bad  harvest,  but  his  application  for  permission  was 
refused,  though  forwarded  by  the  provincial  governor.  In  fact,  sales  or  purchases 
of  the  junior  members  of  a  family  by  the  seniors  were  not  publicly  permitted, 
although  such  transactions  evidently  took  place.  Even  the  manumission  of  a 
slave  required  official  sanction.  Thus  it  is  recorded  that,  in  the  reign  of  the 
Empress  Jito,  Komaro,  an  asomi,  asked  and  obtained  the  Court's  permission  to 
grant  their  freedom  to  six  hundred  slaves  in  his  possession.  Another  rule 
enacted  in  Jito's  time  was  that  the  slaves  of  an  uji,  when  once  manumitted, 
could  not  be  again  placed  on  the  slaves '  register  at  the  request  of  a  subsequent 
uji  no  Kami.  Finally  this  same  sovereign  enacted  that  yellow-coloured  garments 
should  be  worn  by  freemen  and  black  by  slaves.  History  shows  that  the  sale 
and  purchase  of  human  beings  in  Japan,  subject  to  the  above  limitations,  was 
not  finally  forbidden  until  the  year  1699. 

THE  MILITARY  SYSTEM 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  Emperors  Kotoku  and  Temmu  attached  much 
importance  to  the  development  of  military  efficiency  and  that  they  issued  orders 
with  reference  to  the  training  of  provincials,  the  armed  equipment  of  the  people, 
the  storage  of  weapons  of  war,  and  the  maintenance  of  men-at-arms  by  officials. 
Compulsory  service,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  inaugurated  until 
the  reign  of  the  Empress  Jito,  when  (689)  her  Majesty  instructed  the  local 
governors  that  one-fourth  of  the  able-bodied  men  in  each  province  should  be 
trained  every  year  in  warlike  exercises.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
scription system  in  Japan. 

THE  ORDER  OF  SUCCESSION  OF  THE  THRONE 

That  the  throne  should  be  occupied  by  members  of  the  Imperial  family  only 
had  been  a  recognized  principle  of  the  Japanese  polity  from  remotest  epochs. 
But  there  had  been  an  early  departure  from  the  rule  of  primogeniture,  and  since 
the  time  of  Nintoku  the  eligibility  of  brothers  also  had  been  acknowledged  in 
practice.  To  this  latitude  of  choice  many  disturbances  were  attributable,  no- 
tably the  fell  Jinshin  struggle,  and  the  terrors  of  that  year  were  still  fresh  in 
men's  minds  when,  during  Jito's  reign,  the  deaths  of  two  Crown  Princes  in 
succession  brought  up  the  dangerous  problem  again  for  solution.  The  princes 
were  Kusakabe  and  Takaichi.  The  former  had  been  nominated  by  his  father, 
Temmu,  but  was  instructed  to  leave  the  reins  of  power  in  the  hands  of  his 
mother,  Jito,  for  a  time.  He  died  in  the  year  689,  while  Jito  was  still  regent,  and 
Takaichi,  another  of  Temmu 's  sons,  who  had  distinguished  himself  as  commander 
of  a  division  of  troops  in  the  Jinshin  campaign,  was  made  Prince  Imperial.  But 
he,  top,  died  in  696,  and  it  thus  fell  out  that  the  only  surviving  and  legitimate 
offspring  of  an  Emperor  who  had  actually  reigned  was  Prince  Kuzuno,  son  of 
Kobun. 

To  his  accession,  however,  there  was  this  great  objection  that  his  father, 


THE  DAIKA   REFORMS  175 

though  wielding  the  sceptre  for  a  few  months,  had  borne  arms  in  the  Jinshin 
disturbance  against  Temmu  and  Jito,  and  was  held  to  have  forfeited  his  title 
by  defeat  and  suicide.  His  assumption  of  the  sceptre  would  have  created  a 
most  embarrassing  situation,  and  his  enforced  disqualification  might  have  led 
to  trouble.  In  this  dilemma,  the  Empress  convened  a  State  council,  Prince 
Kuzuno  also  being  present,  and  submitted  the  question  for  their  decision.  But 
none  replied  until  Kuzuno  himself,  coming  forward,  declared  that  unless  the 
principle  of  primogeniture  were  strictly  followed,  endless  complications  would 
be  inevitable.  This  involved  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  claim  and  the  recognition 
of  Karu,  eldest  son  of  the  late  Kusakabe.  The  14th  of  March,  696,  when  this 
patriotic  declaration  was  made,  is  memorable  in  Japanese  history  as  the  date 
when  the  principle  of  primogeniture  first  received  official  approval.  Six  months 
afterwards,  the  Empress  abdicated  in  favour  of  Prince  Karu,  known  in  history 
as  forty-second  sovereign,  Mommu.  She  herself  was  honoured  by  her  successor 
with  the  title  of  Dajo-Tenno  (Great  Superior). 


Kamatari, 

ii  HSW 


ONE  OF  THE  ORNAMENTAL  GATES  USED  IN  JAPANESE  GARDENS 


U.<\  3'HT 


id 


SWOHDS 


CHAPTER  XVI 
THE   DAIHO  LAWS  AND   THE    YORO   LAWS 

THE  FORTY-SECOND  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  MOMMU  (A.D.  697-707) 

THE  Emperor  Mommu  took  for  consort  a  daughter  of  Fuhito,  representative 
of  the  Fujiwara  family  and  son  of  the  great  Kamatari.  She  did  not  receive  the 
title  of  Empress,  that  distinction  having  been  hitherto  strictly  confined  to 
spouses  chosen  from  a  Kwobetsu  family,  whereas  the  Fujiwara  belonged  to  the 
Shimbetsu.  But  this  union  proved  the  first  step  towards  a  practice  which  soon 
became  habitual  and  which  produced  a  marked  effect  on  the  history  of  Japan, 
the  practice  of  supplying  Imperial  consorts  from  the  Fujiwara  family. 


THE  DAIHO  LEGISLATION 

On  Mommu 's  accession  the  year-period  took  his  name,  that  being  then  the 
custom  unless  some  special  reason  suggested  a  different  epithet.  Such  a  reason 
was  the  discovery  of  gold  in  Tsushima  in  701,  and  in  consequence  the  year-name 
was  altered  to  Daiho  (Great  Treasure).  It  is  a  period  memorable  for  legislative 
activity.  The  reader  is  aware  that,  during  the  reign  of  Tenchi,  a  body  of 
statutes  in  twenty-two  volumes  was  compiled  under  the  name  of  Omi  Ritsu-ryo, 
or  the  "Code  and  Penal  Law  of  Omi,"  so  called  because  the  Court  then  resided 
at  Shiga  in  Omi.  History  further  relates  that  these  statutes  were  revised  by  the 
Emperor  Mommu,  who  commenced  the  task  in  681  and  that,  eleven  years  later, 
when  the  Empress  Jito  occupied  the  throne,  this  revised  code  was  promulgated. 

But  neither  in  its  original  nor  in  its  revised  form  has  it  survived,  and  the 
inference  is  that  in  practice  it  was  found  in  need  of  a  second  revision,  which  took 
place  in  the  years  700  and  701  under  instructions  from  the  Emperor  Mommu,  the 
revisers  being  a  committee  of  ten,  headed  by  Fuhito  of  the  Fujiwara  family,  and 
by  Mahito  (Duke)  Awada.  There  resulted  eleven  volumes  of  the  Code  (ryo) 
and  six  of  the  Penal  Law  (ritsu),  and  these  were  at  once  promulgated,  expert 
jurists  being  despatched,  at  the  same  time,  to  various  quarters  to  expound  the 
new  legislation.  Yet  again,  seventeen  years  later  (718) ,  by  order  of  the  Empress 
Gensho,  revision  was  carried  out  by  another  committee  headed  by  the  same 
Fujiwara  Fuhito,  now  prime  minister,  and  the  amended  volumes,  ten  of  the  Code 
and  ten  of  the  Law,  were  known  thenceforth  as  the  "New  Statutes,"  or  the 
"Code  and  Law  of  the  Yoro  Period."  They  were  supplemented  by  a  body  of 

176 


THE  DAIHO  LAWS  AND  THE   YORO  LAWS  177 

official  rules  (kyaku)  and  operative  regulations  (shiki),  the  whole  forming  a 
very  elaborate  assemblage  of  laws. 

The  nature  and  scope  of  the  code  will  be  sufficiently  understood  from  the 
titles  of  its  various  sections:  (1)  Official  Titles;  (2)  Duties  of  Officials;  (3) 
Duties  of  Officials  of  the  Empress'  Household;  (4)  Duties  of  Officials  in  the 
Household  of  the  Heir  Apparent;  (5)  Duties  of  Officials  in  the  Households  of 
Officers  of  High  Rank;  (6)  Services  to  the  Gods;  (7)  Buddhist  Priests;  (8)  the 
Family;  (9)  the  Land;  (10)  Taxation;  (11)  Learning;  (12)  Official  Ranks  and 
Titles;  (13)  The  Descent  of  the  Crown  and  Dignities  of  Imperial  Persons;  (14) 
Meritorious  Discharge  of  Official  Duties;  (15)  Salaries;  (16)  Court  Guards;  (17) 
Army  and  Frontier  Defences;  (18)  Ceremonies;  (19)  Official  Costumes;  (20) 
Public  Works;  (21)  Mode  of  addressing  Persons  of  Rank;  (22)  Stores  of  Rice 
and  other  Grain;  (23)  Stables  and  Fodder;  (24)  Duties  of  Medical  Officers 
attached  to  the  Court;  (25)  Official  Vacations;  (26)  Funerals  and  Mourning; 
(27)  Watch  and  Ward  and  Markets;  (28)  Arrest  of  Criminals;  (29)  Jails,  and 
(30)  Miscellaneous,  including  Bailment,  Finding  of  Lost  Goods,  etc.1 

This  "Code  and  the  Penal  Law"  accompanying  it  went  into  full  operation 
from  the  Daiho  era  and  remained  in  force  thereafter,  subject  to  the  revisions 
above  indicated.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  highly  artificial  organiza- 
tion of  society  which  such  statutes  indicate,  existed,  in  outline  at  all  events,  from 
the  reign  of  Kotoku,  but  its  plainly  legalized  reality  dates,  so  far  as  history  is 
concerned,  from  the  Daiho  era.  As  for  the  rules  (kyaku)  and  regulations  (shiki), 
they  were  re-drafted:  first,  in  the  Konin  era  (810-824)  by  a  commission  under 
the  direction  of  the  grand  councillor,1  Fujiwara  Fuyutsugu;  next,  in  the  Jokwan 
era  (859-877)  by  Fujiwara  Ujimune  and  others,  and  finally  in  the  Engi  era  (901- 
923)  by  a  committee  with  Fujiwara  Tadahira  for  president.  These  three  sets 
of  provisions  were  spoken  of  in  subsequent  ages  as  the  "Rule's  and  Regulations 
of  the  Three  Generations"  (Sandai-kyaku-shiki) .  It  will  be  observed  that  just 
as  this  remarkable  body  of  enactments  owed  its  inception  in  Japan  to  Kamatari, 
the  great  founder  of  the  Fujiwara  family,  so  every  subsequent  revision  was 
presided  over  by  one  of  his  descendants.  The  thirty  sections  of  the  code 
comprise  949  articles,  which  are  all  extant,  but  of  the  penal  laws  in  twelve 
sections  there  remain  only  322  articles. 

It  may  be  broadly  stated  that  the  Daika  reformation,  which  formed-the  basis 
of  this  legislation,  was  a  transition  from  the  Japanese  system  of  heredity  to  the 
Chinese  system  of  morality.  The  penal  law  (ritsu),  although  its  Chinese 
original  has  not  survived  for  purposes  of  comparison,  was  undoubtedly  copied 
from  the  work  of  the  Tang  legislators,  the  only  modification  being  in  degrees  of 
punishment;  but  the  code,  though  it,  too,  was  partially  exotic  in  character, 
evidently  underwent  sweeping  alterations  so  as  to  bring  it  into  conformity  with 
Japanese  customs  and  traditions.  Each  of  the  revisions  recorded  above  must  be 
assumed  to  have  extended  this  adaptation. 

The  basic  principle  of  the  Daiho  code  was  that  the  people  at  large,  without 
regard  to  rank  or  pedigree,  owed  equal  duty  to  the  State ;  that  only  those  having 
special  claims  on  public  benevolence  were  entitled  to  fixed  exemptions,  and  that 
not  noble  birth  but  intellectual  capacity  and  attainments  constituted  a  qualifica- 
tion for  office.  Nevertheless  Japanese  legislators  did  not  find  it  possible  to 
apply  fully  these  excellent  principles.  Habits  of  a  millennium's  growth  could 
not  be  so  lightly  eradicated.  Traces  of  the  old  obtrude  themselves  plainly  from 
between  the  lines  of  the  new.  Thus  the  "Law  of  Descent"  (Keishi-ryo) ,  which 
[l  Tarring,  in  the  "Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan."] 


178  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

formed  the  thirteenth  section  of  the  code,  was  a  special  embodiment  of  Japanese 
social  institutions,  having  no  parallel  in  the  Tang  statutes,  and  further,  while 
declaring  erudition  and  intelligence  to  be  the  unique  qualifications  for  office,  no 
adequate  steps  were  taken  to  establish  schools  for  imparting  the  former  or 
developing  the  latter.  In  short,  the  nobles  still  retained  a  large  part  of  their 
old  power,  and  the  senmin  (slave)  class  still  continued  to  labour  under  various 
disabilities. 

That  several  important  provisions  of  the  Land  Code  (Den-ryo)  should  have 
fallen  quickly  into  disuse  will  be  easily  comprehended  when  we  come  presently 
to  examine  that  system  in  detail,  but  for  the  neglect  of  portions  of  the  Military 
Code  (Gumbd-ryo),  of  the  Code  of  Official  Ranks  and  Titles,  and  of  the  Code 
relating  to  the  Meritorious  Discharge  of  Official  Duties,  it  is  necessary  to  lay  the 
responsibility  on  the  shoulders  of  the  hereditary  nobles,  whose  influence  out- 
weighed the  force  of  laws.  It  may  indeed  be  broadly  stated  that  the  potency  of 
the  Daiho  code  varied  in  the  direct  ratio  of  the  centralization  of  administrative 
authority.  Whenever  feudalism  prevailed,  the  code  lost  its  binding  force.  In 
the  realm  of  criminal  law  it  is  only  consistent  with  the  teaching  of  all  experience 
to  find  that  mitigation  of  penalties  was  provided  according  to  the  rank  of  the 
culprit.  There  were  eight  maj or  crimes  (hachi-gyaku) ,  all  in  the  nature  of  offences 
against  the  State,  the  Court,  and  the  family,  and  the  order  of  their  gravity  was : 
(1)  high  treason  (against  the  State);  (2)  high  treason  (against  the  Crown); 
(3)  treason;  (4)  parricide,  fratricide,  etc.;  (5)  offences  against  humanity;  (6) 
Use  majeste;  (7)  unfilial  conduct,  and  (8)  crimes  against  society.  But  there 
were  also  six  mitigations  (roku-gi),  all  enacted  with  the  object  of  lightening 
punishments  according  to  the  rank,  official  position,  or  public  services  of  an  offen- 
der. As  for  slaves,  being  merely  a  part  of  their  proprietor 's  property  like  any 
other  goods  and  chattels,  the  law  took  no  cognizance  of  them. 

•.v,'«-VjvV<.<v,:>. )  'V.noiijmn-jO  9011! 

••:,    >-fii-A  <>'  iM-ui-f  iif  in  iiHM'im  -      ! ••'«•/•  ,•>•••••. --,-••-,. .fto  "t,      (,<,  {  .- 1 ,i  . -j-i •• 

OFFICIAL  ORGANIZATION 

Under  the  Daiho  code  a  more  elaborate  system  of  administrative  organization 
was  effected  than  that  conceived  by  the  Daika  reformers.  In  the  Central 
Government  there  were  two  boards,  eight  departments,  and  one  office,  namely : 
(1).  The  Jingi-kwan,  or  Board  of  Religion  (Shinto).  This  stood  at  the  head  of 
all,  in  recognition  of  the  divine  origin  of  the  Imperial  family.  A  Japanese  work 
(Nihon  Kodaiho  Shakugi)  explains  the  fundamental  tenet  of  the  nation's  creed 
thus:  "  If  a  State  has  its  origin  in  military  prowess,  which  is  essentially  human, 
then  by  human  agencies  also  a  State  may  be  overthrown.  To  be  secure  against 
such  vicissitudes  a  throne  must  be  based  upon  something  superior  to  man's 
potentialities.  Divine  authority  alone  fulfils  that  definition,  and  it  is  because 
the  throne  of  Japan  had  a  superhuman  foundation  that  its  existence  is  perennial. 
Therefore  the  Jingi-kwan  stands  above  all  others  in  the  State."  In  another, 
book  (Jingi-ryo)  we  find  it  stated:  "All  the  deities  L  of  heaven  and  earth  are 
worshipped  in  the  Jingi-kwan.  On  the  day  of  the  coronation  the  Nakatomi 
performs  service  to  the  deities  of  heaven  and  the  Imibe  makes  offerings  of  three 
kinds  of  sacred  articles." 

Thus,  though  the  models  for  the  Daiho  system  were  taken  from  China,  they 
were  adapted  to  Japanese  customs  and  traditions,  as  is  proved  by  the  premier 

I1  The  eight  Kami  specially  worshipped  in  the  Jingi-kwan  were  Taka-mi-musubi,  Kammi- 
musubi,  Tamatsume-musubi,  Iku-musubi,  Taru-musubi,  Omiya  no  me,  Miketsu,  and  Koto- 
shiro-nushi.] 


THE  DAIHO  LAWS  AND  THE   YORO  LAWS  179 

place  given  to  the  Jingi-kwan.  Worship  and  religious  ceremonial  have  always 
taken  precedence  of  secular  business  in  the  Court  of  Japan.  Not  only  at  the 
central  seat  of  government  did  the  year  commence  with  worship,  but  in  the 
provinces,  also,  the  first  thing  recorded  by  a  newly  appointed  governor  was  his 
visit  to  the  Shinto  shrines,  and  on  the  opening  day  of  each  month  he  repaired 
thither  to  offer  the  gohei.1  Religious  rites,  in  short,  were  the  prime  function  of 
government,  and  therefore,  whereas  the  office  charged  with  these  duties  ranked 
low  in  the  Tang  system,  it  was  placed  at  the  head  of  all  in  Japan. 

(2).  The  Daijo-kwan  (called  also  Dajo-kwari),  or  Board  of  Privy  Council. 
This  office  ranked  next  to  the  Board  of  Religion  and  had  the  duty  of  superintend- 
ing the  eight  State  departments.  Its  personnel  consisted  of  the  prime  minister 
(daijo-daijin  or  dajo-daijin),  the  minister  of  the  Left  (sa-daijiri),  and  the  minister 
of  the  Right  (u-daijiri) . 

(3).  The  Nakatsukasa-sho,  or  Central  Department  of  State  (literally, 
"Intermediate  Transacting  Department"),  which  was  not  an  executive  office, 
its  chief  duties  being  to  transmit  the  sovereign's  decrees  to  the  authorities 
concerned  and  the  memorials  of  the  latter  to  the  former,  as  well  as  to  discharge 
consultative  functions. 

(4).  The  Shikibu-sho,  or  Department  of  Ceremonies.  This  office  had  to 
consider  and  determine  the  promotion  and  degradation  of  officials  according  to 
their  competence  and  character. 

(5).  The  Jibu-sho,  or  Department  of  Civil  Government,  which  examined 
and  determined  everything  concerning  the  position  of  noblemen,  and  adminis- 
tered affairs  relating  to  priests,  nuns,  and  members  of  the  Bambetsu,2  that  is  to 
say,  men  of  foreign  nationality  residing  in  Japan. 

(6).  The  Mimbu-sho,  or  Department  of  Civil  Affairs.  An  office  which 
managed  affairs  relating  to  the  land  and  the  people,  to  taxes  and  to  forced 
services. 

(7).     The  Gyobu-sho,  or  Department  of  Justice. 

(8).     The  Okura-sho,  or  Department  of  Finance. 

(9).     The  Kunai-sho,  or  Imperial  Household  Department. 
(10).     The  Hydbu-sho,  or  Department  of  War. 

(11).  The  Danjo-dai,  or  Office  of  Censorship,  This  office  had  the  duty  of 
correcting  civil  customs  and  punishing  and  conduct  on  the  part  of  officials.  In 
the  year  799,  Kwammu  being  then  on  the  throne,  a  law  was  enacted  for  the 
Danjo-dai.  It  consisted  of  eighty-three  articles,  and  it  had  the  effect  of  greatly 
augmenting  the  powers  of  the  office.  But  in  the  period  810-829,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  organize  a  special  bureau  of  kebiishi,  or  executive  police,  to  which 
the  functions  of  the  Danjo-dai  subsequently  passed,  as  did  also  those  of  the 
Gyobu-sho  in  great  part.  These  two  boards,  eight  departments,  and  one  office  all 
had  their  locations  within  the  palace  enclosure,  so  that  the  Imperial  Court  and 
the  Administration  were  not  differentiated. 

[  £08 
LOCAL  ADMINISTRATIVE  MACHINERY 

For  administrative  purposes  the  capital  was  divided  into  two  sections,  the 
Eastern  and  the  Western,  which  were  controlled  by  a  Left  Metropolitan  Office 

1  Angular  bunches  of  white  paper  stripes,  representing  the  cloth  offerings  originally  tied 
to  branches  of  the  sacred  cleyera  tree  at  festival  time.] 

[2  The  reader  is  already  familiar  with  the  terms  "Kwobetsu" and  "Shimbetsu."  All  aliens 
were  classed  as  Bambetsu.] 


180  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  a  Right  Metropolitan  Office,  respectively.  In  Naniwa  (Osaka)  also,  which 
ranked  as  a  city  of  special  importance,  there  was  an  executive  office  called  the 
Settsitr-shoku  —  Settsu  being  the  name  of  the  province  in  which  the  town  stood  — 
and  in  Chikuzen  province  there  was  the  Dazai-fu  (Great  Administrative  Office), 
which  had  charge  of  foreign  relations  in  addition  to  being  the  seat  of  the  gover- 
nor-generalship of  the  whole  island  of  Kyushu.  In  spite  of  its  importance  as  an 
administrative  post,  the  Dazai-fu,  owing  to  its  distance  from  the  capital,  came 
to  be  regarded  as  a  place  of  exile  for  high  officials  who  had  fallen  out  of  Imperial 
favour. 

The  empire  was  divided  into  provinces  (kuni)  of  four  classes — great,  superior, 
medium,  and  inferior, —  and  each  province  was  subdivided  into  districts  (kori) 
of  five  classes — great,  superior,  medium,  inferior,  and  small.  The  term  "prov- 
ince" had  existed  from  remote  antiquity,  but  it  represented  at  the  outset  a 
comparatively  small  area,  for  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Keitai  (A.D.  507-531), 
there  were  144  kuni.  This  number  was  largely  reduced  in  the  sequel  of  surveys 
and  re-adjustments  of  boundaries  during  the  Daika  era  (645-650),  and  after 
the  Daiho  reforms  (701-704)  it  stood  at  fifty-eight,  but  subsequently,  at  an 
uncertain  date,  it  grew  to  sixty-six  and  remained  permanently  thus.  The  kori 
(district)  of  the  Daika  and  Daiho  reforms  had  originally  been  called  agata 
(literally  "arable  land"),  and  had  been  subdivided  into  inaki  (granary)  and 
mura  (village).  A  miyatsuko  had  administered  the  affairs  of  the  kuni,  holding 
the  office  by  hereditary  right,  and  the  agata  —  of  which  there  were  about  590, 
a  frequently  changing  total — as  well  as  the  inaki  and  the  mura  had  been  under 
officials  called  nushi.  But  according  to  the  Daika  and  Daiho  systems,  each 
kuni  was  placed  under  a  governor  (kokushi),  chosen  on  account  of  competence 
and  appointed  for  a  term  of  four  years;  each  district  (kori)  was  administered 
by  a  cho  (chief). 

MILITARY  INSTITUTIONS 

In  the  capital  there  were  three  bodies  of  guards;  namely,  the  emon-fu  (gate 
guards);  the  sa-eji-fu  and  the  u-eji-fu  (Left  and  Right  watches).  There  was 
also  the  sa-ma-ryo  and  the  u-ma-ryo  (cavalry  of  the  Left  and  of  the  Right),  and 
the  sa-hyogo-ryo  and  the  u-hyogo-ryo  (Left  and  Right  Departments  of  Supply). 
These  divisions  into  "left"  and  "right,"  and  the  precedence  given  to  the  left, 
were  derived  from  China,  but  it  has  to  be  observed  in  Japan's  case  that  the 
metropolis  itself  was  similarly  divided  into  left  and  right  quarters.  Outside 
the  capital  each  province  had  an  army  corps  (gundan),  and  one-third  of  all  the 
able-bodied  men  (seitei),  from  the  age  of  twenty  to  that  of  sixty,  were  required 
to  serve  with  the  colours  of  an  army  corps  for  a  fixed  period  each  year.  From 
these  provincial  troops  drafts  were  taken  every  year  for  a  twelve-month 's  duty 
as  palace  guards  (eji)  in  the  metropolis,  and  others  were  detached  for  three-years ' 
service  as  frontier  guards  (saki-mori)  in  the  provinces  lying  along  the  western 
sea  board. 

The  army  corps  differed  numerically  according  to  the  extent  of  the  province 
where  they  had  their  headquarters,  but  for  each  thousand  men  there  were  one 
colonel  (taiki)  and  two  lieutenant-colonels  (shoki) ;  for  every  five  hundred  men, 
one  major  (gunki);  for  every  two  hundred,  one  captain  (koi)',  for  every  one 
hundred,  a  lieutenant  (ryosui),  and  for  every  fifty,  a  sergeant-major  (taisei).  As 
for  the  privates,  they  were  organized  in  groups  of  five  (go);  ten  (kwa),  and  fifty 
(tai).  Those  who  could  draw  a  bow  and  manage  a  horse  were  enrolled  in  the 
cavalry,  the  rest  being  infantry.  From  each  tai  two  specially  robust  men  were 


THE  DAIHO  LAWS  AND  THE   YORO  LAWS  181 

selected  as  archers,  and  for  each  kwa  there  were  six  pack-horses.  The  equipment 
of  a  soldier  on  campaign  included  a  large  sword  (tachi)  and  a  small  sword  (katana 
or  sashi-zoe)  together  with  a  quiver  (yanagui  or  ebira) ;  but  in  time  of  peace  these 
were  kept  in  store,  the  daily  exercises  being  confined  to  the  use  of  the  spear,  the 
catapult  (ishi-yumi)  and  the  bow,  and  to  the  practice  of  horsemanship.  When 
several  army  corps  were  massed  to  the  number  of  ten  thousand  or  more,  their 
staff  consisted  of  a  general  (shogun),  two  lieutenant-generals  (fuku-shogun) , 
two  army-inspectors  (gunkan) ,  four  secretaries  (rokuji) ,  and  four  sergeants  (gun- 
so}.  If  more  than  one  such  force  took  the  field,  the  whole  was  commanded  by  a 
general-in-chief. 

APPOINTMENT  AND  PROMOTION 

The  law  provided  that  appointment  to  office  and  promotion  should  depend, 
not  upon  rank,  but  upon  knowledge  and  capacity.  Youths  who  had  graduated 
at  the  university  were  divided  into  three  categories:  namely,  those  of  eminent 
talent  (shusai);  those  having  extensive  knowledge  of  the  Chinese  classics 
(meikei},  and  those  advanced  in  knowledge  (shinshi).  Official  vacancies  were 
filled  from  these  three  classes  in  the  order  here  set  down,  and  promotion  subse- 
quently depended  on  proficiency.  But  though  thus  apparently  independent  of 
inherited  rank,  the  law  was  not  so  liberal  in  reality.  For  admission  to  the  portals 
of  the  university  was  barred  to  all  except  nobles  or  the  sons  and  grandsons  of 
literati.  Scions  of  noble  families  down  to  the  fifth  rank  had  the  right  of  entry, 
and  scions  of  nobles  of  the  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  ranks  were  admitted  by 
nomination. 

OFFICIAL  EMOLUMENT 

Remuneration  to  officials  took  the  form  of  revenue  derived  from  lands  and 
houses,  but  this  subject  can  be  treated  more  intelligently  when  we  come  to  speak 
of  the  land. 

THE  PEOPLE 

According  to  the  Daiho  laws  one  family  constituted  a  household.  But  the 
number  of  a  family  was  not  limited :  it  included  brothers  and  their  wives  and 
children,  as  well  as  male  and  female  servants,  so  that  it  might  comprise  as  many 
as  one  hundred  persons.  The  eldest  legitimate  son  was  the  head  of  the  household, 
and  its  representative  in  the  eyes  of  the  law.  A  very  minute  census  was  kept. 
Children  up  to  three  years  of  age  were  classed  as  "yellow"  (kwo] ;  those  between 
three  and  sixteen,  as  "little"  (sho);  those  members  of  the  household  between 
sixteen  and  twenty,  as  "middling"  (c/m);  those  between  twenty  and  sixty,  as 
"able-bodied"  (tei),  and  those  above  sixty  as  "old"  or  "invalids,"  so  as  to 
secure  their  exemption  from  forced  labour  (kayaku  or  buyaku).  The  census  was 
revised  every  six  years,  two  copies  of  the  revised  document  being  sent  to  the 
privy  council  (Daijo-kwan)  and  one  kept  in  the  district  concerned.  It  was 
customary,  however,  to  preserve  permanently  the  census  of  every  thirtieth  year  1 
for  purposes  of  record,  and  moreover  the  census  taken  in  the  ninth  year  of 
Tenchi's  reign  (670)  2  was  also  kept  as  a  reference  for  personal  names.  To 
facilitate  the  preservation  of  good  order  and  morality,  each  group  of  five  house- 
holds was  formed  into  an  "association  of  five"  (goho  or  gonin-gumi)  with  a 
recognized  head  (hocho) ;  and  fifty  households  constituted  a  village  (sato  or  mura), 

[*  This  was  called  gohi-seki;  i.e.,  comparative  record  for  a  period  of  five  times  six  years.] 
L2  It  was  designated  the  Kogoanen-seki,  from  the  cyclical  name  of  the  year.] 


182  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

which  was  the  smallest  administrative  unit.  The  village  had  a  mayor  (richo), 
whose  functions  were  to  keep  a  record  of  the  number  of  persons  in  each  house- 
hold; to  encourage  diligence  in  agriculture  and  sericulture;  to  reprove,  and,  if 
necessary,  to  report  all  evil  conduct,  and  to  stimulate  the  discharge  of  public 
service.  Thus  the  district  chief  (guncho  or  gunryo)  had  practically  little  to  do 
beyond  superintending  the  richo. 

THE  LAND 

The  land  laws  of  the  Daiho  era,  like  those  of  the  Daika,  were  based  on  the 
hypothesis  that  all  land  throughout  the  country  was  the  property  of  the  Crown, 
and  that  upon  the  latter  devolved  the  responsibility  of  equitable  distribution 
among  the  people.  Rice  being  the  chief  staple  of  diet  and  also  the  standard  of 
exchange,  rice-lands  —  that  is  to  say,  irrigated  fields  —  were  regarded  as  most 
important.  The  law  —  already  referred  to  in  connexion  with  the  Daika  era 
but  here  cited  again  for  the  sake  of  clearness  —  enacted  that  all  persons,  on 
attaining  the  age  of  five,  became  entitled  to  two  tan  of  such  land,  females 
receiving  two-thirds  of  that  amount.  Land  thus  allotted  was  called  kubun-den, 
or  "sustenance  land"  (literally,  " mouth-share  land").  The  tan  was  taken  for 
unit,  because  it  represented  360  bu  (or  ho),  and  as  the  rice  produced  on  one  bu 
constituted  one  day 's  ration  for  an  adult  male,  a  tan  yielded  enough  for  one  year 
(the  year  being  360  days).1 

The  theory  of  distribution  was  that  the  produce  of  one  tan  served  for  food,  while 
with  the  produce  of  the  second  tan  the  cost  of  clothes  and  so  forth  was  defrayed. 
The  Daika  and  Daiho  legislators  alike  laid  down  the  principle  that  rice-fields 
thus  allotted  should  be  held  for  a  period  of  six  years  only,  after  which  they  were 
to  revert  to  the  Crown  for  redistribution,  and  various  detailed  regulations  were 
compiled  to  meet  contingencies  that  might  arise  in  carrying  out  the  system. 
But,  of  course,  it  proved  quite  unpracticable,  and  though  that  lesson  obviously 
remained  unlearned  during  the  cycle  that  separated  the  Daika  and  the  Daiho 
periods,  there  is  good  reason  to  think  that  these  particular  provisions  of  the 
land  law  (Den-ryo)  soon  became  a  dead  letter. 

A  different  method  was  pursued,  however,  in  the  case  of  uplands  (as  distin- 
guished from  wet  fields).  These  —  called  onchi  z  —  were  parcelled  out  among 
the  families  residing  in  a  district,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  and  were 
held  in  perpetuity,  never  reverting  to  the  Crown  unless  a  family  became  extinct. 
Such  land  might  be  bought  or 'sold  —  except  to  a  Buddhist  temple  —  but  its 
tenure  was  conditional  upon  planting  from  one  hundred  to  three  hundred 
mulberry  trees  (for  purposes  of  sericulture)  and  from  forty  to  one  hundred 
lacquer  trees,  according  to  the  grade  of  the  tenant  family.  Ownership  of 
building-land  (takuchi)  was  equally  in  perpetuity,  though  its  transfer  required 
official  approval,  but  dwellings  or  warehouses  —  which  in  Japan  have  always 
been  regarded  as  distinct  from  the  land  on  which  they  stand  —  might  be  disposed 
of  at  pleasure.  It  is  not  to  be  inferred  from  the  above  that  all  the  land  through- 
out the  Empire  was  divided  among  the  people.  Considerable  tracts  were 
reserved  for  special  purposes.  Thus,  in  five  home  provinces  (Go-Kinai)  two 

['  Tho  l,u  in  early  times  represented  5  shaku  square,  or  25  square  shaku  (1  seki  =  1  foot 

ery  nearly) ;  but  as  the  shaku  (10  sun)  then  measured  2  sun  (1  sun  =  1^  inch)  more  than  the 

shaku  of  later  aces,  the  modern  bu  (or  tsubo)  is  &  square  of  6  shaku  side,  or  36  square  shaku, 

though  in  actual  dimensions  the  ancient  and  the  modern  are  equal.] 

fields ?aUed  als°  yenchi-    These  uP!ands  were  regarded  as  of  little  value  compared  with  rice- 


THE  DAIHO  LAWS  AND  THE   YORO  LAWS  183 

tracts  of  seventy-five  acres  each  were  kept  for  the  Court  in  Yamato  and  Settsu, 
and  two  tracts  of  thirty  acres  each  in  Kawachi  and  Yamashiro,  such  land  being 
known  as  kwanden  (official  fields),  and  being  under  the  direct  control  of  the 
Imperial  Household  Department. 

There  were  also  three  other  kinds  of  special  estates,  namely,  iden,  or  lands 
granted  to  mark  official  ranks;  shokubunden,  or  lands  given  as  salary  to  office- 
holders; and  koden,  or  lands  bestowed  in  recognition  of  merit.  As  to  the  iden, 
persons  of  the  four  Imperial  ranks  received  from  one  hundred  to  two  hundred 
acres,  and  persons  belonging  to  any  of  the  five  official  grades  —  in  each  of  which 
there  were  two  classes  —  were  given  from  twenty  to  two  hundred,  females 
receiving  two-thirds  of  a  male 's  allotment.  Coming  to  salary  lands,  we  find  a 
distinction  between  officials  serving  in  the  capital  (zaikyo)  and  those  serving  in 
the  provinces  (zaige) .  Among  the  former,  the  principal  were  the  prime  minister 
(one  hundred  acres),  the  ministers  of  the  Left  and  Right  (seventy-five  acres  each) 
and  the  great  councillor  (fifty  acres).  As  for  provincial  officials,  the  highest, 
namely,  the  governor  of  Kyushu  (who  had  his  seat  at  the  Dazai-fu),  received 
twenty-five  acres,  and  the  lowest,  one  and  a  half  acres.  Governors  of  provinces 
—  which  were  divided  into  four  classes  (great,  superior,  medium,  and  inferior)  — 
received  from  four  acres  to  six  and  a  half  acres;  an  official  (dai-hanji) ,  correspond- 
ing to  a  chief-justice,  had  five  acres;  a  puisne  justice  (sho-hanji),  four  acres;  an 
officer  in  command  of  an  army  corps,  four  acres,  and  a  literary  professor  (hakushi), 
four  acres.  Grants  of  land  as  salaries  for  official  duties  were  made  even  to  post- 
towns  for  the  purpose  of  defraying  the  expense  of  coolies  and  horses  for  official 
use.  Finally,  there  were  koden,  or  lands  bestowed  in  recognition  of  distinguished 
public  services.  Of  such  services  four  grades  were  differentiated:  namely, 
"great  merit"  (taiko),  for  which  the  grant  was  made  in  perpetuity;  "superior 
merit"  (jokci),  which  was  rewarded  with  land  held  for  three  generations;  "medi- 
um merit"  (chuko),  in  which  case  the  land-title  had  validity  to  the  second 
generation  only,  and  "inferior  merit"  (geko),  where  the  land  did  not  descend 
beyond  a  son  or  a  daughter.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  in  determining  the  order 
of  eligibility  for  grants  of  sustenance  land  (kubunden),  preference  was  given  to 
the  poor  above  the  rich,  and  that  the  officials  in  a  province  were  allowed  to 
cultivate  unoccupied  land  for  their  own  profit. 


TAXATION 

There  were  three  kinds  of  imposts;  namely,  tax  (so),  forced  service  (yd  or 
kayaku)  and  tribute  (cho).  The  tax  was  three  per  cent,  of  the  gross  produce  of 
the  land  —  namely,  three  sheaves  of  rice  out  of  every  hundred  in  the  case  of  a 
male,  and  two  out  of  sixty-six  in  the  case  of  a  female.  The  tribute  was  much 
more  important,  for  it  meant  that  every  able-bodied  male  had  to  pay  a  fixed 
quantity  of  silk-fabric,  pongee,  raw-silk,  raw-cotton,  indigo  (675  grains  troy), 
rouge  (the  same  quantity),  copper  (two  and  a  quarter  Ibs.),  and,  if  in  an  Imperial 
domain,  an  additional  piece  of  cotton  cloth,  thirteen  feet  long.  Finally,  the 
forced  service  meant  thirty  days '  labour  annually  for  each  able-bodied  male  and 
fifteen  days  for  a  minor.  Sometimes  this  compulsory  service  might  be  commuted 
at  the  rate  of  two  and  a  half  feet  of  cotton  cloth  for  each  day's  work.  Exemption 
from  forced  labour  was  granted  to  persons  of  and  above  the  grade  of  official  rank 
and  to  their  families  through  three  generations;  to  persons  of  and  above  the 
fifth  grade  and  to  their  families  for  two  generations;  to  men  of  the  Imperial 
blood;  to  the  sick,  the  infirm,  the  deformed,  females,  and  slaves.  Forced  labour- 


184 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


era  were  allowed  to  rest  from  noon  to  4  P.M.  in  July  and  August.  They  were  not 
required  to  work  at  night.  If  they  fell  sick  so  as  to  be  unable  to  labour  out  of 
doors,  they  were  allowed  only  half  rations.  If  they  were  taken  ill  on  their  way  to 
their  place  of  work,  they  were  left  to  the  care  of  the  local  authorities  and  fed  at 
public  charge.  If  they  died,  a  coffin  was  furnished  out  of  the  public  funds,  and 
the  corpse,  unless  claimed,  was  cremated,  the  ashes  being  buried  by  the  wayside 
and  a  mark  set  up.  Precise  rules  as  to  inheritance  were  laid  down.  A  mother 
and  a  step-mother  ranked  equally  with  the  eldest  son  for  that  purpose,  each 
receiving  two  parts;  younger  sons  received  one  part,  and  concubines  and  female 
children  received  one-half  of  a  part.  There  were  also  strict  rules  as  to  the 
measure  of  relief  from  taxation  granted  in  the  event  of  crop-failure. 

IMPORTANCE  OF  DAIHO  LAWS 

What  has  been  set  down  above  constitutes  only  a  petty  fraction  of  the 
Daiho  legislation,  but  it  will  suffice  to  furnish  an  idea  of  Japanese  civilization  in 
the  eighth  century  of  the  Christian  era  —  a  civilization  which  shared  with  that 
of  China  the  credit  of  being  the  most  advanced  in  the  world  at  that  time. 


HATSUNE-NO-TANA 
(A  Gold-lacquered  Stand  or  Cabinet) 


SLT'IOUI  a&3/-OJAt. 


'10  . 


STATUES  OF  SHAKA  AND  TWO  BOSATSUS  IN  THE  KONDO  OF  THE  HORYU-JI 


CHAPTER  XVII 
THE   NARA  EPOCH 

j-.u  ^ij  jujju  p/vJ j..,ig?i  .^  Mnnr'.'A-.- •:':-''>t\".  T  ••-  i"       .   f- 

_ 
THE  FORTY-THIRD  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPRESS  GEMMYO   (A.D.  708-715) 

THE  Empress  Gemmyo,  fourth  daughter  of  the  Emperor  Tenchi  and  consort 
of  Prince  Kusakabe,  was  the  mother  of  the  Emperor  Mommu,  whose  accession 
had  been  the  occasion  of  the  first  formal  declaration  of  the  right  of  primogeniture 
(vide  Chapter  XV) .  Mommu,  dying,  willed  that  the  throne  should  be  occupied 
by  his  mother  in  trust  for  his  infant  son  —  afterwards  Emperor  Shomu. 


REMOVAL  OF  THE  CAPITAL  TO  NARA 

In  ancient  times  it  was  customary  to  change  the  locality  of  the  Imperial 
capital  with  each  change  of  sovereign.  This  custom,  dictated  by  the  Shinto 
conception  of  impurity  attaching  to  sickness  and  death,  exercised  a  baleful 
influence  on  architectural  development,  and  constituted  a  heavy  burden  upon  the 
people,  whose  forced  labour  was  largely  requisitioned  for  the  building  of  the  new 
palace.  Kotoku,  when  he  promulgated  his  system  of  centralized  administration, 
conceived  the  idea_of  a  fixed  capital  and  selected  Naniwa.  But  the  Emperor 
Tenchi  moved  to  Omi,  Temmu  to  Asuka  (in  Yamato)  and  the  Empress  Jito  to 
Fujiwara  (in  Yamato).  Mommu  remained  at  the  latter  place  until  the  closing 
year  (707)  of  his  reign,  when,  finding  the  site  inconvenient,  he  gave  orders  for  the 
selection  of  another.  But  his  death  interrupted  the  project,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  second  year  of  the  Empress  Gemmyo 's  reign  that  the  Court  finally  removed 

185 


186  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

to  Nara,  where  it  remained  for  seventy-five  years,  throughout  the  reigns  of  seven 
sovereigns.  Nara,  in  the  province  of  Yamato,  lies  nearly  due  south  of  KySto  at 
a  distance  of  twenty-six  miles  from  the  latter.  History  does  not  say  why  it  was 
selected,  nor  have  any  details  of  its  plan  been  transmitted.  To-day  it  is  celebrat- 
ed for  scenic  beauties  —  a  spacious  park  with  noble  trees  and  softly  contoured 
hills,  sloping  down  to  a  fair  expanse  of  lake,  and  enshrining  in  their  dales  ancient 
temples,  wherein  are  preserved  many  fine  specimens  of  Japanese  art,  glyptic  and 
pictorial,  of  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries.  Nothing  remains  of  the  palace 
where  the  Court  resided  throughout  a  cycle  and  a  half,  nearly  twelve  hundred 
years  ago,  but  one  building,  a  storehouse  called  Shoso-in,  survives  in  its  primitive 
form  and  constitutes  a  landmark  in  the  annals  of  Japanese  civilization,  for  it 
contains  specimens  of  all  the  articles  that  were  in  daily  use  by  the  sovereigns  of 
the  Nara  epoch. 

JAPANESE  COINS 

There  is  obscurity  about  the  production  of  the  precious  metals  in  old  Japan. 
That  gold,  silver,  and  copper  were  known  and  used  is  certain,  for  in  the  dolmens, 
—  which  ceased  to  be  built  from  about  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  (A.D.)  — 
copper  ear-rings  plated  with  gold  are  found,  and  gold-copper  images  of  Buddha 
were  made  in  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Suiko  (605),  while  history  says  that 
silver  was  discovered  in  the  island  of  Tsushima  in  the  second  year  of  the  Emperor 
Temmu  's  reign  (674).  From  the  same  island,  gold  also  is  recorded  to  have  come 
in  701,  but  in  the  case  of  the  yellow  and  the  white  metal  alike,  the  supply  obtained 
was  insignificant,  and  indeed  modern  historians  are  disposed  to  doubt  whether 
the  alleged  Tsushima  gold  was  not  in  reality  brought  from  Korea  vid  that  island. 
On  the  whole,  the  evidence  tends  to  show  that,  during  the  first  seven  centuries 
of  the  Christian  era,  Japan  relied  on  Korea  mainly,  and  on  China  partially, 
for  her  supply  of  the  precious  metals.  Yet  neither  gold,  silver,  nor  copper  coins 
seem  to  have  been  in  anything  like  general  use  until  the  Wado  era  (708-715). 

Coined  money  had  already  been  a  feature  of  Chinese  civilization  since  the 
fourth  century  before  Christ,  and  when  Japan  began  to  take  models  from  her 
great  neighbour  during  the  Sui  and  Tang  dynasties,  she  cannot  have  failed  to 
appreciate  the  advantages  of  artificial  media  of  exchange.  The  annals  allege 
that  in  A.D.  677  the  first  mint  was  established,  and  that  in  683  an  ordinance 
prescribed  that  the  silver  coins  struck  there  should  be  superseded  by  copper. 
But  this  rule  did  not  remain  long  in  force,  nor  have  there  survived  any  coins, 
whether  of  silver  or  of  copper,  certainly- identifiable  as  antecedent  to  the  Wado 
era.  It  was  in  the  year  of  the  Empress  Gemmyo  's  accession  (708)  that  deposits 
of  copper  were  found  in  the  Chichibu  district  of  Musashi  province,  and  the  event 
seemed  sufficiently  important  to  call  for  a  change  of  year-name  to  Wado  (refined 
copper).  Thenceforth,  corns  of  copper — or  more  correctly,  bronze  —  were 
regularly  minted  and  gradually  took  the  place  of  rice  or  cotton  cloth  as  units  of 
value. 

It  would  seem  that,  from  the  close  of  the  seventh  century,  a  wave  of  mining 
industry  swept  over  Japan.  Silver  was  procured  from  the  provinces  of  lyo  and 
Kii;  copper  from  Inaba  and  Suo",  and  tin  from  Ise,  Tamba,  and  lyo.  All  this 
happened  between  the  years  690  and708,  but  the  discovery  of  copper  in  the  latter 
year  in  Chichibu  was  on  comparatively  the  largest  scale,  and  may  be  said  to  have 
given  the  first  really  substantial  impetus  to  coining.  For  some  unrecorded 
reason  silver  pieces  were  struck  first  and  were  followed  by  copper  a  few  months 
later.  Both  were  of  precisely  the  same  form  —  round  with  a  square  hole  in  the 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  187 

middle  to  facilitate  threading  on  a  string  —  both  were  of  the  same  denomination 
(one  won),  and  both  bore  the  same  superscription  (Wado  Kaiho,  or  "opening 
treasure  of  refined  copper"),  the  shape,  the  denomination,  and  the  legend  being 
taken  from  a  coin  of  the  Tang  dynasty  struck  eighty-eight  years  previously. 
It  was  ordered  that  in  using  these  pieces  silver  should  be  paid  in  the  case  of  sums 
of  or  above  four  mon,  and  copper  in  the  case  of  sums  of  or  below  three  won,  the 
value  of  the  silver  coin  being  four  times  that  of  the  copper.  But  the  silver  tokens 
soon  ceased  to  be  current  and  copper  mainly  occupied  the  field,  a  position  which 
it  held  for  250  years,  from  708  to  958.  During  that  interval,  twelve  forms  of 
sen l  were  struck.  They  deteriorated  steadily  in  quality,  owing  to  growing 
scarcity  of  the  supply  of  copper;  and,  partly  to  compensate  for  the  increased  cost 
of  the  metal,  partly  to  minister  to  official  greed,  the  new  issues  were  declared,  on 
several  occasions,  to  have  a  value  ten  times  as  great  as  their  immediate  prede- 
cessors. Concerning  that  value,  the  annals  state  that  in  711  the  purchasing 
power  of  the  mon  (i.e.,  of  the  one-sen  token)  was  sixty  go  of  rice,  and  as  the  daily 
ration  for  a  full-grown  man  is  five  go,  it  follows  that  one  sen  originally  sufficed 
for  twelve  days'  sustenance.2 

Much  difficulty  was  experienced  in  weaning  the  people  from  their  old  custom 
of  barter  and  inducing  them  to  use  coins.  The  Government  seems  to  have 
recognized  that  there  could  not  be  any  effective  spirit  of  economy  so  long  as 
perishable  goods  represented  the  standard  of  value,  and  in  order  to  popularize 
the  use  of  the  new  tokens  as  well  as  to  encourage  thrift,  it  was  decreed  that 
grades  of  rank  would  be  bestowed  upon  men  who  had  saved  certain  sums  in 
coin.  At  that  time  (711),  official  salaries  had  already  been  fixed  in  terms  of  the 
Wado  sen.  The  highest  received  thirty  pieces  of  cloth,  one  hundred  hanks  of 
silk  and  two  thousand  mon,  while  in  the  case  of  an  eighth-class  official  the 
corresponding  figures  were  one  piece  of  cloth  and  twenty  mon.3  The  edict  for 
promoting  economy  embodied  a  schedule  according  to  which,  broadly  speaking, 
two  steps  of  executive  rank  could  be  gained  by  amassing  twenty  thousand  mon 
and  one  step  by  saving  five  thousand. 

Observing  that  the  fundamental  principle  of  a  sound  token  of  exchange  was 
wholly  disregarded  in  these  Wado  sen,  since  their  intrinsic  value  bore  no  appreci- 
able ratio  to  their  purchasing  power,  and  considering  also  the  crudeness  of  their 
manufacture,  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that  within  a  few  months  of  their 
appearance  they  were  extensively  forged.  What  is  much  more  notable  is  that 
the  Wado  sen  remained  in  circulation  for  fifty  years.  The  extraordinary  ratio, 
however,  by  which  copper  and  silver  were  linked  together  originally,  namely, 
4  to  1,  did  not  survive;  in  721  it  was  changed  to  25  to  10,  and  in  the  following 
year  to  50  to  10.  Altogether,  as  was  not  unnatural,  the  early  treatment  of  this 
coinage  question  by  Japanese  statesmen  showed  no  trace  of  scientific  perception. 
The  practice,  pursued  almost  invariably,  of  multiplying  by  ten  the  purchasing 
power  of  each  new  issue  of  sen,  proved,  of  course,  enormously  profitable  to  the 

t1  The  ideograph  sen  signified  originally  a  "fountain,"  and  its  employment  to  designate  a 
poin  seems  to  have  been  suggested  by  an  idea  analogous  to  that  underlying  the  English  word 
"currency."] 

[2  "At  the  present  time  the  wages  of  a  carpenter  are  almost  a  yen  a  day.  Now  the  yen  is 
equal  to  1000  mon  of  the  smaller  sen  and  to  500  mon  of  the  larger  ones,  so  that  he  could  have 
provided  himself  with  rice,  if  we  count  only  500  mon  to  the  yen,  for  sixteen  years  on  the  wages 
which  he  receives  for  one  day's  labour  in  1900."  (Munro's  Coins  of  Japan.)] 

[3  These  figures  sound  ludicrously  small  if  translated  into  present-day  money,  for  1000 
mon  go  to  the  yen,  and  the  latter  being  the  equivalent  of  two  shillings,  20  mon  represents  less 
then  a  half -penny.  But  of  course  the  true  calculation  is  that  20  mon  represented  240  days' 
rations  of  rice  in  the  Wado  schedule  of  values.] 


188  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

issuers,  but  could  not  fail  to  distress  the  people  and  to  render  unpopular  such 
arbitrarily  varying  tokens. 

The  Government  spared  no  effort  to  correct  the  latter  result,  and  some  of  the 
devices  employed  were  genuinely  progressive.  In  that  epoch  travellers  had  to 
carry  their  own  provisions,  and  not  uncommonly  the  supply  ran  short  before 
they  reached  their  destination,  the  result  sometimes  being  death  from  starvation 
on  the  roadside.  It  was  therefore  ordered  that  in  every  district  (korf)  a  certain 
portion  of  rice  should  be  stored  at  a  convenient  place  for  sale  to  wayfarers,  and 
these  were  advised  to  provide  themselves  with  a  few  sen  before  setting  out.  It 
is  evident  that,  since  one  of  the  Wado  coins  sufficed  to  buy  rice  for  twelve  days ' 
rations,  a  traveller  was  not  obliged  to  burden  himself  with  many  of  these  tokens. 
Wealthy  persons  in  the  provinces  were  also  admonished  to  set  up  roadside  shops 
for  the  sale  of  rice,  and  anyone  who  thus  disposed  of  one  hundred  koku  in  a  year 
was  to  be  reported  to  the  Court  for  special  reward.  Moreover,  no  district 
governor  (gunryo),  however  competent,  was  counted  eligible  for  promotion 
unless  he  had  saved  six  thousand  sen,  and  it  was  enacted  that  all  taxes  might 
be  paid  in  copper  coin.  In  spite  of  all  this,  however,  the  use  of  metallic  media 
was  limited  for  a  long  time  to  the  upper  classes  and  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
five  home  provinces.  Elsewhere  the  old  habit  of  barter  continued. 

THE  FORTY-FOURTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPRESS  GENSHO   (A.D.  715-723) 

In  the  year  715,  the  Empress  Gemmyo,  after  a  reign  of  seven  years,  abdicated 
in  favour  of  her  daughter,  Gensho.  This  is  the  only  instance  in  Japanese  history 
of  an  Empress  succeeding  an  Empress. 

HISTORICAL  COMPILATION 

The  reigns  of  these  two  Empresses  are  memorable  for  the  compilation  of  the 
two  oldest  Japanese  histories  which  have  been  handed  down  to  the  present 
epoch,  the  Kojiki  and  the  Nihongi;  but  as  the  circumstances  in  which  these  works, 
as  well  as  the  Fudoki  (Records  of  Natural  Features),  were  written  have  been 
sufficiently  described  already  (vide  Chapter  I),  it  remains  only  to  refer  to  a 
custom  inaugurated  by  Gemmyo  in  the  year  (721)  after  the  compilation  of  the 
Nihongi,  the  custom  of  summoning  to  Court  learned  men  (hakase)  and  requiring 
them  to  deliver  lectures  on  that  work.  Subsequent  generations  of  sovereigns 
followed  this  example,  and  to  this  day  one  of  the  features  of  the  New  Year's 
observances  is  a  historical  discourse  in  the  palace.  The  writing  of  history 
became  thenceforth  an  imperially  patronized  occupation.  Six  works,  covering 
the  period  from  697  to  887,  appeared  in  succession  and  were  known  through  all 
ages  as  the  Six  National  Histories.  It  is  noticeable  that  in  the  compilation  of 
all  these  a  leading  part  was  taken  by  one  or  another  of  the  great  Fujiwara  min- 
isters, and  that  the  fifth  numbered  among  its  authors  the  illustrious  Sugawara 
Michizane. 

THE  FORTY-FIFTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  SHOMU  (A.D.  724-748) 

When  the  Emperor  Mommu  died  (707),  his  son,  the  Prince  Imperial,  was  too 
young  to  succeed.  Therefore  the  sceptre  came  into  the  hands  of  Mommu 's 
mother,  who,  after  a  reign  of  seven  years,  abdicated  in  favour  of  her  daughter, 
the  Empress  Gensho,  and,  eight  years  later,  the  latter  in  turn  abdicated  in 
favour  of  her  nephew,  Shomu,  who  had  now  reached  man 's  estate.  Shomu  's 


Ill  THE  NARA  EPOCH  189 

mother,  Higami,  was  a  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Fuhito,  and  as  the  Fujiwara 
family  did  not  belong  to  the  Kwobetsu  class,  she  had  not  attained  the  rank  of 
Empress,  but  had  remained  simply  Mommu's  consort  (fujiri).  Her  son,  the 
Emperor  Shomu,  married  another  daughter  of  the  same  Fujiwara  Fuhito  by  a 
different  mother;  that  is  to  say,  he  took  for  consort  his  own  mother's  half-sister, 
Asuka.  This  lady,  Asuka,  laboured  under  the  same  disadvantage  of  lineage 
and  could  not  properly  be  recognized  as  Empress.  It  is  necessary  to  note  these 
details  for  they  constitute  the  preface  to  a  remarkable  page  of  Japanese  history. 
Of  Fujiwara  Fuhito's  two  daughters,  one,  Higami,  was  the  mother  of  the  reigning 
Emperor,  Shomu,  and  the  other,  Asuka,  was  his  consort.  The  blood  relationship 
of  the  Fujiwara  family  to  the  Court  could  scarcely  have  been  more  marked,  but 
its  public  recognition  was  impeded  by  the  defect  in  the  family's  lineage. 


THE  FUJIWARA  CONSPIRACY 

Immediately  after  Shomu 's  accession,  his  mother,  Higami,  received  the  title 
of  Kwo-taifujin  (Imperial  Great  Lady).  But  the  ambition  of  her  family  was 
to  have  her  named  Kwo-taiko  (Empress  Dowager).  The  Emperor  also  desired 
to  raise  his  consort,  Asuka,  to  the  position  of  Empress.  Consulting  his  ministers 
on  the  subject,  he  encountered  opposition  from  Prince  Nagaya,  minister  of  the 
Left.  This  prince,  a  great-grandson  of  the  Emperor  Temmu,  enjoyed  high 
reputation  as  a  scholar,  was  looked  up  to  as  a  statesman  of  great  wisdom,  and 
possessed  much  influence  owing  to  his  exalted  official  position.  He  urged  that 
neither  precedent  nor  law  sanctioned  nomination  of  a  lady  of  the  Shimbetsu 
class  to  the  rank  of  Empress.  The  Daiho  code  was  indeed  very  explicit  on  the 
subject.  In  China,  whither  the  drafters  of  the  code  went  for  models,  no  restric- 
tions were  imposed  on  a  sovereign 's  choice  of  wife.  But  the  Japanese  legislators 
clearly  enacted  that  an  Empress  must  be  taken  from  among  Imperial  princesses. 
Prince  Nagaya,  in  his  position  as  minister  of  the  Left,  opposed  any  departure 
from  that  law  and  thus  thwarted  the  designs  of  the  Fujiwara. 

The  lady  Asuka  bore  a  son  to  the  Emperor  three  years  after  his  accession. 
His  Majesty  was  profoundly  pleased.  He  caused  a  general  amnesty  to  be 
proclaimed,  presented  gratuities  to  officials,  and  granted  gifts  to  all  children 
born  on  the  same  day.  When  only  two  months  old,  the  child  was  created 
Prince  Imperial,  but  in  his  eleventh  month  he  fell  ill.  Buddhist  images  were 
cast;  Buddhist  Sutras  were  copied;  offerings  were  made  to  the  Kami,  and  an 
amnesty  was  proclaimed.  Nothing  availed.  The  child  died,  and  the  Emperor 
was  distraught  with  grief.  In  this  incident  the  partisans  of  the  Fujiwara  saw 
their  opportunity.  They  caused  it  to  be  laid  to  Prince  Nagaya 's  charge  that  he 
had  compassed  the  death  of  the  infant  prince  by  charms  and  incantations.  Two 
of  the  Fujiwara  nobles  were  appointed  to  investigate  the  accusation,  and  they 
condemned  the  prince  to  die  by  his  own  hand.  He  committed  suicide,  and  his 
wife  and  children  died  with  him.  The  travesty  of  justice  was  carefully  acted 
throughout.  A  proclamation  was  issued  promising  capital  punishment  to  any 
one,  of  whatever  rank  or  position,  who  compassed  the  death  or  injury  of  another 
by  spells  or  incantations,  and,  six  months  later,  the  lady  Asuka  was  formally 
proclaimed  Empress. 

In  one  respect  the  Fujiwara  conspirators  showed  themselves  clumsy.  The 
rescript  justified  Asuka 's  elevation  by  reference  to  the  case  of  Iwa,  a  daughter 
of  the  Takenouchi,  whom  the  Emperor  Nintoku  had  made  his  Empress.  But 
the  Takenouchi  family  belonged  to  the  Kwobetsu  class,  and  the  publication  of  a 


190  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

special  edict  in  justification  could  be  read  as  self-condemnation  only.  Neverthe- 
less, the  Fujiwara  had  compassed  their  purpose.  Thenceforth  they  wielded  the 
power  of  the  State  through  the  agency  of  their  daughters.  They  furnished 
Empresses  and  consorts  to  the  reigning  sovereigns,  and  took  their  own  wives 
from  the  Minamoto  family,  itself  of  Imperial  lineage.  To  such  an  extent  was 
the  former  practice  followed  that  on  two  occasions  three  Fujiwara  ladies  served 
simultaneously  in  the  palace.  This  happened  when  Go-Reizei  (1222-1232)  had 
a  Fujiwara  Empress,  Kwanko,  and  two  Fujiwara  consorts,  Fumi  and  Hiro.  At 
one  moment  it  had  seemed  as  though  fate  would  interfere  to  thwart  these  astute 
plans.  An  epidemic  of  small-pox,  originating  (735)  in  Kyushu,  spread  over  the 
whole  country,  and  carried  off  the  four  sons  of  Fuhito  —  Muchimaro,  Fusazaki, 
Umakai,  and  Maro — leaving  the  family's  fortunes  in  the  hands  of  juniors,  who 
occupied  only  minor  official  positions.  But  the  Fujiwara  genius  rose  superior 
to  all  vicissitudes.  The  elevation  of  the  lady  Asuka  to  be  Empress  Komyo 
marks  an  epoch  in  Japanese  history. 


COMMUNICATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

In  spite  of  the  length  and  perils  of  a  voyage  from  Japan  to  China  in  the 
seventh  and  eighth  centuries  —  one  embassy  which  sailed  from  Naniwa  in  the 
late  summer  of  659  did  not  reach  China  for  107  days  —  the  journey  was  frequent- 
ly made  by  Japanese  students  of  religion  and  literature,  just  as  the  Chinese,  on 
their  side,  travelled  often  to  India  hi  search  of  Buddhist  enlightenment.  This 
access  to  the  refinement  and  civilization  of  the  Tang  Court  contributed  largely 
to  Japan's  progress,  both  material  and  moral,  and  is  frankly  acknowledged  by 
her  historians  as  a  main  factor  in  her  advance.  When  Shomu  reigned  at  Nara, 
the  Court  in  Changan  had  entered  the  phase  of  luxury  and  epicurism  which 
usually  preludes  the  ruin  of  a  State.  Famous  literati  thronged  its  portals;  great 
poets  and  painters  enjoyed  its  patronage,  and  annalists  descanted  on  its  magnifi- 
cence. Some  of  the  works  of  these  famous  men  were  carried  to  Japan  and  re- 
mained with  her  as  models  and  treasures.  She  herself  showed  that  she  had 
competence  to  win  some  laurels  even  amid  such  a  galaxy.  In  the  year  716, 
Nakamaro,  a  member  of  the  great  Abe  family,  accompanied  the  Japanese 
ambassador  to  Tang  and  remained  in  China  until  his  death  in  770.  He  was 
known  in  China  as  Chao  Heng,  and  the  great  poet,  Li  Pai,  composed  a  poem  in 
his  memory,  while  the  Tang  sovereign  conferred  on  him  the  posthumous  title  of 
"viceroy  of  Luchou."  Not  less  celebrated  was  Makibi,1  who  went  to  China  at 
the  same  time  as  Nakamaro,  and  after  twenty  years '  close  study  of  Confucius, 
returned  in  735,  having  earned  such  a  reputation  for  profound  knowledge  of 
history,  the  five  classics,  jurisprudence,  mathematics,  philosophy,  calendar 
making,  and  other  sciences  that  the  Chinese  parted  with  him  reluctantly.  In 
Japan  he  was  raised  to  the  high  rank  of  asomi,  and  ultimately  became  minister 
of  the  Right  during  the  reign  of  Shotoku. 

Such  incidents  speak  eloquently  of  the  respect  paid  in  Japan  to  mental 
attainments  and  of  the  enlightened  hospitality  of  China.  In  the  realm  of 
Buddhism  perhaps  even  more  than  in  that  of  secular  science,  this  close  inter- 
course made  its  influence  felt.  Priests  went  from  Japan  to  study  in  China,  and 
priests  came  from  China  to  preach  in  Japan.  During  the  Nara  era,  three  of  these 
men  attained  to  special  eminence.  They  were  Doji,  Gembo,  and  Kanshin. 

[l  Generally  spoken  of  as  "Kibi  no  Mabi,"  and  credited  by  tradition  with  the  invention  of 
the  katakana  syllabary.] 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  191 

Doji  was  the  great  propagandist  of  the  Sanron  sect,  whose  tenets  he  had  studied 
in  China  for  sixteen  years  (701-717).  From  plans  prepared  by  him  and  taken 
from  the  monastery  of  Hsi-ming  in  China,  the  temple  Daian-ji  was  built  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Emperor  Shomu,  and  having  been  richly  endowed,  was  placed 
in  Doji's  charge  as  lord-abbot.  Gembo,  during  a  sojourn  of  two  years  at  the 
Tang  Court,  studied  the  tenets  of  the  Hosso  sect,  which,  like  the  Sanron,  con- 
stituted one  of  the  five  sects  originally  introduced  into  Japan.  Returning  in 
736,  he  presented  to  the  Emperor  Shomu  five  thousand  volumes  of  the  Sutras, 
together  with  a  number  of  Buddhist  images,  and  he  was  appointed  abbot  of 
the  celebrated  temple,  Kofuku-ji.  The  third  of  the  above  three  religious 
celebrities  was  a  Chinese  missionary  named  Kanshin.  He  went  to  Japan 
accompanied  by  fourteen  priests,  three  nuns,  and  twenty-four  laymen,  and  the 
mission  carried  with  it  many  Buddhist  relics,  images,  and  Sutras.  Summoned 
to  Nara  in  754,  he  was  treated  with  profound  reverence,  and  on  a  platform  special- 
ly erected  before  the  temple  Todai-ji,  where  stood  the  colossal  image  of  Buddha 
—  to  be  presently  spoken  of  • —  the  sovereign  and  many  illustrious  personages 
performed  the  most  solemn  rite  of  Buddhism  under  the  ministration  of  Kanshin. 
He  established  a  further  claim  on  the  gratitude  of  the  Empress  by  curing  her  of 
an  obstinate  malady,  and  her  Majesty  would  fain  have  raised  him  to  the  highest 
rank  (dai-sojo)  of  the  Buddhist  priesthood.  But  he  declined  the  honour. 
Subsequently,  the  former  palace  of  Prince  Nittabe  was  given  to  him  as  a  residence 
and  he  built  there  the  temple  of  Shodai-ji,  which  still  exists. 

RELIGION  AND  POLITICS 

The  great  Confucianist,  Makibi,  and  the  Buddhist  prelate,  Gembo,  met  with 
misfortune  and  became  the  victims  of  an  unjust  accusation  because  they  attempt- 
ed to  assert  the  Imperial  authority  as  superior  to  the  growing  influence  of  the 
Fujiwara.  Makibi  held  the  post  of  chamberlain  of  the  Empress'  household, 
and  Gembo  officiated  at  the  "Interior  monastery"  (Nai-dojo)  where  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Imperial  family  worshipped  Buddha.  The  Emperor's  mother, 
Higami,  who  on  her  son's  accession  had  received  the  title  of  "Imperial  Great 
Lady"  (vide  sup.),  fell  into  a  state  of  melancholia  and  invited  Gembo  to 
prescribe  for  her,  which  he  did  successfully.  Thus,  his  influence  in  the  palace 
became  very  great,  and  was  augmented  by  the  piety  of  the  Empress,  who  fre- 
quently listened  to  discourses  by  the  learned  prelate.  Makibi  naturally  worked 
in  union  with  Gembo  in  consideration  of  their  similar  antecedents.  Fujiwara 
Hirotsugu  was  then  governor  of  Yamato.  Witnessing  this  state  of  affairs 
with  uneasiness,  he  impeached  Gembo.  But  the  Emperor  credited  the  priest 's 
assertions,  and  removed  Hirotsugu  to  the  remote  post  of  Dazai-fu  in  Chikuzen. 
There  he  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  and  was  with  some  difficulty  captured  and 
executed.  The  Fujiwara  did  not  tamely  endure  this  check.  They  exerted 
their  influence  to  procure  the  removal  of  Makibi  and  Gembo  from  the  capital, 
both  being  sent  to  Tsukushi  (Kyushu),  Makibi  in  the  capacity  of  governor,  and 
Gembo  to  build  the  temple  Kwannon-ji.  Gembo  died  a  year  later,  and  it  was 
commonly  reported  that  the  spirit  of  Hirotsugu  had  compassed  his  destruction, 
while  more  than  one  book,  professing  to  be  historical,  alleged  that  his  prime 
offence  was  immoral  relations  with  the  "Imperial  Great  Lady,"  who  was 
then  some  sixty  years  of  age!  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  two  illustrious 
scholars  suffered  for  their  fame  rather  than  for  their  faults,  and  that  their  chief 
offences  were  overshadowing  renown  and  independence  of  Fujiwara  patronage. 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

BUDDHISM  IN  THE  NARA  EPOCH 
£'' 

From  what  has  been  related  above  of  the  priests  Kanshin  and  Gembo,  it  will 
have  been  observed  that  the  Emperor  Shomu  was  an  earnest  disciple  of  Budd- 
hism. The  heritage  of  administrative  reforms  bequeathed  to  him  by  IVnchi 
and  Temmu  should  have  engrossed  his  attention,  but  he  subserved  everything 
to  religion,  and  thus  the  great  national  work,  begun  in  the  Daika  era  and  carried 
nearly  to  completion  in  the  Daiho,  suffered  its  first  check.  Some  annalists  have 
pleaded  in  Shomu 's  behalf  that  he  trusted  religious  influence  to  consolidate  the 
system  introduced  by  his  predecessors.  However  that  may  be,  history  records 
as  the  most  memorable  event  of  his  reign  his  abdication  of  the  throne  in  order 
to  enter  religion,  thus  inaugurating  a  practice  which  was  followed  by  several 
subsequent  sovereigns  and  which  materially  helped  the  Fujiwara  family  to  usurp 
the  reality  of  administrative  power.  Shomu,  on  receiving  the  tonsure,  changed 
his  name  to  Shoman,  and  thenceforth  took  no  part  in  secular  affairs. 

In  all  this,  however,  his  procedure  marked  a  climax  rather  than  a  departure. 
In  fact,  never  did  any  foreign  creed  receive  a  warmer  welcome  than  that  accorded 
to  Buddhism  by  the  Japanese  after  its  first  struggle  for  tolerance.  Emperor 
after  Emperor  worshipped  the  Buddha.  Even  Tenchi,  who  profoundly  admired 
the  Confucian  philosophy  and  whose  experience  of  the  Soga  nobles '  treason  might 
well  have  prejudiced  him  against  the  faith  they  championed;  and  even  Temmu, 
whose  ideals  took  the  forms  of  frugality  and  militarism,  were  lavish  in  their 
offerings  at  Buddhist  ceremonials.  The  Emperor  Mommu  enacted  a  law  for  the 
better  control  of  priests  and  nuns,  yet  he  erected  the  temple  Kwannon-ji.  The 
great  Fujiwara  statesmen,  as  Kamatari,  Fuhito,  and  the  rest,  though  they  be- 
longed to  a  family  (the  Nakatomi)  closely  associated  with  Shinto  worship,  were 
reverent  followers  of  the  Indian  faith.  Kamatari  approved  of  his  eldest  son, 
Joye,  entering  the  priesthood,  and  sent  him  to  China  to  study  the  Sutras. 
He  also  gave  up  his  residence  at  Yamashina  for  conversion  into  a  monastery. 
Fujiwara  Fuhito  built  the  Kofuku-ji,  and  his  son,  Muchimaro,  when  governor 
of  Omi,  repaired  temples  in  the  provinces,  protected  their  domains,  and  erected 
the  Jingu-ji. 

That  among  the  occupants  of  the  throne  during  165  years,  from  593  to  758, 
no  less  than  seven  were  females  could  not  but  contribute  to  the  spread  of  a 
religion  which  owed  so  much  to  spectacular  effect.  Every  one  of  these  sovereigns 
lent  earnest  aid  to  the  propagation  of  Buddhism,  and  the  tendency  of  the  age 
culminated  in  the  fanaticism  of  Shomu,  re-enforced  as  it  was  by  the  devotion  of 
his  consort,  Komyo.  Tradition  has  woven  into  a  beautiful  legend  the  nation 's 
impression  of  this  lady 's  piety.  In  an  access  of  humility  she  vowed  to  wash  t  lie 
bodies  of  a  thousand  beggars.  Nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  had  been  com- 
pleted when  the  last  presented  himself  in  the  form  of  a  loathsome  leper.  With- 
out a  sign  of  repugnance  the  Empress  continued  her  task,  and  no  sooner  was 
the  ablution  concluded  than  the  mendicant  ascended  heavenwards,  a  glory  of 
light  radiating  from  his  body.  It  is  also  told  of  her  that,  having  received  in  a 
dream  a  miniature  golden  image  of  the  goddess  of  Mercy  (Kwannon)  holding  a 
baby  in  her  arms,  she  conceived  a  daughter  who  ultimately  reigned  as  the 
Empress  Koken.1 

In  spite,  however,  of  all  this  zeal  for  Buddhism,  the  nation  did  not  entirely 

I1  The  resemblance  between  the  legend  and  the  Buddhist  account  of  the  Incarnation 
is  plain.  It  has  to  be  remembered  that  Nestorians  had  carried  Christianity  to  the  Tang  Court 
long  before  the  days  of  Komyo.] 


THE   NARA  EPOCH  193 

abandon  its  traditional  faith.  The  original  cult  had  been  ancestor  worship. 
Each  great  family  had  its  uji  no  Kami,  to  whom  it  made  offerings  and  presented 
supplications.  These  deities  were  now  supplemented,  not  supplanted.  They 
were  grafted  upon  a  Buddhist  stem,  and  shrines  of  the  uji  no  Kami  became 
uji-tera,  or  "uji  temples."1  Thenceforth  the  temple  (tera)  took  precedence 
of  the  shrine  (yashiro) .  When  spoken  of  together  they  became  ji-sha.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  Ryobu  Shinto,  or  mixed  Shinto,  which  found  full  expression 
when  Buddhist  teachers,  obedient  to  a  spirit  of  toleration  born  of  their  belief  in 
the  doctrines  of  metempsychosis  and  universal  perfectibility,  asserted  the  creed 
that  the  Shinto  Kami  were  avatars  (incarnations)  of  the  numerous  Buddhas. 

The  Nara  epoch  has  not  bequeathed  to  posterity  many  relics  of  the  great 
religious  edifices  that  came  into  existence  under  Imperial  patronage  during  its 
seventy-five  years.  Built  almost  wholly  of  wood,  these  temples  were  gradually 
destroyed  by  fire.  One  object,  however,  defied  the  agent  of  destruction.  It  is 
a  bronze  Buddha  of  huge  proportions,  known  now  to  all  the  world  as  the  "Nara 
Daibutsu."  On  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  tenth  month  of  the  fifteenth  year  of 
Tembyo  —  7th  of  November,  743  —  the  Emperor  Shomu  proclaimed  his  inten- 
tion of  undertaking  this  work.  The  rescript  making  the  announcement  is  extant. 
It  sets  out  by  declaring  that  "through  the  influence  and  authority  of  Buddha 
the  country  enjoys  tranquillity,"  and  while  warning  the  provincial  and  district 
governors  against  in  any  way  constraining  the  people  to  take  part  in  the  project, 
it  promises  that  every  contributor  shall  be  welcome,  even  though  he  bring  no 
more  than  a  twig  to  feed  the  furnace  or  a  handful  of  clay  for  the  mould.  The 
actual  work  of  casting  began  in  747  and  was  completed  in  three  years,  after  seven 
failures.  The  image  was  not  cast  in  its  entirety;  it  was  built  up  with  bronze 
plates  soldered  together.  A  sitting  presentment  of  the  Buddha,  it  had  a  height 
of  fifty-three  and  a  half  feet  and  the  face  was  sixteen  feet  long,  while  on  either 
side  was  an  attendant  bosatsu  standing  thirty  feet  high.  For  the  image,  986,030,- 
000  Ibs.  of  copper  were  needed,  and  on  the  gilding  of  its  surface  870  Ibs.  of 
refined  gold  were  used. 

These  figures  represented  a  vast  fortune  in  the  eighth  century.  Indeed  it 
seemed  likely  that  a  sufficiency  of  gold  would  not  be  procurable,  but  fortunately 
in  the  year  749  the  yellow  metal  was  found  in  the  province  of  Mutsu,  and  people 
regarded  the  timely  discovery  as  a  special  dispensation  of  Buddha.  The  great 
hall  in  which  the  image  stood  had  a  height  of  120  feet  and  a  width  of  290  feet 
from  east  to  west,  and  beside  it  two  pagodas  rose  to  a  height  of  230  feet  each. 
Throughout  the  ten  years  occupied  in  the  task  of  collecting  materials  and  casting 
this  Daibutsu,  the  Emperor  solemnly  worshipped  Rushana  Buddha  three  times 
daily,  and  on  its  completion  he  took  the  tonsure.  It  was  not  until  the  year  752, 
however,  that  the  final  ceremony  of  unveiling  took  place  —  technically  called 
"opening  the  eyes"  (kaigan).  On  that  occasion  the  Empress  Koken,  attended 
by  all  the  great  civil  and  military  dignitaries,  held  a  magnificent  fete,  and  in  the 
following  year  the  temple  —  Todai-ji  —  was  endowed  with  the  taxes  of  five 
thousand  households  and  the  revenue  from  twenty-five  thousand  acres  of 
rice-fields. 

PROVINCIAL  TEMPLES 

h  vino  ''iiT  'i'Mio  GJ  hffi$ 

While  all  this  religious  fervour  was  finding  costly  expression  among  the 
aristocrats  in  Nara,  the  propagandists  and  patrons  of  Buddhism  did  not  neglect 

[l  Thus,  Kofukuji,  built  by  Kamatari  and  Fuhito  was  called  O-Nakatomi  no  uji-tera; 
Onjo-ji,  erected  by  Otomo  Suguri,  was  known  as  Otomo  no  uji-tera,  and  so  forth.] 


194 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


the  masses.  In  the  year  741,  provincial  temples  were  officially  declared  essential 
to  the  State's  well-being.  These  edifices  had  their  origin  at  an  earlier  date. 
During  the  reign  of  Temmu  (673-686)  an  Imperial  rescript  ordered  that  through- 
out the  whole  country  every  household  should  provide  itself  with  a  Buddhist 
shrine  and  place  therein  a  sacred  image.  When  the  pious  Empress  Jito  occupied 
the  throne  (690-696),  the  first  proselytizing  mission  was  despatched  to  the  Ezo, 
among  whom  many  converts  were  won;  and,  later  in  the  same  reign,  another 


PAQODA  OF  YAKUSHI-JI,  NARA 

rescript  directed  that  a  certain  Sutra — the  Konkwo  myo-kyo,  or  Sutra  of  Golden 
Effulgence — should  be  read  during  the  first  month  of  every  year  in  each  prov- 
ince, the  fees  of  the  officiating  priests  and  other  expenses  being  defrayed  out 
of  the  local  official  exchequers. 

During  Mommu's  time  (697-707),  Buddhist  hierarchs  (kokushi)  were 
appointed  to  the  provinces.  Their  chief  functions  were  to  expound  the  Sutra 
and  to  offer  prayers.  The  devout  Shomu  not  only  distributed  numerous 
copies  of  the  Sutras,  but  also  carried  his  zeal  to  the  length  of  commanding  that 
every  province  should  erect  a  sixteen-foot  image  of  Shaka  with  attendant 
bosatsu  (Bodhisattva),  and,  a  few  years  later,  he  issued  another  command  that 
each  province  must  provide  itself  with  a  pagoda  seven  storeys  high.  By  this 


- 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  195 

last  rescript  the  provincial  temples  (kokubun-ji)  were  called  into  official  ex- 
istence, and  presently  their  number  was  increased  to  two  in  each  province, 
one  for  priests  and  one  for  nuns.  The  kokushi  attached  to  these  temples 
laboured  in  the  cause  of  propagandism  and  religious  education  side  by  side  with 
the  provincial  pundits  (kunihakase) ,  whose  duty  was  to  instruct  the  people  in 
law  and  literature;  but  it  is  on  record  that  the  results  of  the  former's  labours 
were  much  more  conspicuous  than  those  of  the  latter. 

_ 
GYOGI 

It  is  said  to  have  been  mainly  at  the  instance  of  the  Empress  Komyo  that  the 
great  image  of  Todai-ji  was  constructed  and  the  provincial  temples  were  estab- 
lished. But  undoubtedly  the  original  impulse  came  from  a  priest,  Gyogi.  He 
was  one  of  those  men  who  seem  to  have  been  specially  designed  by  fate  for  the 
work  they  undertake.  Gyogi,  said  to  have  been  of  Korean  extraction,  had  no 
learning  like  that  which  won  respect  for  Kanshin  and  Gembo.  But  he  was 
amply  gifted  with  the  personal  magnetism  which  has  always  distinguished 
notably  successful  propagandists  of  religion.  Wherever  he  preached  and 
prayed,  thousands  of  priests  and  laymen  flocked  to  hear  him,  and  so  supreme 
was  his  influence  that  under  his  direction  the  people  gladly  undertook  extensive 
works  of  bridge  building  and  road  making.  Like  Shotoku  Taishi,  his  name  is 
associated  by  tradition  with  achievements  not  properly  assignable  to  him,  as 
the  invention  of  the  potter 's  wheel  —  though  it  had  been  in  use  for  centuries 
before  his  time  —  and  the  production  of  various  works  of  art  which  can  scarcely 
have  occupied  the  attention  of  a  religious  zealot.  By  order  of  the  Empress 
Gensho,  Gyogi  was  thrown  into  prison  for  a  time,  such  a  disturbing  effect  did 
his  propagandism  produce  on  men's  pursuit  of  ordinary  bread  winning;  but  he 
soon  emerged  from  durance  and  was  taken  into  reverent  favour  by  the  Emperor 
Shomu,  who  attached  four  hundred  priests  as  his  disciples  and  conferred  on  him 
the  titles  of  Dai-Sojo  (Great  Hierarch)  and  Dai-Bosatsu  (Great  Bodhisattva). 

The  enigma  of  the  people 's  patience  under  the  stupendous  burdens  imposed 
on  them  by  the  fanatic  piety  of  Shomu  and  his  consort,  Komyo,  finds  a  solution 
in  the  co-operation  of  Gyogi,  whose  speech  and  presence  exercised  more  influence 
than  a  hundred  Imperial  edicts.  It  is  recorded  that,  by  way  of  corollary  to  the 
task  of  reconciling  the  nation  to  the  Nara  Court's  pious  extravagance,  Gyogi 
compassed  the  erection  of  no  less  than  forty-nine  temples.  But  perhaps  the 
most  memorable  event  in  his  career  was  the  part  he  took  in  reconciling  the  in- 
digenous faith  and  the  imported.  However  fervent  Shomu 's  belief  in  Buddhism, 
the  country  he  ruled  was  the  country  of  the  Kami,  and  on  descent  from  the  Kami 
his  own  title  to  the  throne  rested.  Thus,  qualms  of  conscience  may  well  have 
visited  him  when  he  remembered  the  comparatively  neglected  shrine  of  the  Sun 
goddess  at  Ise.  Gyogi  undertook  to  consult  the  will  of  the  goddess,  and  carried 
back  a  revelation  which  he  interpreted  in  the  sense  that  Amaterasu  should  be 
regarded  as  an  incarnation  of  the  Buddha.  The  Emperor  then  despatched  to 
Ise  a  minister  of  State  who  obtained  an  oracle  capable  of  similar  interpretation, 
and,  on  the  night  after  receipt  of  this  utterance,  the  goddess,  appearing  to  his 
Majesty  in  a  vision,  told  him  that  the  sun  was  Birushana  (Vairotchana  Tathaga- 
ta) ;  or  Dainishi  (Great  Sun)  Nyorai. 

Thus  was  originated  a  theory  which  enabled  Buddhism  and  Shinto  to  walk' 
hand  in  hand  for  a  thousand  years,  the  theory  that  the  Shinto  Kami  are  avatars 
of  the  Buddha.  Some  historians  contend  that  this  idea  must  have  been  evolved 


19G  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  accepted  before  the  maturity  of  the  project  for  casting  the  colossal  image  at 
Nara,  and  that  the  credit  probably  belongs  to  Gemb5;  others  attribute  it  to 
the  immortal  priest  Kukai  (Kob6  Daishi),  who  is  said  to  have  elaborated  the 
doctrine  in  the  early  years  of  the  ninth  century.     Both  seem  wrong, 
nl  r>[qu'Xj  odt  .1'/uit?.m  o;  saw  vii/b  ofeoriw  ^awaiiwUnwA) 

<?TTPFRqTTTTr>M<* 
vj         SUPERSTITIONS         uou.,iqRrioo 

Side  by  side  with  the  vigorous  Buddhism  of  the  Nara  epoch,  strange  supersti- 
tions obtained  currency  and  credence.  Two  may  be  mentioned  as  illustrating 
the  mood  of  the  age.  One  related  to  an  ascetic,  En  no  Ubasoku,  who  was 
worshipped  by  the  people  of  Kinai  under  the  name  of  En  no  Gyoja  (En  the 
anchorite).  He  lived  in  a  cave  on  Katsuragi  Mount  for  forty  years,  wore  gar- 
ments made  of  wistaria  bark,  and  ate  only  pine  leaves  steeped  in  spring  water.  Dur- 
ing the  night  he  compelled  demons  to  draw  water  and  gather  firewood,  and  dur- 
ing the  day  he  rode  upon  clouds  of  five  colours.  The  Kami  Hitokotonushi, 
having  been  threatened  by  him  for  neglecting  his  orders,  inspired  a  man  to 
accuse  him  of  treasonable  designs,  and  the  Emperor  Mommu  sent  soldiers  to 
arrest  him.  But  as  he  was  able  to  evade  them  by  recourse  to  his  art  of  flying, 
they  apprehended  his  mother  in  his  stead,  whereupon  he  at  once  gave  himself  up. 
In  consideration  of  his  filial  piety  his  punishmenjb  was  commuted  to  exile  on  an 
island  off  the  Izu  coast,  and  in  deference  to  the  Imperial  orders  he  remained  there 
quietly  throughout  the  day,  but  devoted  the  night  to  flying  to  the  summit  of 
Mount  Fuji  or  gliding  over  the  sea.  This  En  no  Gyoja  was  the  founder  of  a 
sect  of  priests  calling  themselves  Yamabushi. 

The  second  superstition  relates  to  one  of  the  genii  named  Kume.  By  the 
practice  of  asceticism  he  obtained  supernatural  power,  and  while  riding  one  day 
upon  a  cloud,  he  passed  above  a  beautiful  girl  washing  clothes  in  a  river,  and 
became  so  enamoured  of  her  that  he  lost  his  superhuman  capacities  and  fell  at 
her  feet.  She  became  his  wife.  Years  afterwards  it  chanced  that  he  was  called 
out  for  forced  labour,  and,  being  taunted  by  the  officials  as  a  pseudo-genius,  he 
fasted  and  prayed  for  seven  days  and  seven  nights.  On  the  eighth  morning  a 
thunder-storm  visited  the  scene,  and  after  it,  a  quantity  of  heavy  timber  was 
found  to  have  been  moved,  without  any  human  effort,  from  the  forest  to  the 
site  of  the  projected  building.  The  Emperor,  hearing  of  this,  granted  him 
forty-five  acres,  on  which  he  built  the  temple  of  Kume-dera. 

Such  tales  found  credence  in  the  Nara  epoch,  and  indeed  all  through  the 
annals  of  early  Japan  there  runs  a  well-marked  thread  of  superstition  which 
owed  something  of  its  obtrusiveness  to  intercourse  with  Korea  and  China, 
whence  came  professors  of  the  arts  of  invisibility  and  magic.  A  thunder  deity 
making  his  occasional  abode  in  lofty  trees  is  gravely  spoken  of  in  the  context  of  a 
campaign,  and  if  at  one  moment  a  river  is  inhabited  by  a  semi-human  monster, 
at  another  a  fish  formed  like  a  child  is  caught  in  the  sea.  There  is,  of  course,  an 
herb  of  longevity  —  "a  plant  resembling  coral  in  shape,  with  clustering  leaves 
and  branches;  some  red,  others  purple,  others  black,  others  golden  coloured,  and 
some  changing  their  colours  in  the  four  seasons."  In  the  reign  of  the  Empress 
Kogyoku,  witches  and  wizards  betray  the  people  into  all  sorts  of  extravagances; 
and  a  Korean  acolyte  has  for  friend  a  tiger  which  teaches  him  all  manner  of 
wonderful  arts,  among  others  that  of  healing  any  disease  with  a  magic  needle. 
Later  on,  these  and  cognate  creations  of  credulity  take  their  appropriate  places 
in  the  realm  of  folk-lore,  but  they  rank  with  sober  history  in  the  ancient  annals. 
In  this  respect  Japan  did  not  differ  from  other  early  peoples. 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  197 

THE  FORTY-SIXTH  SOVEREIGN,   THE  EMPRESS  KOKEN   (A.D.  749-758) 

In  July,  749,  the  Emperor  Shomu  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  daughter, 
Princess  Abe,  known  in  history  as  Koken.  Her  mother  was  the  celebrated 
Princess  Asuka,  who,  in  spite  of  the  Shimbetsu  lineage  of  her  Fujiwara  family, 
had  been  made  Shomu 's  Empress,  and  whose  name  had  been  changed  to  Komyo 
(Refulgence)  in  token  of  her  illustrious  piety.  The  daughter  inherited  all  the 
mother's  romance,  but  in  her  case  it  often  degenerated  into  a  passion  more 
elementary  than  religious  ecstasy.  Shomu,  having  no  son,  made  his  daughter 
heir  to  the  throne.  Japanese  history  furnished  no  precedent  for  such  a  step. 
The  custom  had  always  been  that  a  reign  ceased  on  the  death  of  a  sovereign 
unless  the  Crown  Prince  had  not  yet  reached  maturity,  in  wjiich  event  his 
mother,  or  some  other  nearly  related  princess,  occupied  the  throne  until  he  came 
of  age  and  then  surrendered  the  reigns  of  government  to  his  hands.  Such  had 
been  the  practice  in  the  case  of  the  Empresses  Jito,  Gemmyo,  and  Gensho. 
Shomu,  however,  not  only  bequeathed  the  throne  to  a  princess,  but  while  himself 
still  in  the  prime  of  life,  abdicated  in  her  favour. 

Thereafter,  at  the  recognized  instance  of  the  all-powerful  Fujiwara  family, 
Emperors  often  surrendered  the  sceptre  to  their  heirs,  themselves  retiring  into 
religious  life  with  the  secular  title  of  Da-joko  (Great  ex-Emperor)  and  the 
ecclesiastical  designation  of  Ho-o  (pontiff).  Shomu  was  the  originator  of  this 
practice,  but  the  annals  are  silent  as  to  the  motive  that  inspired  him.  It  will 
be  presently  seen  that  under  the  skilful  manipulation  of  the  Fujiwara  nobles, 
this  device  of  abdication  became  a  potent  aid  to  their  usurpation  of  administra- 
tive power,  and  from  that  point  of  view  the  obvious  inference  is  that  Shomu 's 
unprecedented  step  was  taken  at  their  suggestion.  But  the  Buddhist  propagan- 
dists, also,  were  profoundly  interested.  That  the  sovereign  himself  should  take 
the  tonsure  could  not  fail  to  confer  marked  prestige  on  the  Church.  It  is  prob- 
able, therefore,  that  Shomu  was  swayed  by  both  influences  —  that  of  the 
Buddhists,  who  worked  frankly  in  the  cause  of  their  creed,  and  that  of  the 
Fujiwara,  who  desired  to  see  a  lady  of  their  own  lineage  upon  the  throne. 

KOKEN  AND   NAKAMARO 

The  fanaticism  of  the  Emperor  Shomu  and  his  consort,  Komyo,  bore  fruit 
during  the  reign  of  Koken.  In  the  third  year  after  Shomu 's  abdication,  a 
decree  was  issued  prohibiting  the  taking  of  life  in  any  form.  This  imposed  upon 
the  State  the  responsibility  of  making  donations  of  rice  to  support  the  fishermen, 
whose  source  of  livelihood  was  cut  off  by  the  decree.  Further,  at  the  ceremony 
of  opening  the  public  worship  of  the  great  image  of  Buddha,  the  Empress  in 
person  led  the  vast  procession  of  military,  civil,  and  religious  dignitaries  to  .the 
temple  Todai-ji.  It  was  a  fete  of  unparalleled  dimensions.  All  officials  of  the 
fifth  grade  and  upwards  wore  full  uniform,  and  all  of  lesser  grades  wore  robes 
of  the  colour  appropriate  to  their  rank.  Ten  thousand  Buddhist  priests  officiat- 
ed, and  the  Imperial  musicians  were  re-enforced  by  those  from  all  the  temples 
throughout  the  home  provinces.  Buddhism  in  Japan  had  never  previously 
received  such  splendid  homage. 

In  the  evening,  the  Empress  visited  the  residence  of  the  grand  councillor, 
Fujiwara  no  Nakamaro.  Fourteen  hundred  years  had  elapsed,  according  to 
Japanese  history,  since  the  first  of  the  Yamato  sovereigns  set  up  his  Court,  and 
never  had  the  Imperial  house  incurred  such  disgrace  as  now  befell  it.  Fujiwara 


198 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


no  Nakamaro  was  a  grandson  of  the  great  Kamatari.  He  held  the  rank  of 
dainagon  and  was  at  once  a  learned  man  and  an  able  administrator.  From  the 
time  of  that  visit  to  the  Tamura-no-tei  (Tamura  mansion) ,  as  his  residence  was 
called,  the  Empress  repaired  thither  frequently,  and  finally  made  it  a  detached 
palace  under  the  name  of  Tamura-no-miya.  Those  that  tried  to  put  an  end  to 
the  liaison  were  themselves  driven  from  office,  and  Nakamaro 's  influence  became 
daily  stronger. 


THE  FORTY-SEVENTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  JUNNIN  (758-764  A.D.) 

In  August,  758,  the  Empress,  after  a  reign  of  four  years,  nominally  abdicated 
in  favour  of  the  Crown  Prince,  Junnin,  but  continued  to  discharge  all  the 
functions  of  government  herself.  Her  infatuation  for  Nakamaro  seemed  to 
increase  daily.  She  bestowed  on  him  titles  of  admiration  and  endearment  under 
the  guise  of  homonymous  ideographs,  and  she  also  bestowed  on  him  in  perpetuity 
the  revenue  from  3000  households  and  250  acres  of  land.  But  Koken  's  caprice 


*;         * 

"  'fe^TN^y--  •'•'," •    ' :• 'X ' ' ' 

?C.'l    ////'.      >'''/  l'-'V.   .«"  "".     '  v       '"        j*l '•  . ''•  ~~~  *  «»O^x 


THE  KABUQA  JINJA  SHRINE  AT  KARA 


took  a  new  turn.  She  became  a  nun  and  transferred  her  affection  to  a  priest, 
Yuge  no  Dokyo.  Nakamaro  did  not  tamely  endure  to  be  thus  discarded.  He 
raised  the  standard  of  revolt  and  found  that  the  nun  could  be  as  relentless  as  the 
Empress  had  been  gracious.  The  rebellion  —  known  by  irony  of  fate  as  that 
of  Oshikatsu  (the  Conqueror),  which  was  one  of  the  names  bestowed  on  him  by 
Koken  in  the  season  of  her  favour  —  proved  a  brief  struggle.  Nakamaro  fell 
in  battle  and  his  head,  together  with  those  of  his  wife-,  his  children,  and  his  devoted 
followers  to  the  number  of  thirty-four,  was  despatched  to  Nara.  The  tumult 
had  a  more  serious  sequel.  It  was  mainly  through  Nakamaro 's  influence  that 
Junnin  had  been  crowned  six  years  previously,  and  his  Majesty  naturally  made 
no  secret  of  his  aversion  for  the  new  favourite.  The  Dowager  Empress  —  so 
Koken  had  called  herself  —  did  not  hesitate  a  moment.  In  the  very  month 
following  Nakamaro 's  destruction,  she  charged  that  the  Emperor  was  in  collusion 
with  the  rebel;  despatched  a  force  of  troops  to  surround  the  palace;  dethroned 


3,  THE  KARA  EPOCH  199 

Junnin;  degraded  him  to  the  rank  of  a  prince,  and  sent  him  and  his  mother  into 
exile,  where  the  conditions  of  confinement  were  made  so  intolerable  that  the  ex- 
Emperor  attempted  to  escape,  was  captured  and  killed. 


THE  FORTY-EIGHTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPRESS  SHOTOKU  (765-770  A.D.) 

The  nun  Koken  now  abandoned  the  veil  and  re-ascended  the  throne  under 
the  name  of  Shotoku.  Her  affection  for  Dokyo  had  been  augmented  by  his 
constant  ministrations  during  her  illness  while  on  a  visit  to  the  "detatched 
palace  "  at  Omi,  and  she  conferred  on  him  a  priestly  title  which  made  him  rank 
equally  with  the  prime  minister.  All  the  civil  and  military  magnates  had  to 
pay  homage  to  him  at  the  festival  of  the  New  Year  in  his  exalted  capacity. 
Yet  her  Majesty  was  not  satisfied.  Another  step  of  promotion  was  possible. 
In  the  year  after  her  second  ascent  of  the  throne  she  named  him  Ho-o  (pontiff), 
a  title  never  previously  borne  by  any  save  her  father,  the  ex-Emperor  Shomu. 
Dokyo  rose  fully  to  the  level  of  the  occasion.  He  modelled  his  life  in  every 
respect  on  that  of  a  sovereign  and  assumed  complete  control  of  the  administra- 
tion of  the  empire.  He  not  only  fared  sumptuously  but  also  built  many  temples, 
and  as  the  Empress  was  not  less  extravagant,  the  burden  of  taxation  became 
painfully  heavy.  But  the  priestly  favourite,  who  seems  to  have  now  conceived 
the  ambition  of  ascending  the  throne,  abated  nothing  of  his  pomp.  Whether  at 
his  instigation  or  because  his  favour  had  become  of  paramount  importance  to 
all  men  of  ambition,  Asomaro,  governor  of  the  Dazai-fu,  informed  the  Empress 
that,  according  to  an  oracle  delivered  by  the  god  of  War  (Hachiman)  at  Usa,  the 
nation  would  enjoy  tranquillity  and  prosperity  if  Dokyo  were  its  ruler. 

The  Empress  had  profound  reverence  for  Hachiman,  as,  indeed,  was  well 
known  to  Asomaro  and  to  Dokyo.  Yet  she  hesitated  to  take  this  extreme  step 
without  fuller  assurance.  She  ordered  Wake  no  Kiyomaro  to  proceed  to  Usa 
and  consult  the  deity  once  more.  Kiyomaro  was  a  fearless  patriot.  That 
Shotoku  's  choice  fell  on  him  at  this  juncture  might  well  have  been  regarded  by 
his  countrymen  as  an  intervention  of  heaven.  Before  setting  out  he  had 
unequivocal  evidence  of  what  was  to  be  expected  at  Dokyo  's  hands  by  the  bearer 
of  a  favourable  revelation  from  Hachiman.  Yet  the  answer  carried  back  by 
him  from  the  Usa  shrine  was  explicitly  fatal  to  Dokyo  's  hope.  "Since  the 
establishment  of  the  State  the  distinction  of  sovereign  and  subject  has  been  ob- 
served. There  is  no  instance  of  a  subject  becoming  sovereign.  The  successor 
of  the  throne  must  be  of  the  Imperial  family  and  a  usurper  is  to  be  rejected." 
Dokyo  's  wrath  was  extreme.  He  ordered  that  Kiyomaro  's  name  should  be 
changed  to  Kegaremaro,  which  was  equivalent  to  substituting  "foul"  for 
"fair;"  he  banished  him  to  Osumi  in  the  extreme  south  of  Kyushu,  and  he  sent 
emissaries  whose  attempt  to  assassinate  him  was  balked  by  a  thunder-storm. 
But  before  he  could  bring  any  fresh  design  to  maturity,  the  Empress  died. 
Dokyo  and  Asomaro  were  banished,  and  Kiyomaro  was  recalled  from  exile. 

Historians  have  been  much  perplexed  to  account  for  the  strangely  apathetic 
demeanour  of  the  high  dignitaries  of  State  in  the  presence  of  such  disgraceful 
doings  as  those  of  the  Empress  and  her  favourite.  They  specially  blame  Kibi 
no  Makibi,  the  great  scholar.  He  had  recovered  from  his  temporary  eclipse  in 
connexion  with  the  revolt  of  Fujiwara  Hirotsugu,  and  he  held  the  office  of 
minister  of  the  Right  during  a  great  part  of  Koken  's  reign.  Yet  it  is  not  on 
record  that  he  offered  any  remonstrance.  The  same  criticism,  however,  seems 
to  apply  with  not  less  justice  to  his  immediate  predecessors  in  the  post  of 


200  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ministers  of  the  Right,  Tachibana  no  Moroe  and  Fujiwara  no  Toyonari;  to  the 
minister  of  the  Left,  Fujiwara  no  Nagate;  to  the  second  councillor,  Fujiwara 
no  Matate,  and  to  the  privy  councillors,  Fujiwara  no  Yoshitsugu,  Fujiwara  no 
Momokawa,  and  Fujiwara  no  Uwona.  It  was  with  the  Fujiwara  families  that 
the  responsibility  rested  chiefly,  and  the  general  conduct  of  the  Fujiwara  at  that 
period  of  history  forbids  us  to  construe  their  apparent  indifference  in  a  wholly 
bad  sense.  Probably  the  simplest  explanation  is  the  true  one :  Koken  herself 
was  a  Fujiwara. 

STATE  OF  THE  PROVINCES 

In  the  days  of  Shomu  and  Koken  administrative  abuses  were  not  limited  to 
the  capital,  they  extended  to  the  provinces  also.  Among  the  Daika  and  Daiho 
laws,  the  first  that  proved  to  be  a  failure  was  that  relating  to  provincial  governors. 
At  the  outset  men  of  ability  were  chosen  for  these  important  posts,  and  their 
term  of  service  was  limited  to  four  years.  Soon,  however,  they  began  to 
petition  for  reappointment,  and  under  the  sway  of  the  Empress  Koken  a  via 
media  was  found  by  extending  the  period  of  office  to  six  years.  Moreover, 
whereas  at  first  a  newly  appointed  governor  was  supposed  to  live  in  the  official 
residence  of  his  predecessor,  it  quickly  became  the  custom  to  build  a  new  mansion 
for  the  incoming  dignitary  and  leave  the  outgoing  undisturbed. 

What  that  involved  is  plain  when  we  observe  that  such  edifices  were  all 
constructed  by  forced  labour.  These  governors  usually  possessed  large  domains, 
acquired  during  their  period  of  office.  The  Court  endeavoured  to  check  them 
by  despatching  inspectors  (ansatsu-shi)  to  examine  and  report  on  current 
conditions;  but  that  device  availed  little.  Moreover,  the  provincial  governors 
exercised  the  power  of  appointing  and  dismissing  the  district  governors  (gunshi) 
in  their  provinces,  although  this  evil  system  had  been  prohibited  in  the  time  of 
Gemmyo.  In  connexion,  too,  with  the  rice  collected  for  public  purposes,  there 
were  abuses.  This  rice,  so  long  as  it  lay  in  the  official  storehouses,  represented 
so  much  idle  capital.  The  provincial  governors  utilized  it  by  lending  the  grain 
to  the  farmers  in  the  spring,  partly  for  seed  purposes  and  partly  for  food,  on 
condition  that  it  should  be  paid  back  in  the  autumn  with  fifty  per  cent,  increment. 
Subsequently  this  exorbitant  figure  was  reduced  to  thirty  per  cent.  But  the 
result  was  ruin  for  many  farmers.  They  had  to  hand  over  their  fields  and  houses 
or  sell  themselves  into  bondage. 

Thus,  outlaws,  living  by  plunder,  became  a  common  feature  of  the  time,  and 
there  arose  a  need  for  guards  more  capable  than  those  supplied  by  the  system  of 
partial  conscription.  Hence,  in  the  reign  of  Shomu,  the  sons  and  brothers  of 
district  governors  (gunshi)  proficient  in  archery  and  equestrianism  were  sum- 
moned from  Omi,  Ise,  Mino,  and  Echizen,  and  to  them  was  assigned  the  duty  of 
guarding  the  public  storehouses  in  the  provinces.  At  the  same  time  many  men 
of  prominence  and  influence  began  to  organize  guards  for  their  private  protec- 
tion. This  was  contrary  to  law,  but  the  condition  of  the  time  seemed  to  warrant 
it,  and  the  authorities  were  powerless  to  prevent  it.  'The  ultimate  supremacy  of 
the  military  class  had  its  origin  in  these  circumstances.  The  Government  itself 
was  constrained  to  organize  special  corps  for  dealing  with  the  brigands  and 
pirates  who  infested  the  country  and  the  coasts. 

It  has  been  well  said  by  a  Japanese  historian  that  the  fortunes  of  the  Yamato 
were  at  their  zenith  during  the  reigns  of  the  three  Emperors  Jimmu,  Temmu,  and 
Mommu.  From  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  they  began  to  decline. 
For  that  decline,  Buddhism  was  largely  responsible.  Buddhism  gave  to  Japan 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  201 

a  noble  creed  in  the  place  of  a  colourless  cult ;  gave  to  her  art  and  refinement,  but 
gave  to  her  also  something  like  financial  ruin.  The  Indian  faith  spread  with 
wonderful  rapidity  among  all  classes  and  betrayed  them  into  fanatical  extrava- 
gance. Anyone  who  did  not  erect  or  contribute  largely  to  the  erection  of  a 
temple  or  a  pagoda  was  not  admitted  to  the  ranks  of  humanity.  Men  readily 
sacrificed  their  estates  to  form  temple  domains  or  to  purchase  serfs  (tera-yakko) 
to  till  them.  The  sublimity  of  these  edifices;  the  solemn  grandeur  of  the  images 
enshrined  there;  the  dazzling  and  exquisite  art  lavished  on  their  decoration;  the 
strange  splendour  of  the  whole  display  might  well  suggest  to  the  Japanese  the 
work  of  some  supernatural  agencies. 

In  the  Nara  epoch,  the  Government  spent  fully  one-half  of  its  total  income 
on  works  of  piety.  No  country  except  in  time  of  war  ever  devoted  so  much  to 
unproductive  expenditures.  The  enormous  quantities  of  copper  used  for  casting 
images  not  only  exhausted  the  produce  of  the  mines  but  also  made  large  inroads 
upon  the  currency,  hundreds  of  thousands  of  cash  being  thrown  into  the  melting- 
pot.  In  760  it  was  found  that  the  volume  of  privately  coined  cash  exceeded  one- 
half  of  the  State  income,  and  under  pretext  that  to  suspend  the  circulation  of 
such  a  quantity  would  embarrass  the  people,  the  Government  struck  a  new 
coin  —  the  mannen  tsuho  —  which,  while  not  differing  appreciably  from  the  old 
cash  in  intrinsic  value,  was  arbitrarily  invested  with  ten  times  the  latter 's  pur- 
chasing power.  The  profit  to  the  treasury  was  enormous;  the  disturbance  of 
values  and  the  dislocation  of  trade  were  proportionately  great.  Twelve  years 
later  (772),  another  rescript  ordered  that  the  new  coin  should  circulate  at  par 
with  the  old.  Such  unstable  legislation  implies  a  very  crude  conception  of 
financial  requirements. 


It  has  been  shown  that  the  Daika  reforms  regarded  all  "wet  fields"  as  the 
property  of  the  Crown,  while  imposing  no  restriction  on  the  ownership  of  up- 
lands, these  being  counted  as  belonging  to  their  reclaimers.  Thus,  large  estates 
began  to  fall  into  private  possession ;  conspicuously  in  the  case  of  provincial  and 
district  governors,  who  were  in  a  position  to  employ  forced  labour,  and  who 
frequently  abused  their  powers  in  defiance  of  the  Daika  code  and  decrees,  where 
it  was  enacted  that  all  profits  from  reclaimed  lands  must  be  shared  with  the 
farmers.1  So  flagrant  did  these  practices  become  that,  in  767,  reclamation  was 
declared  to  constitute  thereafter  no  title  of  ownership.  Apparently,  however, 
this  veto  proved  unpractical,  for  five  years  later  (772),  it  was  rescinded,  the  only 
condition  now  attached  being  that  the  farmers  must  not  be  distressed.  Yet 
again,  in  784,  another  change  of  policy  has  to  be  recorded.  A  decree  declared 
that  governors  must  confine  their  agricultural  enterprise  to  public  lands,  on 
penalty  of  being  punished  criminally.  If  the  language  of  this  decree  be  read 
literally,  a  very  evil  state  of  affairs  would  seem  to  have  existed,  for  the  governors 
are  denounced  as  wholly  indifferent  to  public  rights  or  interests,  and  as  neglect- 
ing no  means  of  exploiting  the  farmers.  Finally,  in  806,  the  pursuit  of  productive 
enterprise  by  governors  in  the  provinces  was  once  more  sanctioned. 

Thus,  between  650  and  806,  no  less  than  five  radical  changes  of  policy  are 
recorded.  It  resulted  that  this  vascillating  legislation  received  very  little 
practical  attention.  Great  landed  estates  (shoeri)  accumulated  in  private  hands 

f1  The  term  "farmers,"  as  used  in  the  times  now  under  consideration,  must  not  be  interpret- 
ed strictly  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word.  It  meant,  rather,  the  untitled  and  the  unofficial 
classes  in  the  provinces.] 


202  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

throughout  the  empire,  some  owned  by  nobles,  some  by  temples;  and  in  order  to 
protect  their  titles  against  the  interference  of  the  Central  Government,  the  hold- 
ers of  these  estates  formed  alliances  with  the  great  Court  nobles  in  the  capital, 
so  that,  in  the  course  of  time,  a  large  part  of  the  land  throughout  the  provinces 
fell  under  the  control  of  a  few  dominant  families. 

In  the  capital  (Nara),  on  the  other  hand,  the  enormous  sums  squandered 
upon  the  building  of  temples,  the  casting  or  carving  of  images,  and  the  perform- 
ance of  costly  religious  ceremonials  gradually  produced  such  a  state  of  impecu- 
niosity  that,  in  775,  a  decree  was  issued  ordering  that  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  the 
revenues  of  the  public  lands  (kugaideri)  should  be  appropriated  to  increase  the 
emoluments  of  the  metropolitan  officials.  This  decree  spoke  of  the  latter 
officials  as  not  having  sufficient  to  stave  off  cold  or  hunger,  whereas  their  provin- 
cial confreres  were  living  in  opulence,  and  added  that  even  men  of  high  rank  were 
not  ashamed  to  apply  for  removal  to  provincial  posts.  As  illustrating  the 
straits  to  which  the  metropolitans  were  reduced  and  the  price  they  had  to  pay 
for  relief,  it  is  instructive  to  examine  a  note  found  among  the  contents  of  the 
Shoso-in  at  Nara. 


STATEMENT  OF  MON  (COPPER  CASH)  LENT 

Total,  1700  Mon.     Monthly  interest,  15  per  hundred. 
Debtors  Sums  lent  Amounts  to  be  returned 

Tata  no  Mushimaro         500  mon.          605  mon,  on  the  6th  of  the  llth  month;  namely, 

original  debt,  500  mon,  and  interest  for  1  month  and 
12  days,  105  mon. 

Ayabe  no  Samimaro         700  mon.          840  mon,  on  the  6th  of  the  llth  month;  namely, 

original  debt,  700  mon,  and  interest  for  1  month  and 
10  days,  140  mon. 

Kiyono  no  Hitotari          500  mon.  605  mon,  on  the  6th  of  the  llth  month;  namely, 

original  debt,  500  mon,  and  interest  for  1  month  and 
12  days,  105  mon. 

The  above  to  be  paid  back  when  the  debtors  receive  their  salaries.  Dated  the  22nd  of  the 
9th  month  of  the  4th  year  of  the  Hoki  era.  (October  13,  773.) 

Another  note  shows  a  loan  of  1000  mon  carrying  interest  at  the  rate  of  130 
mon  monthly.  The  price  of  accomodation  being  so  onerous,  it  is  not  difficult 
to  infer  the  costliness  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  When  the  Daika  reforms  were 
undertaken,  the  metropolitan  magnates  looked  down  upon  their  provincial 
brethren  as  an  inferior  order  of  beings,  but  in  the  closing  days  of  the  Nara 
epoch  the  situations  were  reversed,  and  the  ultimate  transfer  of  administrative 
power  from  the  Court  to  the  provincials  began  to  be  foreshadowed. 


THE  FUJIWARA  FAMILY 

The  religious  fanaticism  of  the  Emperor  Shomu  and  his  consort,  Komy5, 
brought  disorder  into  the  affairs  of  the  Imperial  Court,  and  gave  rise  to  an  abuse 
not  previously  recorded,  namely,  favouritism  with  its  natural  outcome,  treason- 
able ambition.  It  began  to  be  doubtful  whether  the  personal  administration  of 
the  sovereign  might  not  be  productive  of  danger  to  the  State.  Thus,  patriotic 
politicians  conceived  a  desire  not  to  transfer  the  sceptre  to  outside  hands  but  to 
find  among  the  scions  of  the  Imperial  family  some  one  competent  to  save  the 
situation,  even  though  the  selection  involved  violation  of  the  principle  of  primo- 
geniture. The  death  of  the  Empress  ShStoku  without  issue  and  the  consequent 
extinction  of  the  Emperor  Temmu  's  line  furnished  an  opportunity  to  these  loyal 


THE  NARA  EPOCH 


203 


statesmen,  and  they  availed  themselves  of  it  to  set  Konin  upon  the  throne,  as 
will  be  presently  described. 

In  this  crisis  of  the  empire's  fortunes  the  Fujiwara  family  acted  a  leading 
part.  Fuhito,  son  of  the  illustrious  Kamatari,  having  assisted  in  the  compilation 
of  the  Daika  code  and  laws,  and  having  served  throughout  four  reigns  —  Jito, 
Mommu,  Gemmyo,  and  Gensho — died  at  sixty-two  in  the  post  of  minister  of 
the  Right,  and  left  four  sons,  Muchimaro,  Fusazaki,  Umakai,  and  Maro. 
These,  establishing  themselves  independently,  founded  the  "four  houses"  of  the 
Fujiwara.  Muchimaro 's  home,  being  in  the  south  (nan)  of  the  capital,  was 
called  Nan-ke;  Fusazaki 's,  being  in  the  north  (hoku),  was  termed  Hoku-ke; 
Umakai's  was  spoken  of  as  Shiki-ke,  since  he  presided  over  the  Department  of 
Ceremonies  (Shiki),  and  Maro's  went  by  the  name  of  Kyo-ke,  this  term  also 
having  reference  to  his  office.  The  descendants  of  the  four  houses  are  shown 
in  the  following  table : — 

Muohimaro      f  Toyonari— Tsugunawa 
fan-k  1  Nakamaro  (Emi  no  Oshikatsu) 

i  Otomaro — Korekimi 


Kamatari- 
Fuhito 


Fusazaki 
(Hoku-ke) 


Umakai 
(Shiki-ke) 


Maro 
(Kyo-ke) 
Miyako 
(Consort  of 
Mommu) 

Asuka 
(Empress  of 
Shomu) 


Nagate  f  Nagayoshi  (Mototsune) 

Matate — Uchimaro — Fuyutsugu  \        adopted 
Kiyokawa  {  Yoshifusa — Mototsune 

Hirotsugu 

Yoshitsugu — Tanetsugu —  f  Nakanari 
— Kiyonari  \  Kusuko 

Momokawa — O  tsugu 


Tokihira 

Nakahira 

Saneyori 

Tadahira  \   Morosuke- 
Morotada 


Koretada 
Kanemichi 

Kaneiye  

Tamemitsu 
Kinsuye 


T\T-  1,-i  i      f  Korechika 
Michitaka  |  Takaiye 

Michikane 

HT-  1.-  /  Yorimichi — Morozane — Moromichi — 

Michmaga(Norimichi 


Tadazane 


Tadamichi 
Yorinaga 

It  has  already  been  related  how  the  four  heads  of  these  families  all  died  in  one 
year  (736)  during  an  epidemic  of  small-pox,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  this 
apparent  calamity  did  not  ultimately  prove  fortunate,  for  had  these  men  lived, 
they  would  have  occupied  commanding  positions  during  the  scandalous  reign  of 
the  Empress  Koken  (afterwards  Shotoku),  and  might  have  supported  the 
ruinous  disloyalty  of  Nakamaro  or  the  impetuous  patriotism  of  Hirotsugu. 
However  that  may  be,  the  Fujiwara  subsequently  took  the  lead  in  contriving 
the  selection  and  enthronement  of  a  monarch  competent  to  stem  the  evil  ten- 
dency of  the  time,  and  when  the  story  of  the  Fujiwara  usurpations  comes  to  be 
written,  we  should  always  remember  that  it  had  a  long  preface  of  loyal  service, 
a  preface  extending  to  four  generations. 


204  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

THE  FORTY-NINTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KONIN  (A.D.  770-781) 

When  the  Empress  Shotoku  died,  no  successor  had  been  designated,  and  it 
seemed  not  unlikely  that  the  country  would  be  thrown  into  a  state  of  civil  war. 
The  ablest  among  the  princes  of  the  blood  was  Shirakabe,  grandson  of  the 
Emperor  Tenchi.  He  was  in  his  sixty-second  year,  had  held  the  post  of  nagon, 
and  unquestionably  possessed  erudition  and  administrative  competence. 
Fujiwara  Momokawa  warmly  espoused  his  cause,  but  for  unrecorded  reason 
Kibi  no  Makibi  offered  opposition.  Makibi  being  then  minister  of  the  Right 
and  Momokawa  only  a  councillor,  the  former's  views  must  have  prevailed  had 
not  Momokawa  enlisted  the  aid  of  his  brother,  Yoshitsugu,  and  of  his  cousin, 
Fujiwara  Nagate,  minister  of  the  Left.  By  their  united  efforts  Prince  Shirakabe 
was  proclaimed  and  became  the  Emperor  Konin,  his  youngest  son,  Osabe,  being 
appointed  Prince  Imperial. 

Konin  justified  the  zeal  of  his  supporters,  but  his  benevolent  and  upright 
reign  has  been  sullied  by  historical  romanticists,  who  represent  him  as  party  to 
an  unnatural  intrigue  based  on  the  alleged  licentiousness  and  shamelessness  of 
his  consort,  Princess  Inokami,  a  lady  then  in  her  fifty-sixth  year  with  a  hitherto 
blameless  record.  Much  space  has  been  given  to  this  strange  tale  by  certain 
annalists,  but  its  only  apparent  basis  of  fact  would  seem  to  be  that  Momokawa, 
wishing  to  secure  the  succession  to  Prince  Yamabe  —  afterwards  Emperor 
Kwammu  —  compassed  the  deaths  of  the  Empress  Inokami  and  her  son,  Osabe, 
the  heir  apparent.  They  were  probably  poisoned  on  the  same  day,  and  stories 
injurious  to  the  lady's  reputation  —  stories  going  so  far  as  to  accuse  her  of 
attempting  the  life  of  the  Emperor  by  incantation  —  were  circulated  in  justifica- 
tion of  the  murder.  Certain  it  is,  however,  that  to  Momokawa 's  exertions  the 
Emperor  Kwammu  owed  his  accession,  as  had  his  father,  Konin.  Kwammu, 
known  in  his  days  of  priesthood  as  Yamabe,  was  Konin 's  eldest  son,  and  would 
have  been  named  Prince  Imperial  on  his  father's  ascent  of  the  throne  had  not 
his  mother,  Takano,  been  deficient  in  qualifications  of  lineage.  He  had  held 
the  posts  of  president  of  the  University  and  minister  of  the  Central  Department, 
and  his  career,  alike  in  office  and  on  the  throne,  bore  witness  to  the  wisdom  of 
his  supporters. 

As  illustrating  the  religious  faith  of  the  age,  it  is  noteworthy  that  Momokawa, 
by  way  of  promoting  Prince  Yamabe 's  interests,  caused  a  statue  to  be  made  in 
his  likeness,  and,  enshrining  it  in  the  temple  Bonshaku-ji,  ordered  the  priests  to 
offer  supplications  in  its  behalf.  The  chronicle  further  relates  that  after  the 
deaths  of  the  Empress  (Inokami)  and  her  son  (Osabe),  Momokawa  and  Emperor 
Konin  were  much  troubled  by  the  spirits  of  the  deceased.  That  kind  of  belief 
in  the  maleficent  as  well  as  in  the  beneficent  powers  of  the  dead  became  very 
prevalent  in  later  times.  Momokawa  died  before  the  accession  of  Kwammu, 
but  to  him  was  largely  due  the  great  influence  subsequently  wielded  by  the 
Fujiwara  at  Court.  It  is  on  record  that  Kwammu,  speaking  in  after  years  to 
Momokawa 's  son,  Otsugu,  recalled  his  father's  memory  with  tears,  and  said 
that  but  for  Momokawa  he  would  never  have  reigned  over  the  empire. 

The  fact  is  that  the  Fujiwara  were  a  natural  outcome  of  the  situation.  The 
Tang  systems,  which  Kamatari,  the  great  founder  of  the  family,  had  been  chiefly 
instrumental  in  introducing,  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  sovereign  powers  much 
too  extensive  to  be  safely  entrusted  to  a  monarch  qualified  only  by  heredity. 
Comprehending  the  logic  of  their  organization,  the  Chinese  made  their  monarchs ' 
tenure  of  authority  depend  upon  the  verdict  of  the  nation.  But  in  Japan  the 


THE  KARA  EPOCH  205 

title  to  the  crown  being  divinely  bequeathed,  there  could  be  no  question  of 
appeal  to  a  popular  tribunal.  So  long  as  men  like  Kotoku,  Tenchi,  and  Temmu 
occupied  the  throne,  the  Tang  polity  showed  no  flagrant  defects.  But  when  the 
exercise  of  almost  unlimited  authority  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  religious  fanatic 
like  Shomu,  or  a  licentious  lady  like  Koken,  it  became  necessary  either  that  the 
principle  of  heredity  should  be  set  aside  altogether,  or  that  some  method  of  limit- 
ed selection  should  be  employed. 

It  was  then  that  the  Fujiwara  became  a  species  of  electoral  college,  not 
possessing,  indeed,  any  recognized  mandate  from  the  nation,  yet  acting  in  the 
nation's  behalf  to  secure  worthy  occupants  for  the  throne.  For  a  time  this 
system  worked  satisfactorily,  but  ultimately  it  inosculated  itself  with  the  views 
it  was  designed  to  nullify,  and  the  Fujiwara  became  flagrant  abusers  of  the 
power  handed  down  to  them.  Momokawa  's  immediate  followers  were  worthy 
to  wear  his  mantle.  Tanetsugu,  Korekimi,  Tsugunawa  —  these  are  names  that 
deserve  to  be  printed  in  letters  of  gold  on  the  pages  of  Japan's  annals.  They 
either  prompted  or  presided  over  the  reforms  and  retrenchments  that  marked 
Kwammu's  reign,  and  personal  ambition  was  never  allowed  to  interfere  with 
their  duty  to  the  State. 

IMPERIAL  PRINCES 

Contemporaneously  with  the  rise  of  the  Fujiwara  to  the  highest  places  within 
reach  of  a  subject,  an  important  alteration  took  place  in  the  status  of  Imperial 
princes.  There  was  no  relation  of  cause  and  effect  between  the  two  things,  but 
in  subsequent  times  events  connected  them  intimately.  According  to  the  Daika 
legislation,  not  only  sons  of  sovereigns  but  also  their  descendants  to  the  fifth 
generation  were  classed  as  members  of  the  Imperial  family  and  inherited  the 
title  of  "Prince"  (0).  Ranks  (hon-i)  were  granted  to  them  and  they  often 
participated  in  the  management  of  State  affairs.  But  no  salaries  were  given  to 
them;  they  had  to  support  themselves  with  the  proceeds  of  sustenance  fiefs. 
The  Emperor  Kwammu  was  the  first  to  break  away  from  this  time-honoured 
usage.  He  reduced  two  of  his  own  sons,  born  of  a  non-Imperial  lady,  from  the 
Kwobetsu  class  to  the  Shimbetsu,  conferring  on  them  the  uji  names  of  Nagaoka 
and  Yoshimine,  and  he  followed  the  same  course  with  several  of  the  Imperial 
grandsons,  giving  them  the  name  of  Taira. 

Thenceforth,  whenever  a  sovereign's  offspring  was  numerous,  it  became 
customary  to  group  them  with  the  subject  class  under  a  family  name.  A  prince 
thus  reduced  received  the  sixth  official  rank  (roku-i),  and  was  appointed  to  a 
corresponding  office  in  the  capital  or  a  province,  promotion  following  according 
to  his  ability  and  on  successfully  passing  the  examination  prescribed  for  Court 
officials.  Nevertheless,  to  be  divested  of  the  title  of  "Prince "  did  not  mean  less 
of  princely  prestige.  Such  nobles  were  always  primi  inter  pares.  The  principal 
uji  thus  created  were  Nagaoka,  Yoshimine,  Ariwara,  Taira,  and  Minamoto. 

THE  TAIRA  FAMILY 

Prince  Katsurabara  was  the  fifth  son  of  the  Emperor  Kwammu.  Intelligent, 
reserved,  and  a  keen  student,  he  is  said  to  have  understood  the  warnings  of 
history  as  clearly  as  its  incentives.  He  petitioned  the  Throne  that  the  title  of 
0  should  be  exchanged  in  his  children 's  case  for  that  of  Taira  no  Asomi  (Marquis 
of  Taira).  This  request,  though  several  times  repeated,  was  not  granted  until 
the  time  (889)  of  his  grandson,  Takamochi,  who  became  the  first  Taira  no 


206  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Asomi  and  governor  of  Kazusa  province.  He  was  the  grandfather  of  Masakado 
and  great-grandfather  of  Tadamori,  names  celebrated  in  Japanese  history.  For 
generations  the  Taira  asomi  were  appointed  generals  of  the  Imperial  guards 
conjointly  with  the  Minamoto,  to  be  presently  spoken  of.  The  name  of  Taira 
was  conferred  also  on  three  other  sons  of  Kwammu,  the  Princes  Mamta,  Kaya, 
and  Nakano,  so  that  there  were  four  Tairahouses  just  as  there  were  four  Fujiwara. 

•»;•!  t 
THE  MINAMOTO  FAMILY 

The  Emperor  Saga  (810)  had  fifty  children.  From  the  sixth  son  downwards 
they  were  grouped  under  the  uji  of  Minamoto.  All  received  appointments  to 
important  offices.  This  precedent  was  even  more  drastically  followed  in  the 
days  of  the  Emperor  Seiwa  (859-876).  To  all  his  Majesty's  sons,  except  the 
Crown  Prince,  the  uji  of  Minamoto  was  given.  The  best  known  among  these 
early  Minamoto  was  Tsunemoto,  commonly  called  Prince  Rokuson.  He  was  a 
grandson  of  the  Emperor  Seiwa,  celebrated  for  two  very  dissimilar  attainments, 
which,  nevertheless,  were  often  combined  in  Japan  —  the  art  of  composing 
couplets  and  the  science  of  commanding  troops.  Appointed  in  the  Shohyo  era 
(931-937)  to  be  governor  of  Musashi,  the  metropolitan  province  of  modern 
Japan,  his  descendants  constituted  the  principal  among  fourteen  Minamoto 
houses.  They  were  called  the  Seiwa  Genji,  and  next  in  importance  came  the 
Saga  Genji  and  the  Murakami  Genji.1 

UJI  NO  CHOJA  AND  GAKU-IN  NO  BETTO 

The  imperially  descended  uji  spoken  of  above,  each  consisting  of  several 
houses,  were  grouped  according  to  their  names,  and  each  group  was  under  the 
supervision  of  a  chief,  called  uji  no  choja  or  uji  no  cho.  Usually,  as  has  been 
already  stated,  the  corresponding  position  in  an  ordinary  uji  was  called  uji  no 
Kami  and  belonged  to  the  first-born  of  the  principal  house,  irrespective  of  his 
official  rank.  But  in  the  case  of  the  imperially  descended  uji,  the  chief  was 
selected  and  nominated  by  the  sovereign  with  regard  to  his  administrative  post. 
With  the  appointment  was  generally  combined  that  of  Gaku-in  no  betto,  or  com- 
missioner of  the  academies  established  for  the  youths  of  the  uji.  The  principal 
of  these  academies  was  the  Kwangaku-in  of  the  Fu j  i wara.  Founded  by  Fu  j  iwara 
Fuyutsugu,  minister  of  the  Left,  in  the  year  821,  and  endowed  with  a  substantial 
part  of  his  estate  in  order  to  afford  educational  advantages  for  the  poorer  mem- 
bers of  the  great  family,  this  institution  rivalled  even  the  Imperial  University, 
to  be  presently  spoken  of.  It  was  under  the  superintendence  of  a  special 
commissioner  (benkwari). 

Next  in  importance  was  the  Shogaku-in  of  the  Minamoto,  established  by 
Ariwara  Yukihira  in  the  year  881.  Ariwara  being  a  grandson  of  the  Emperor 
Saga,  a  member  of  the  Saga  Genji  received  the  nomination  of  chief  commissioner; 
but  in  the  year  1140,  the  minister  of  the  Right,  Masasada,  a  member  of  the 
Murakami  Genji,  was  appointed  to  the  office,  and  thenceforth  it  remained  in  the 
hands  of  that  house.  Two  other  educational  institutions  were  the  Junna-in  of 
the  0-uji  and  the  Gakukwan-in  of  the  Tachibana-iyt,  the  former  dating  from 

[l  That  is  to  say,  descended  from  the  Emperor  Murakami  (947-967).  Gen  is  the  Chinese 
sound  of  Minamoto  and  ji  (jshi)  represents  uji.  The  Minamoto  are  alluded  to  in  history  as 
either  the  Genji  or  the  Minamoto.  Similarly,  hei  being  the  Chinese  pronunciation  of  Taira, 
the  latter  are  indiscriminately  spoken  of  Taira  or  Heike  (ke= house).  Both  names  are  often 
combined  into  Gen-pei.] 


THE   NARA  EPOCH  207 

the  year  834  and  the  latter  from  820.     It  is  not  on  record  that  there  existed  any 
special  school  under  Taira  auspices. 

AGRICULTURE 

One  of  the  principal  duties  of  local  governors  from  the  time  of  the  Daika 
reforms  was  to  encourage  agriculture.  A  rescript  issued  by  the  Empress  Gensho 
in  the  year  715  declared  that  to  enrich  the  people  was  to  make  the  country 
prosperous,  and  went  on  to  condemn  the  practice  of  devoting  attention  to  rice 
culture  only  and  neglecting  upland  crops,  so  that,  in  the  event  of  a  failure  of  the 
former,  the  latter  did  not  constitute  a  substitute.  It  was  therefore  ordered  that 
barley  and  millet  should  be  assiduously  grown,  and  each  farmer  was  required  to 
lay  down  two  tan  (%  acre)  annually  of  these  upland  cereals.  Repeated  proclama- 
tions during  the  eighth  century  bear  witness  to  official  solicitude  in  this  matter, 
and  in  723  there  is  recorded  a  distribution  of  two  koku  (nearly  ten  bushels)  of 
seeds,  ten  feet  of  cotton  cloth,  and  a  hoe  (kuwa)  to  each  agriculturist  throughout 
the  empire.  Such  largesse  suggests  a  colossal  operation,  but,  in  fact,  it  meant 
little  more  than  the  remission  of  about  a  year's  taxes.  Necessarily,  as  the 
population  increased,  corresponding  extension  of  the  cultivated  area  became 
desirable,  and  already,  in  the  year  722,  a  work  of  reclamation  on  a  grand  scale 
was  officially  undertaken  by  organizing  a  body  of  peasants  and  sending  them  to 
bring  under  culture  a  million  cho  (two  and  a  half  million  acres)  of  new  land. 
This  interesting  measure  is  recorded  without  any  details  whatever. 

Private  initiative  was  also  liberally  encouraged.  An  Imperial  rescript 
promised  that  any  farmer  harvesting  three  thousand  koku  (fifteen  thousand 
bushels)  of  cereals  from  land  reclaimed  by  himself  should  receive  the  sixth  class 
order  of  merit  (kun  roku-to),  while  a  crop  of  over  a  thousand  koku  and  less  than 
three  thousand  would  carry  lifelong  exemption  from  forced  labour.  The  Daika 
principle  that  the  land  was  wholly  the  property  of  the  Crown  had  thus  to  yield 
partially  to  the  urgency  of  the  situation,  and  during  the  third  decade  of  the 
eighth  century  it  was  enacted  that,  if  a  man  reclaimed  land  by  utilizing  aqueducts 
and  reservoirs  already  in  existence,  the  land  should  belong  to  him  for  his  lifetime, 
while  if  the  reservoirs  and  aqueducts  were  of  his  own  construction,  the  right  of 
property  should  be  valid  for  three  generations.1  From  the  operation  of  this 
law  the  provincial  governors  were  excepted;  the  usufruct  of  lands  reclaimed  by 
them  was  limited  to  the  term  of  their  tenure  of  office,  though,  as  related  already, 
legislation  in  their  case  varied  greatly  from  time  to  time. 

For  a  certain  period  the  system  of  "three  generations,  or  one  life"  worked 
smoothly  enough;  but  subsequently  it  was  found  that  as  the  limit  of  time 
approached,  farmers  neglected  to  till  the  land  and  suffered  it  to  lie  waste.  There- 
fore, in  the  year  743,  the  Government  enacted  that  all  reclaimed  land  should  be 
counted  the  perpetual  property  of  the  reclaimer,  with  one  proviso,  namely,  that 
three  years  of  neglect  to  cultivate  should  involve  confiscation.  The  recognition 
of  private  ownership  was  not  unlimited.  An  area  of  five  hundred  cho  (1250 
acres)  was  fixed  as  the  superior  limit,  applicable  only  to  the  case  of  a  "  First  Class ' ' 
prince,  the  quantities  being  thereafter  on  a  sliding  scale  down  to  ten  cho  (twenty- 
five  acres).  Any  excess  resulting  from  previous  accretions  was  to  revert  to  the 
State.  Evidently  the  effective  operation  of  such  a  system  predicated  accurate 

[!  This  system  was  called  Sansei-isshin  no  ho.  It  is,  perhaps,  advisable  to  note  that  the 
Daika  system  of  dividing  the  land  for  sustenance  purposes  applied  only  to  land  already  under 
cultivation.] 


jos  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

surveys  and  strict  supervision.  Neither  of  these  conditions  existed  in  Japan  at 
that  remote  period.  The  prime  purpose  of  the  legislators  was  achieved,  since 
the  people  devoted  themselves  assiduously  to  land  reclamation;  but  by  free 
recourse  to  their  power  of  commanding  labour,  the  great  families  acquired  estates 
largely  in  excess  of  the  legal  limit.  A  feature  of  the  Nara  epoch  was  the  endow- 
ment of  the  Buddhist  temples  with  land  by  men  of  all  classes,  and  the  sho-en,  or 
temple  domain,  thus  came  into  existence. 


Information  on  the  subject  of  stock  farming  is  scanty  and  indirect,  but  in  the 
year  713  we  find  a  rescript  ordering  the  provincials  of  Yamashiro  to  provide  and 
maintain  fifty  milch-cows,  and  in  734,  permission  was  given  that  all  the  districts 
in  the  Tokai-do,  the  Tosan-do,  and  the  Sanin-do  might  trade  freely  in  cattle 
and  horses.  Seven  years  later  (741),  when  Shomu  occupied  the  throne,  and 
when  Buddhism  spread  its  protecting  mantle  over  all  forms  of  life,  an  edict 
appeared  condemning  anyone  who  killed  a  horse  or  an  ox  to  be  flogged  with 
a  hundred  strokes  and  to  be  fined  heavily.  Only  one  other  reference  to  stock 
farming  appears  in  the  annals  of  the  Nara  epoch:  the  abolition  of  the  two  pas- 
tures at  Osumi  and  Himeshima  in  the  province  of  Settsu  was  decreed  in  771,  but 
no  reason  is  recorded. 


From  the  remotest  times  sericulture  was  assiduously  practised  in  Japan,  the 
ladies  of  the  Imperial  Court,  from  the  Empress  downwards,  taking  an  active 
part  in  the  pursuit.  The  wave  of  Buddhist  zeal  which  swept  over  Japan  in  the 
eighth  century  gave  a  marked  impulse  to  this  branch  of  industry,  for  the  rich 
robes  of  the  priests  constituted  a  special  market. 

ORANGES 

It  is  recorded  in  the  Chronicles  that  Tajimamori,  a  Korean  emigrant  of  royal 
descent,  was  sent  to  the  "Eternal  Land"  by  the  Emperor  Suinin,  in  the  year 
A.D.  61,  to  obtain  "the  fragrant  fruit  that  grows  out  of  season;"  that,  after  a 
year's  absence,  he  returned,  and  finding  the  Emperor  dead,  committed  suicide 
at  his  tomb.  The  "fragrant  fruit"  is  understood  to  have  been  the  orange,  then 
called  tachibana  (Citrus  nobilis).  If  the  orange  really  reached  Japan  at  that 
remote  date,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  cultivated  there,  for  the  importation 
of  orange  trees  from  China  is  specially  mentioned  as  an  incident  of  the  early 
Nara  epoch. 

INDUSTRIES 

One  of  the  unequivocal  benefits  bestowed  on  Japan  by  Buddhism  was  a 
strong  industrial  and  artistic  impulse.  Architecture  made  notable  progress 
owing  to  the  construction  of  numerous  massive  and  magnificent  temples  and 
pagodas.  One  of  the  latter,  erected  during  the  reign  of  Temmu,  had  a  height  of 
thirteen  storeys.  The  arts  of  casting  and  of  sculpture,  both  in  metal  and  in 
wood,  received  great  development,  as  did  also  the  lacquer  industry.  Vermilion 
lacquer  was  invented  in  the  time  of  Temmu,  and  soon  five  different  colours 
could  be  produced,  while  to  the  Nara  artisans  belongs  the  inception  of  lacquer 
strewn  with  makie.  Lacquer  inlaid  with  mother-of-pearl  was  another  beautiful 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  209 

concept  of  the  Nara  epoch.  A  special  tint  of  red  was  obtained  with  powdered 
coral,  and  gold  and  silver  were  freely  used  in  leaf  or  in  plates.  As  yet,  history 
does  not  find  any  Japanese  painter  worthy  of  record.  Chinese  and  Korean 
masters  remained  supreme  in  that  branch  of  art. 

.r   -."Tl/Ofl  9ft  ;  ''j.\  i'J^.'l  IJOO   lO  IJ(  'j.'  )'.'!'.  1  l)!ij    JfiuJ   .'l'i'f'3'f,'  jit   .r.;  i  i-}\.'~. 

in   L>OV;  -:o  I 


rp-p  A  T)T? 

K)d?  ji  L:;;;  .^riifl'if; 


Commerce  with  China  and  Korea  was  specially  active  throughout  the  eighth 
century,  and  domestic  trade  also  nourished.  In  the  capital  there  were  two 
markets  where  people  assembled  at  noon  and  dispersed  at  sunset.  Men  and 
women  occupied  different  sections,  and  it  would  seem  that  transactions  were 
subject  to  strict  surveillance.  Thus,  if  any  articles  of  defective  quality  or 
adulterated  were  offered  for  sale,  they  were  liable  to  be  confiscated  officially, 
and  if  a  buyer  found  that  short  measure  had  been  given,  he  was  entitled  to  return 
his  purchase.  Market-rates  had  to  be  conformed  with,  and  purchasers  were 
required  to  pay  promptly.  It  appears  that  trees  were  planted  to  serve  as  shelter 
or  ornament,  for  we  read  of  "trees  in  the  Market  of  the  East"  and  "orange  trees 
in  the  market  of  Kaika." 

HABITATIONS 

The  Buddhist  temple,  lofty,  spacious,  with  towering  tiled  roof,  massive  pillars 
and  rich  decoration  of  sculpture  and  painting,  could  not  fail  to  impart  an  impetus 
to  Japanese  domestic  architecture,  especially  as  this  impressive  apparition  was 
not  evolved  gradually  under  the  eyes  of  the  nation  but  was  presented  to  them 
suddenly  in  its  complete  magnificence.  Thus  it  is  recorded  that  towards  the 
close  of  the  seventh  century,  tiled  roofs  and  greater  solidity  of  structure  began 
to  distinguish  official  buildings,  as  has  been  already  noted.  But  habitations  in 
general  remained  insignificant  and  simple.  A  poem  composed  by  the  Dowager 
Empress  Gensho  (724)  with  reference  to  the  dwelling  of  Prince  Nagaya  is 
instructive  :— 

"Hata  susuki  "Thatched  with  miscanthus 

"Obana  sakafuki  "And  eularia 

"Kuro-ki  mochi  "Of  ebon  timbers  built,  a  house 

"Tsukureru  yado  wa  "Will  live  a  myriad  years." 

"Yorozu  yo  made  ni." 

This  picture  of  a  nobleman  's  dwelling  in  the  eighth  century  is  not  imposing. 
In  the  very  same  year  the  Emperor  Shomu,  responding  to  an  appeal  from  the 
council  of  State,  issued  an  edict  that  officials  of  the  fifth  rank  and  upwards  and 
wealthy  commoners  should  build  residences  with  tiled  roofs  and  walls  plastered 
in  red.  This  injunction  was  only  partly  obeyed:  tiles  came  into  more  general 
use,  but  red  walls  offended  the  artistic  instinct  of  the  Japanese.  Nearly  fifty 
years  later,  when  (767-769)  the  shrine  of  Kasuga  was  erected  at  Nara  in  memory 
of  Kamatari,  founder  of  the  Fujiwara  family,  its  pillars  were  painted  in  vermil- 
ion, and  the  fashion  inaugurated  found  frequent  imitation  in  later  years. 

Of  furniture  the  houses  had  very  little  as  compared  with  Western  customs. 
Neither  chairs  nor  bedsteads  existed;  people  sat  and  slept  on  the  floor,  separated 
from  it  only  by  mats  made  of  rice-straw,  by  cushions  or  by  woollen  carpets,  and 
in  aristocratic  houses  there  was  a  kind  of  stool  to  support  the  arm  of  the  sitter, 
a  lectern,  and  a  dais  for  sitting  on.  Viands  were  served  on  tables  a  few  inches 
high,  and  people  sat  while  eating.  From  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  a 
clepsydra  of  Chinese  origin  was  used  to  mark  the  hours. 

The  first  of  these  instruments  is  recorded  to  have  been  made  in  A.D.  660,  and 


210  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

tradition  does  not  tell  what  device  had  previously  served  the  purpose.  When 
temple  bells  came  into  existence,  the  hours  were  struck  on  them  for  public 
information,  and  there  is  collateral  evidence  that  some  similar  system  of  marking 
time  had  been  resorted  to  from  early  eras.  But  the  whole  story  is  vague.  It 
seems,  however,  that  the  method  of  counting  the  hours  was  influenced  by  the 
manner  of  striking  them.  Whether  bronze  bell  or  wooden  clapper  was  used, 
three  preliminary  strokes  were  given  by  way  of  warning,  and  it  therefore  became1 
inexpedient  to  designate  any  of  the  hours  "one,"  "two,"  or  "three."  Accord- 
ingly the  initial  number  was  four,  and  the  day  being  divided  into  six  hours, 
instead  of  twelve,  the  highest  number  became  nine,  which  corresponded  to  the 
Occidental  twelve.1 

BELLS 

Concerning  the  bells  here  mentioned,  they  are  one  of  the  unexplained 
achievements  of  Japanese  casters.  In  Europe  the  method  of  producing  a 
really  fine-toned  bell  was  evolved  by  "ages  of  empirical  trials,"  but  in  Japan 
bells  of  huge  size  and  exquisite  note  were  cast  in  apparent  defiance  of  all  the 
rules  elaborated  with  so  much  difficulty  in  the  West.  One  of  the  most  remark- 
able hangs  in  the  belfry  of  Todai-ji  at  Nara.  It  was  cast  in  the  year  732  when 
Shomu  occupied  the  throne;  it  is  12  feet  9  inches  high;  8  feet  10  inches  in 
diameter;  10  inches  thick,  and  weighs  49  tons.  There  are  great  bells  also  in  the 
temples  at  Osaka  and  Kyoto,  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  early  Japanese  bronze 
work  was  largely  tributary  and  subsidiary  to  temple  worship.  Temple  bells, 
vases,  gongs,  mirrors  and  lanterns  are  the  principal  items  in  this  class  of  metal- 
working,  until  a  much  later  period  with  its  smaller  ornaments. 


Very  few  references  to  road  making  are  found  in  the  ancient  annals,  but  the 
reign  of  the  Empress  Gensho  (715-723)  is  distinguished  as  the  time  when  the 
Nakasen-do,  or  Central  Mountain  road,  was  constructed.  It  runs  from  Nara 
to  Kyoto  and  thence  to  the  modern  Tokyo,  traversing  six  provinces  en  route. 
Neither  history  nor  tradition  tells  whether  it  was  wholly  made  in  the  days  of 
Gensho  or  whether,  as  seems  more  probable,  it  was  only  commenced  then  and 
carried  to  completion  in  the  reign  of  Shomu  (724-748),  when  a  large  force  of 
troops  had  to  be  sent  northward  against  the  rebellious  Yemishi.  Doubtless  the 
custom  of  changing  the  capital  on  the  accession  of  each  sovereign  had  the  effect 
of  calling  many  roads  into  existence,  but  these  were  of  insignificant  length  com- 
pared with  a  great  trunk  highway  like  the  Nakasen-do. 

Along  these  roads  the  lower  classes  travelled  on  foot;  the  higher  on  horse- 
back, and  the  highest  in  carts  drawn  by  bullocks.  For  equestrians  who  carried 
official  permits,  relays  of  horses  could  always  be  obtained  at  posting  stations. 
Among  the  ox-carts  which  served  for  carriages,  there  was  a  curious  type,  dis- 
tinguished by  the  fact  that  between  the  shafts  immediately  in  front  of  the  dash- 
board stood  a  figure  whose  outstretched  arm  perpetually  pointed  south.  This 
compass-cart,  known  as  the  "south-pointing  chariot,"  was  introduced  from 
China  in  the  year  658.  There  was  also  a  "cloud-chariot,"  but  this  served  for 
\va.r  purposes  only,  being  a  movable  erection  for  overlooking  an  enemy's  defen- 
sive work,  corresponding  to  the  turris  of  Roman  warfare.  Borrowed  also  from 

I1  There  were  no  subdivisions  into  minutes  and  seconds  in  old  Japan.  The  only  fraction 
of  an  hour  was  one-half.l 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  211 

China  was  a  battering  engine  which  moved  on  four  wheels,  and,  like  the  cloud- 
chariot,  dated  from  661,  when  a  Tang  army  invaded  Korea. 

fl    ro   •  m'jL'iifti   '.)•.}   iwii // 

t  :  .^u\  lo  ^oqioq  10!  ;M  k>  got^ 
HABILIMENTS 

A  reader  of  the  Chronicles  is  struck  by  the  fact  that  from  the  close  of  the 
seventh  century  much  official  attention  seems  to  have  been  bestowed  on  the 
subject  of  costume.  Thus,  during  the  last  five  years  of  the  Emperor  Temmu's 
reign  —  namely,  from  681  —  we  find  no  less  than  nine  sumptuary  regulations 
issued.  The  first  was  an  edict,  containing  ninety-two  articles,  of  which  the 
prologue  alone  survives,  "The  costumes  of  all,  from  the  princes  of  the  Blood 
down  to  the  common  people,  and  the  wearing  of  gold  and  silver,  pearls  and 
jewels,  purple,  brocade,  embroidery,  fine  silks,  together  with  woollen  carpets, 
head-dresses,  and  girdles,  as  well  as  all  kinds  of  coloured  stuffs,  are  regulated 
according  to  a  scale,  the  details  of  which  are  given  in  the  written  edict."  In  the 
next  year  (682),  another  edict  forbids  the  wearing  of  caps  of  rank,  aprons,  broad 
girdles,  and  leggings  by  princes  or  public  functionaries,  as  well  as  the  use  of 
shoulder-straps  or  mantillas  by  palace  stewards  or  ladies-in-waiting.  The 
shoulder-strap  was  a  mark  of  manual  labour,  and  its  use  in  the  presence  of  a 
superior  has  always  been  counted  as  rude  in  Japan. 

A  few  days  later,  this  meticulous  monarch  is  found  commanding  men  and 
women  to  tic,  up  their  hair,  eight  months  being  granted  to  make  the  change, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  practice  of  women  riding  astride  on  horseback  came 
into  vogue,  showing  that  female  costume  had  much  in  common  with  male. 
Caps  of  varnished  gauze,  after  the  Chinese  type,  began  to  be  worn  by  both 
sexes  simultaneously  with  the  tying-up  of  the  hair.  Two  years  later,  women  of 
forty  years  or  upwards  were  given  the  option  of  tying  up  their  hair  or  letting  it 
hang  loose,  and  of  riding  astride  or  side-saddle  as  they  pleased.  At  the  same 
time,  to  both  sexes,  except  on  State  occasions,  liberty  of  choice  was  accorded  in 
the  matter  of  wearing  sleeveless  jackets  fastened  in  front  with  silk  cords  and 
tassels,  though  in  the  matter  of  trousers,  men  had  to  gather  theirs  in  at  the  bottom 
with  a  lace.  By  and  by,  the  tying  up  of  the  hair  by  women  was  forbidden  in 
its  turn;  the  wearing  of  leggings  was  sanctioned,  and  the  colours  of  Court  cos- 
tumes were  strictly  determined  according  to  the  rank  of  the  wearer  —  red,  deep 
purple,  light  purple,  dark  green,  light  green,  deep  grape-colour  and  light  grape- 
colour  being  the  order  from  above  downwards. 

All  this  attention  to  costume  is  suggestive  of  much  refinement.  From  the 
eighth  century  even  greater  care  was  devoted  to  the  subject.  We  find  three 
kinds  of  habiliments  prescribed  —  full  dress  (reifuku),  Court  dress  (chofuku) 
and  uniform  (seifuku)  —  with  many  minor  distinctions  according  to  the  rank  of 
the  wearer.  Broadly  speaking,  the  principal  garments  were  a  paletot,  trousers, 
and  a  narrow  girdle  tied  in  front.  The  sleeves  of  the  paletot  were  studiously 
regulated.  A  nobleman  wore  them  long  enough  to  cover  his  hands,  and  their 
width  —  which  in  after  ages  became  remarkable  —  was  limited  in  the  Nara 
epoch  to  one  foot.  The  manner  of  folding  the  paletot  over  the  breast  seems  to 
have  perplexed  the  legislators  for  a  time.  At  first  they  prescribed  that  the  right 
should  be  folded  over  the  left  (hidarimae),  but  subsequently  (719)  an  Imperial 
decree  ordered  that  the  left  should  be  laid  across  the  right  (migimae),  and  since 
that  day,  nearly  twelve  hundred  years  ago,  there  has  not  been  any  departure  from 
the  latter  rule.  Court  officials  carried  a  baton  (shaku),  that,  too,  being  a  habit 
borrowed  from  China. 


212  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

FOOD 

..n'ni  >i  bsbr.vm  .'i-noi  yiwtT  a  uoiiw  ,!<)•;  mi/ii 

When  the  influence  of  Buddhism  became  supreme  in  Court  circles,  all 
taking  of  life  for  purposes  of  food  was  interdicted.  The  first  prohibitory  decree 
in  that  sense  was  issued  by  Temmu  (673-686),  and  the  veto  was  renewed  in  more 
peremptory  terms  by  Shomu  (724-748),  while  the  Empress  Shotoku  (765-770) 
went  so  far  as  to  forbid  the  keeping  of  dogs,  falcons,  or  cormorants  for  hunting 
or  fishing  at  Shinto  ceremonials.  But  such  vetoes  were  never  effectually  en- 
forced. The  great  staple  of  diet  was  rice,  steamed  or  boiled,  and  next  in  impor- 
tance came  millet,  barley,  fish  of  various  kinds  (fresh  or  salted),  seaweed,  vegeta- 
bles, fruit  (pears,  chestnuts,  etc.),  and  the  flesh  of  fowl,  deer,  and  wild  boar. 
Salt,  bean-sauce,  and  vinegar  were  used  for  seasoning.  There  were  many  kinds 
of  dishes;  among  the  commonest  being  soup  (atsumono)  and  a  preparation  of 
raw  fish  in  vinegar  (namasu).  In  the  reign  of  Kotoku  (645-654),  a  Korean 
named  Zena  presented  a  milch  cow  to  the  Court,  and  from  that  time  milk  was 
recognized  as  specially  hygienic  diet.  Thus,  when  the  Daiho  laws  were  published 
at  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  dairies  were  attached  to  the  medical 
department,  and  certain  provinces  received  orders  to  present  butter  (gyuraku) 
for  the  Court's  use. 

MARRIAGES  AND  FUNERALS 


•  . 

Very  little  is  known  of  the  marriage  ceremony  in  old  Japan.  That  there  was 
a  nuptial  hut  is  attested  by  very  early  annals,  and  from  the  time  of  the  Emperor 
Richu  (400-405)  wedding  presents  are  recorded.  But  for  the  rest,  history  is 
silent,  and  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  epoch  when  a  set  ceremonial  began  to  be 
observed. 

As  to  funerals,  there  is  fuller  but  not  complete  information.  That  a  mortu- 
ary chamber  was  provided  for  the  corpse  pending  the  preparation  of  the  tomb 
is  shown  by  the  earliest  annals,  and  from  an  account,  partly  allegorical,  contained 
in  the  records  of  the  prehistoric  age,  we  learn  that  dirges  were  sung  for  eight  days 
and  eight  nights,  and  that  in  the  burial  procession  were  marshalled  bearers  of 
viands  to  be  offered  at  the  grave,  bearers  of  brooms  to  sweep  the  path,  women 
who  prepared  the  viands,  and  a  body  of  hired  mourners.  But  the  Kojiki, 
describing  the  same  ceremony,  speaks  of  "making  merry"  with  the  object  of 
recalling  the  dead  to  life,  as  the  Sun  goddess  had  been  enticed  from  her  cave. 
From  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Bidatsu  (572-585),  we  find  the  first  mention  of 
funeral  orations,  and  although  the  contents  of  tombs  bear  witness  to  the  fact 
that  articles  other  than  food  were  offered  to  the  deceased,  it  is  not  until  the  burial 
of  the  Emperor's  consort,  Katachi,  (612)  that  explicit  mention  is  made  of  such  a 
custom.  On  that  occasion  Tori,  omi  of  the  Abe-uji,  offered  to  the  spirit  of  the 
dead  "sacred  utensils  and  sacred  garments,  fifteen  thousand  kinds  in  all." 
Fifty  years  later,  white  is  mentioned  as  the  mourning  colour,  but  when  next 
(683)  we  hear  of  funerals,  it  is  evident  that  their  realm  had  been  invaded  by 
Chinese  customs,  for  it  is  recorded  that  "officials  of  the  third  rank  were  allowed 
at  their  funerals  one  hearse,  forty  drums,  twenty  great  hnrns,  forty  little  horns, 
two  hundred  flags,  one  metal  gong,  and  one  hand-bell,  with  lamentation  for  one 
day."  At  Temmu  's  obsequies  (687)  mention  is  made  of  an  "ornamented  chap- 
let,"  the  first  reference  to  the  use  of  flowers,  which  constitute  such  a  prominent 
feature  of  Buddhist  obsequies. 

But  there  is  no  evidence  that  Buddhist  rites  were  employed  at  funerals  until 
the  death  of  the  retired  Emperor  Shomu  (756)  .  Thereafter,  the  practice  became 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  213 

common.  It  was  also  to  a  Buddhist  priest,  Dosho,  that  Japan  owed  the  incep- 
tion of  cremation.  Dying  in  the  year  700,  Dosho  ordered  his  disciples  to  cremate 
his  body  at  Kurihara,  and,  two  years  later,  the  Dowager  Empress  Jito  willed 
that  her  corpse  should  be  similarly  disposed  of.  From  the  megalithic  tombs 
of  old  Japan  to  the  little  urn  that  holds  the  handful  of  ashes  representing  a 
cremated  body,  the  transition  is  immense.  It  has  been  shown  that  one  of  the 
signal  reforms  of  the  Daika  era  was  the  setting  of  limits  to  the  size  of  sepulchres, 
a  measure  which  afforded  to  the  lower  classes  much  relief  from  forced  labour. 
But  an  edict  issued  in  706  shows  that  the  tendance  of  the  resting  place  of  the 
dead  was  still  regarded  as  a  sacred  duty,  for  the  edict  ordered  that,  alike  at  the 
ancestral  tombs  of  the  uji  and  in  the  residential  quarter  of  the  common  people, 
trees  should  be  planted. 

Not  yet,  however,  does  the  custom  of  erecting  monuments  with  inscriptions 
seem  to  have  come  into  vogue.  The  Empress  Gemmyo  (d.  721)  appears  to 
have  inaugurated  that  feature,  for  she  willed  not  only  that  evergreens  should  be 
planted  at  her  grave  but  also  that  a  tablet  should  be  set  up  there.  Some 
historians  hold  that  the  donning  of  special  garments  by  way  of  mourning  had 
its  origin  at  that  time,  and  that  it  was  borrowed  from  the  Tang  code  of  etiquette. 
But  the  Chronicles  state  that  in  the  year  A.D.  312,  when  the_Prince  Imperial 
committed  suicide  rather  than  occupy  the  throne,  his  brother,  Osasagi,  "put  on 
plain  unbleached  garments  and  began  mourning  for'  him."  White  ultimately 
became  the  mourning  colour,  but  in  the  eighth  century  it  was  dark,1  and 
mourning  habiliments  were  called  fuji-koromo,  because  they  were  made  from  the 
bark  of  the  wisteria  (fuji).  Among  the  Daiho  statutes  was  one  providing  that 
periods  of  mourning  should  be  of  five  grades,  the  longest  being  one  year  and  the 
shortest  seven  days. 

f^s.  d*n$  9  fit  Jtj(!7f     .v/ol  vl-y.  •>  vcl  bivoitfou  Jirt'i  B  WH  yaoiwj/il 

terfv/-  litrw  frfLB  ,3inult>'-  PASTIMES 

Foremost  among  the  pastimes  of  the  Japanese  people  in  all  epochs  was 
dancing.  We  hear  of  it  in  the  prehistoric  age  when  the  " monkey  female" 
(Sarume)  performed  a  pantominic  dance  before  the  rock  cave  of  the  Sun  goddess; 
we  hear  of  it  in  protohistoric  times  when  Inkyo  's  consort  was  betrayed  into  -an 
offer  that  wrecked  her  happiness,  and  we  hear  of  it  in  the  historic  epoch  when  the 
future  Emperor  Kenso  danced  in  the  disguise  of  a  horse-boy.  But  as  the 
discussion  of  this  subject  belongs  more  intelligently  to  the  era  following  the 
Nara,  we  confine  ourselves  here  to  noting  that  even  the  religious  fanatic  Shomu 
is  recorded  as  having  repaired  to  the  Shujaku  gate  of  the  palace  to  witness  a 
performance  of  song  and  dance  (utagaki)  in  which  240  persons,  men  and  women, 
took  part;  and  that,  in  the  same  year  (734),  230  members  of  six  great  uji  per- 
formed similarly,  all  robed  in  blue  garments  fastened  in  front  with  long  red 
cords  and  tassels. 

The  tendency  of  the  Japanese  has  always  been  to  accompany  their  feasting 
and  merry-making  with  music,  versifying,  and  dancing.  At  the  time  now  under 
consideration  there  was  the  "winding- water  fete"  (kyoku-sui  no  en),  when 
princes,  high  officials,  courtiers,  and  noble  ladies  seated  themselves  by  the 
banks  of  a  rivulet  meandering  gently  through  some  fair  park,  and  launched  tiny 
cups  of  mulled  wine  upon  the  current,  each  composing  a  stanza  as  the  little 
messenger  reached  him,  or  drinking  its  contents  by  way  of  penalty  for  lack  of 
sift  asfiolod  .  \F;  -xii  •-,..  i  -  i)dj-  -  v.ii;tn9->  smte  Srff.fcT  .(0£7:-m) 

t1  "On  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Inkyo  (A.D.  453),  the  Korean  Court  sent  eighty  musicians 
robed  in  black,  who  marched  in  procession  to  the  Yamato  palace,  playing  and  singing  a  dirge 
as  they  went."] 


214 

poetic  inspiration.  There  were  also  the  flower  festivals  —  that  for  the  plum 
blossoms,  that  for  the  iris,  and  that  for  the  lotus,  all  of  which  were  instituted  in 
this  same  Nara  epoch  —  when  the  composition  of  couplets  was  quite  as  important 
as  the  viewing  of  the  flowers.  There  was,  further,  the  grand  New  Year's 
banquet  in  the  Hall  of  Tranquillity  at  the  Court,  when  all  officials  from  the  sixth 
grade  downwards  sang  a  stanza  of  loyal  gratitude,  accompanying  themselves 
on  the  lute  (koto).  It  was  an  era  of  refined  effeminate  amusements.  Wrestling 
had  now  become  the  pursuit  of  professionals.  Aristocrats  engaged  in  no  rougher 
pastime  than  equestrian  archery,  a  species  of  football,  hawking,  and  hunting. 
Everybody  gambled.  It  was  in  vain  that  edicts  were  issued  against  dicing 
(chobo  and  sugoroku).  The  vice  defied  official  restraint. 

LITERATURE  AND  POETRY 

ofr  *7^H!f<f>-  .  it'y  .?'    o^mffloJ/ e^ytqifEa    •;.] 

Having  no  books  of  her  own,  Japan  naturally  borrowed  freely  from  the  rich 
mine  of  Chinese  literature.  By  the  tutors  of  the  Imperial  family,  at  the  colleges 
of  the  capital,  and  in  the  provincial  schools  the  classics  constituted  virtually  the 
whole  curriculum.  The  advantages  of  education  were,  however,  enjoyed  by 
a  comparatively  small  element  of  the  population.  During  the  Nara  epoch,  it 
does  not  appear  that  there  were  more  than  five  thousand  students  attending  the 
schools  and  colleges  at  one  time.  The  aim  of  instruction  was  to  prepare  men 
for  official  posts  rather  than  to  impart  general  culture  or  to  encourage  scientific 
research.  Students  were  therefore  selected  from  the  aristocrats  or  the  official 
classes  only.  There  were  no  printed  books;  everything  had  to  be  laboriously 
copied  by  hand,  and  thus  the  difficulties  of  learning  were  much  enhanced.  To 
be  able  to  adapt  the  Chinese  ideographs  skilfully  to  the  purposes  of  written 
Japanese  was  a  feat  achieved  by  comparatively  few.  What  the  task  involved 
has  been  roughly  described  in  the  opening  chapter  of  this  volume,  and  with  what 
measure  of  success  it  was  achieved  may  be  estimated  from  the  preface  to  the 
Records  (Kojiki),  written  by  Ono  Yasumaro,  from  the  Chronicles  (Nihon  Shoki) 
and  from  the  Daiho  Ritsu-ryo,  which  three  works  may  be  called  the  sole  surviving 
prose  essays  of  the  epoch. 

Much  richer,  however,  is  the  realm  of  poetry.  It  was  during  the  Nara 
epoch  that  the  first  Japanese  anthology,  the  Manyo-shu  (Collection  of  a  Myriad 
Leaves),  was  compiled.  It  remains  to  this  day  a  revered  classic  and  "a  whole 
mountain  of  commentary  has  been  devoted  to  the  elucidation  of  its  obscurities." 
[Chamberlain.]  In  the  Myriad  Leaves  are  to  be  found  poems  dating  nominally 
from  the  reigns  of  Yuryaku  and  Nintoku,  as  well  as  from  the  days  of  Shotoku 
Taishi.  but  much  more  numerous  are  those  of  Jomei  's  era  (629-641)  and  especial- 
ly those  of  the  Nara  epoch.  The  compiler's  name  is  notjcnown  certainly;  he  is 
believed  to  have  been  either  Tachibana  no  Moroe  or  Otomo  no  Yakamochi. 
Old  manuscripts  and  popular  memory  were  the  sources,  and  the  verselets  total 
4496,  in  twenty  volumes.  Some  make  love  their  theme;  some  deal  with 
sorrow;  some  are  allegorical;  some  draw  their  inspiration  from  nature's  beauties, 
and  some  have  miscellaneous  motives.  Hitomaru,  who  flourished  during  the 
reign  of  the  Empress  Jito  (690-697),  and  several  of  whose  verses  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Myriad  Leaves,  has  been  counted  by  all  generations  the  greatest  of  Japanese 
poets.  Not  far  below  him  in  fame  is  Akahito,  who  wrote  in  the  days  of  Shomu 
(724-749) .  To  the  same  century  —  the  eighth  —  as  the  Manyo-shu,  belongs  the 
Kiraifu-so,  &  volume  containing  120  poems  in  Chinese  style,  composed  by 
sixty-four  poets  during  the  reigns  of  Temmu,  Jito,  and  Mommu,  that  is  to  say, 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  215 

between  673  and  707.     Here  again  the  compiler's  name  is  unknown,  but  the 
date  of  compilation  is  clear,  November,  751. 

From  the  fact  that,  while  bequeathing  to  posterity  only  two  national  histories 
and  a  few  provincial  records  (the  Fudo-ki),  the  Nara  epoch  has  left  two  antholo- 
gies, it  will  be  inferred  readily  that  the  writing  of  poetry  was  a  favourite  pursuit 
in  that  age.  Such,  indeed,  was  the  case.  The  taste  developed  almost  into  a 
mania.  Guests  bidden  to  a  banquet  were  furnished  with  writing  materials  and 
invited  to  spend  hours  composing  versicles  on  themes  set  by  their  hosts.  But 
skill  in  writing  verse  was  not  merely  a  social  gift;  it  came  near  to  being  a  test  of 
fitness  for  office. 

"In  their  poetry  above  everything  the  Japanese  have  remained  impervious 
to  alien  influences.  It  owes  this  conservation  to  its  prosody.  Without  rhyme, 
without  variety  of  metre,  without  elasticity  of  dimensions,  it  is  also  without 
known  counterpart.  To  alter  it  in  any  way  would  be  to  deprive  it  of  all  distin- 
guishing characteristics.  At  some  remote  date  a  Japanese  maker  of  songs  seems 
to  have  discovered  that  a  peculiar  and  very  fascinating  rhythm  is  produced  by 
lines  containing  5  syllables  and  7  syllables  alternately.  That  is  Japanese 
poetry  (uta  or  tanka).  There  are  generally  five  lines:  the  first  and  third  con- 
sisting of  5  syllables,  the  second,  fourth  and  fifth  of  7,  making  a  total  of  31  in  all. 
The  number  of  lines  is  not  compulsory:  sometimes  they  may  reach  to  thirty, 
forty  or  even  more,  but  the  alternation  of  5  and  7  syllables  is  compulsory.  The 
most  attenuated  form  of  all  is  the  hokku  (or  haikai)  which  consists  of  only  three 
lines,  namely,  17  syllables.  Necessarily  the  ideas  embodied  in  such  a  narrow 
vehicle  must  be  fragmentary.  Thus  it  results  that  Japanese  poems  are,  for  the 
most  part,  impressionist;  they  suggest  a  great  deal  more  than  they  actually 
express.  Here  is  an  example: — 
-ni  nobbjja  ^Ji-s  &sri)  U/o  -jd$  lo  f^ffc.Lion-?.  orli  'io  ttn-rr  gnlmnja  h  lyr-itin 

Momiji-ha  wo 
om  JoK     Kaze  ni  makasete 

Miru  yori  mo 

Hakanaki  mono  wa 

Inochi  nari  keri 

TO,-  u    i        i  j.  j •''•  ;>n.1  10  ?i 

This  may  be  translated : — 

More  fleeting  than  the  glint  of  withered  leaf  wind-blown,  the  thing  called  life." * 
The  sketchy  nature  of  Japanese  poetry,  especially  in  this  five-line  stanza, 

"may  be  illustrated  further  by  two  poems  quoted  by  Prof.  B.  H.  Chamberlain  in 

Ks  Things  Japanese  (pp.  375-376), 

,./hThe  first: 

Hototogisu 
Nakitsuru  kata  wo 
Nagamureba — 
Tada  ari-ake  no 
Tsuki  zo  nokoreru 

is  literally  translated  by  Professor  Chamberlain  as  follows: 

"When  I  gaze  towards  the  place  where  the  cuckoo  has  been  singing,  nought 
remains  but  the  moon  in  the  early  dawn." 

And  the  conventional  and  pictorial  character  of  the  literary  form  is  illus- 
trated again  in  the  lines : 

[ 1  See  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  Edition,  article  "Japan."] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Shira-kumo  ni 

Hane  uchi-kawashi 

Tobu  kari  no  — 

Kazu  sae  miyuru 

Aki  no  yo  no  tsuki! 

«t'^ 

which  the  same  eminent  scholar  translates:  "The  moon  on  an  autumn  night 
making  visible  the  very  number  of  the  wild-geese  that  fly  past  with  wings 
intercrossed  in  the  white  clouds."  It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  last  is,  to  Occidental 
notions,  a  mere  poetic  phrase  and  not  a  unit. 

Of  course,  the  very  exigencies  of  the  case  make  the  three-line  stanza  (or 
hokku),  containing  only  17  syllables,  even  more  sketchy  —  hardly  more  indeed 
than  a  tour  de  force  composed  of  a  limited  number  of  brush  strokes!  The 
Western  critic,  with  his  totally  different  literary  conventions,  has  difficulty  in 
bringing  himself  to  regard  Japanese  verse  as  a  literary  form  or  in  thinking  of  it 
otherwise  than  as  an  exercise  in  ingenuity,  an  Oriental  puzzle;  and  this  notion  is 
heightened  by  the  prevalence  of  the  couplet-composing  contests,  which  did  much 
to  heighten  the  artificiality  of  the  genre. 


RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  SEXES 

•>f  IT    -viosluqcaoo  *i  <*  JlaSiFgi  >  -: 

There  was  probably  no  more  shocking  sexual  vice  or  irregularity  in  the 
Nara  epoch  than  there  had  been  before  nor  than  there  was  afterwards.  The  only 
evidence  adduced  to  prove  that  there  was  anything  of  the  sort  is  the  fact  that 
laws  were  promulgated  looking  to  the  restraint  of  illicit  intercourse.  These 
laws  seem  to  have  accomplished  little  or  nothing  and  the  existence  of  the  laws 
argues  rather  a  growing  sense  of  the  seriousness  of  the  evil  than  any  sudden  in- 
crease in  the  prevalence  of  the  evil  itself.  There  can  be  no  question,  however, 
of  the  wide  diffusion  of  concubinage  in  this  period.  Not  morals  nor  repute  nor 
public  opinion,  but  the  wealth  and  wishes  of  each  man  limited  him  in  his  amours 
of  this  sort.  The  essential  of  a  virtuous  woman  was  that  she  be  faithful  to  her 
husband  or  lover;  no  such  faithfulness  was  expected  of  him.  And  neither  in  the 
case  of  man  nor  woman  did  the  conventions  of  the  period  depend  at  all  on  the 
nature  of  the  relationship  between  the  two.  Wives  no  longer  lived  in  their 
fathers'  homes  after  marriage,  but  the  newly-  wedded  husband  built  new  rooms 
for  his  wife's  especial  use,  so  that,  by  a  fiction  such  as  the  Oriental  delights  in  and 
Occidental  law  is  not  entirely  ignorant  of,  her  home  was  still  not  his.  Before 
betrothal,  girls  were  not  allowed  to  call  themselves  by  a  family  name.  At  the 
betrothal  her  affianced  first  bound  up  in  a  fillet  the  hair  that  she  had  formerly 
worn  loose  around  her  face.  Even  more  symbolical  was  the  custom  upon  lovers' 
parting  of  tying  to  the  woman's  undergarment  a  string  from  the  man's;  this 
knot  was  to  be  unloosed  only  when  they  met.  again. 

THE  SHOS&-IN 

At  Nara,  hi  Yamato  province,  near  the  temple  of  Todai-ji,  a  store  house 
built  of  wood  and  called  the  Shosd-in  was  constructed  in  the  Nara  epoch,  and 
it  still  stands  housing  a  remarkable  collection  of  furniture  and  ornaments  from 
the  Imperial  palace.  There  is  some  question  whether  this  collection  is  truly 
typical  of  the  period,  or  even  of  the  palace  of  the  period;  but  the  presence  of 
many  utensils  from  China,  some  from  India  (often  with  traces  of  Greek  influence), 


4   THE  NARA  EPOCH 


217 


and  a  few  from  Persia  certainly  shows  the  degree  of  cosmopolitan  culture  and 
elegance  there  was  in  the  palace  at  Nara.  At  the  present  day,  strangers  may 
visit  the  collection  only  by  special  permission  and  only  on  two  days  each  year; 
and  the  museum  has  always  had  a  mingled  imperial  and  sacred  character.  When 
the  power  of  the  shogunate  was  at  its  height,  the  Shoso-in  was  never  opened 
except  by  orders  of  the  Emperor.  Among  the  contents  of  this  museum  are: 

polished  mirrors  with  repousse  backs,  kept  in  cases  lined  with  brocaded  silk; 

• 

aqiiam.tolavoffls-ic: 
ak  ,«r 


OUTLINE  SKETCH  OF  THE  SHOSO-IN  AT  NARA 

!38ibni  djiitt  babn-jaiinoooi  lionuoo  oii'P  .^Iga 
bronze  vases;  bronze  censers;  hicense-boxes  made  of  Paulownia  wood  or  of 
Chinese  ware;  two-edged  swords,  which  were  tied  to  the  girdle,  instead  of  being 
thrust  through  it;  narrow  leather  belts  with  silver  or  jade  decoration;  bamboo 
flutes;  lacquer  writing-cases,  etc. 

'/«jj  fj')J:-  b'j'iikWanoo 

REFORM  OF  LOCAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

•  :  ooagnacptid 

To  the  Emperor  Konin  belongs  the  credit  of  correcting  some  flagrant  abuses 
in  provincial  administration.  There  was  an  inconvenient  outcome  of  the 
religious  mania  which  pervaded  the  upper  classes  during  the  reigns  of  Shomu  and 
Koken.  To  meet  the  expense  of  building  temples  and  casting  images,  men  of 
substance  in  the  provinces  were  urged  to  make  contributions  of  money,  cereals, 
or  land,  and  in  return  for  this  liberality  they  were  granted  official  posts.  It 
resulted  that  no  less  than  thirty-one  supernumerary  provincial  governors  were 
borne  on  the  roll  at  one  time,  and  since  all  these  regarded  office  as  a  means  of 
recouping  the  cost  of  nomination,  taxpayers  and  persons  liable  to  the  corvee 
fared  ill.  In  774,  Koken  issued  an  edict  that  provincial  governors  who  had  held 
office  for  five  years  or  upwards  should  be  dismissed  at  once,  those  of  shorter 
terms  being  allowed  to  complete  five  years  and  then  removed. 

Another  evil,  inaugurated  during  the  reign  of  Shomu,  when  faith  in  the  potency 


218  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  supernatural  influences  obsessed  men's -minds,  was  severely  dealt  with  by 
Konin.  Office-seekers  resorted  to  the  device  of  contriving  conflagrations  of 
official  property,  rewarding  the  incendiaries  with  the  plunder,  and  circulating 
rumours  that  these  calamities  were  visitations  of  heaven  to  punish  the  mal- 
practices of  the  provincial  governors  in  whose  jurisdictions  they  occurred.  It 
is  on  record  that,  in  several  cases,  these  stories  led  to  the  dismissal  of  governors 
and  their  replacement  by  their  traducers.  Konin  decreed  that  such  crimes 
should  be  punished  by  the  death  of  all  concerned.  These  reforms,  supplemented 
by  the  removal  of  many  superfluous  officials,  earned  for  Konin  such  popularity 
that  for  the  first  time  in  Japan's  history,  the  sovereign's  birthday  became  a 
festival,1  thereafter  celebrated  through  all  ages. 

THE  MILITARY  SYSTEM 

It  has  been  shown  that  compulsory  military  service  was  introduced  in  689, 
during  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Jito,  one-fourth  of  all  the  able-bodied  men  in 
each  province  being  required  to  serve  a  fixed  time  with  the  colours.  It  has  also 
been  noted  that  under  the  Daiho  legislation  the  number  was  increased  to  one- 
third.  This  meant  that  no  distinction  existed  between  soldier  and  peasant. 
The  plan  worked  ill.  No  sufficient  provision  of  officers  being  made,  the  troops 
remained  without  training,  and  it  frequently  happened  that,  instead  of  military 
exercises,  they  were  required  to  labour  for  the  enrichment  of  a  provincial 
governor. 

The  system,  being  thus  discredited,  fell  into  abeyance  in  the  year  739,  but 
that  it  was  not  abolished  is  shown  by  the  fact  that,  in  780,  we  find  the  privy 
council  memorializing  the  Throne  in  a  sense  unfavourable  to  the  drafting  of 
peasants  into  the  ranks.  The  memorial  alleged  that  the  men  lacked  training; 
that  they  were  physically  unfit;  that  they  busied  themselves  devising  pretexts 
for  evasion;  that  their  chief  function  was  to  perform  fatigue-duty  for  local 
governors,  and  that  to  send  such  men  into  the  field  of  battle  would  be  to  throw 
away  their  lives  fruitlessly.  The  council  recommended  that  indiscriminate 
conscription  of  peasants  should  be  replaced  by  a  system  of  selection,  the  choice 
being  limited  to  men  with  some  previous  training;  that  the  number  taken  should 
be  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  the  province,  and  that  those  not  physically  robust 
should  be  left  to  till  the  land.  These  recommendations  were  approved.  They 
constituted  the  first  step  towards  complete  abolishment  of  compulsory  service 
and  towards  the  glorifying  of  the  profession  of  arms  above  that  of  agriculture. 
Experience  quickly  proved,  however,  that  some  more  efficient  management  was 
necessary  in  the  maritime  provinces,  and  in  792,  Kwammu  being  then  on  the 
throne,  an  edict  abolished  the  provincial  troops  in  all  regions  except  those  which, 
by  their  proximity  to  the  continent  of  Asia,  were  exposed  to  danger,  namely, 
Dazai-fu  in  Kyushu,  and  in  Mutsu,  Dewa,  and  Sado  in  the  north.  Some  special- 
ly organized  force  was  needed  also  for  extraordinary  service  and  for  guarding 
official  storehouses,  offices,  and  places  where  post-bells  (suzu)  were  kept.  To 
that  end  the  system  previously  practised  during  the  reign  of  Shomu  (724-749) 
was  reverted  to;  that  is  to  say,  the  most  robust  among  the  sons  and  younger 
brothers  of  provincial  governors  and  local  officials  were  enrolled  in  corps  of 
strength  varying  with  the  duties  to  be  performed.  These  were  called  kondei  or 
kenji.  We  learn  from  the  edict  that  the  abuse  of  employing  soldiers  as  labourers 
was  still  practised,  but  of  course  this  did  not  apply  to  the  kondei. 

[l  Called  Tenchosetsu.] 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  219 

The  tendency  of  the  time  was  against  imposing  military  service  on  the  lower 
classes.  During  the  period  810-820,  the  forces  under  the  Dazai-fu  jurisdiction, 
that  is  to  say,  in  the  six  provinces  of  Chikuzen,  Chikugo,  Hizen,  Higo,  Buzen, 
and  Bungo,  were  reduced  from  17,100  to  9000.  Dazai-fu  and  Mutsu  being 
littoral  regions,  the  conscription  system  still  existed  there,  but  in  Mutsu  there 
were  not  only  heishi,  that  is  to  say,  local  militiamen  of  the  ordinary  type  and 
kenji  or  kondei,  but  also  chimpei,  or  guards  who  were  required  to  serve  at  a. 
distance  from  home.  Small  farmers,  upon  whom  this  duty  devolved,  had  no 
choice  but  to  take  their  wives  and  children  with  them,  the  family  subsisting  on 
the  pittance  given  as  rations  eked  out  by  money  realized  from  sales  of  chattels 
and  garments.  Thus,  on  the  expiration  of  their  service  they  returned  to  their 
native  place  in  a  wholly  destitute  condition,  and  sometimes  perished  of  hunger 
on  the  way.  In  consideration  of  the  hardships  of  such  a  system,  it  was  abolished, 
and  thus  the  distinction  between  the  soldier  and  the  peasant  received  further 
accentuation. 

There  is  no  record  as  to  the  exact  dimensions  of  Japan 's  standing  army  in  the 
ninth  century,  but  if  we  observe  that  troops  were  raised  in  the  eight  littoral 
provinces  only  —  six  in  the  south  and  two  in  the  north  —  and  in  the  island  of 
Sado,  and  that  the  total  number  in  the  six  southern  provinces  was  only  nine 
thousand,  it  would  seem  reasonable  to  conclude  that  the  aggregate  did  not 
exceed  thirty  thousand.  There  were  also  the  kondei  (or  kenji),  but  these,  since 
they  served  solely  as  guards  or  for  special  purposes,  can  scarcely  be  counted  a 
part  of  the  standing  army.  The  inference  is  that  whatever  the  Yamato  race 
may  have  been  when  it  set  out  upon  its  original  career  of  conquest,  or  when,  in 
later  eras,  it  sent  great  armies  to  the  Asiatic  continent,  the  close  of  the  fifth 
cycle  after  the  coming  of  Buddhism  found  the  country  reduced  to  a  condition  of 
comparative  military  weakness.  As  to  that,  however,  clearer  judgment  may  be 
formed  in  the  context  of  the  campaign  —  to  be  now  spoken  of  —  conducted  by 
the  Yamato  against  the  Yemishi  tribes  throughout  a  great  part  of  the  eighth 
century  and  the  early  years  of  the  ninth. 

REVOLT  OF  THE  YEMISHI 

. -M)  nni  laolia  s»d.1  ft  ffi^s  -v=  r<«  brt£;,«orm  o-cpco 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  close  of  the  third  decade  of  the  eighth  century 
saw  the  capital  established  at  Nara  amid  conditions  of  great  refinement,  and  saw 
the  Court  and  the  aristocracy  absorbed  in  religious  observances,  while  the 
provincial  governments  were,  in  many  cases,  corrupt  and  inefficient.  In  the 
year  724,  Nara  received  news  of  an  event  which  illustrated  the  danger  of  such 
a  state  of  affairs.  The  Yemishi  of  the  east  had  risen  in  arms  and  killed  Koyama- 
ro,  warden  of  Mutsu.  At  that  time  the  term  "Mutsu"  represented  a  much 
wider  area  than  the  modern  region  of  the  same  name:  it  comprised  the  five 
provinces  now  distinguished  as  Iwaki,  Iwashiro,  Rikuzen,  Rikuchu,  and  Mutsu 
—  in  other  words,  the  whole  of  the  northeastern  and  northern  littoral  of  the  main 
island.  Similarly,  the  provinces  now  called  Ugo  and  Uzen,  which  form  the 
northwestern  littoral,  were  comprised  in  the  single  term  "Dewa."  Nature  has 
separated  these  two  regions,  Mutsu  and  Dewa,  by  a  formidable  chain  of  moun- 
tains, constituting  the  backbone  of  northern  Japan.  Within  Dewa,  Mutsu,  and 
the  island  of  Yezo,  the  aboriginal  Yemishi  had  been  held  since  Yamato-dake  's 
signal  campaign  in  the  second  century  A.D.,  and  though  not  so  effectually  quelled 
as  to  preclude  all  danger  of  insurrection,  their  potentialities  caused  little  uneasi- 
ness to  the  Central  Government. 


220  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

But  there  was  no  paltering  with  the  situation  which  arose  in  724.  Recourse 
was  immediately  had  to  the  Fujiwara,  whose  position  at  the  Imperial  Court  was 
paramount,  and  Umakai,  grandson  of  the  renowned  Kamatari,  set  out  at  the 
head  of  thirty  thousand  men,  levied  from  the  eight  Bands  provinces,  by  which 
term  Sagami,  Musashi,  Awa,  Kazusa,  Shimosa,  Hitachi,  Kotsuke,  and  Shimot- 
suke  were  designated.  The  expanded  system  of  conscription  established  under 
the  Daihd  code  was  then  in  force,  and  thus  a  large  body  of  troops  could  easily 
be  assembled.  Umakai 's  army  did  not  experience  any  serious  resistance.  But 
neither  did  it  achieve  anything  signal.  Marching  by_two  routes,  it  converged 
on  the  castle  of  Taga,  a  fortress  just  constructed  by  Ono  Azumahito,  the  lord 
warden  of  the  Eastern  Marches.  The  plan  pursued  by  the  Yamato  commanders 
was  to  build  castles  and  barriers  along  the  course  of  rivers  giving  access  to  the 
interior,  as  well  as  along  the  coast  line.  Taga  Castle  was  the  first  of  such  works, 
and,  by  the  year  767,  the  programme  had  been  carried  in  Mutsu  as  far  as  the 
upper  reaches  of  the  Kitakami  River,1  and  in  Dewa  as  far  as  Akita. 

History  has  nothing  further  to  tell  about  the  Yemishi  until  the  year  774, 
when  they  again  took  up  arms,  captured  one  (Mono)  of  the  Japanese  forts  and 
drove  out  its  garrison.  Again  the  eight  Bando  provinces  were  ordered  to  send 
levies,  and  at  the  head  of  the  army  thus  raised  a  Japanese  general  penetrated 
far  into  Mutsu  and  destroyed  the  Yemishi 's  chief  stronghold.  This  success  was 
followed  by  an  aggressive  policy  on  the  part  of  the  lord-warden,  Ki  no  Hirozumi. 
He  extended  the  chain  of  forts  to  Kabe  in  Dewa,  and  to  Isawa  in  Mutsu.  This 
was  in  780.  But  there  ensued  a  strong  movement  of  reprisal  on  the  part  of  the 
Yemishi.  Led  by  Iharu  no  Atamaro,  they  overwhelmed  Hirozumi 's  army, 
killed  the  lord-warden  himself,  and  pushed  on  to  Taga  Castle,  which  they  burned, 
destroying  vast  stores  of  arms  and  provisions.  It  was  precisely  at  this  time 
that  the  State  council,  as  related  above,  memorialized  the  Throne,  denouncing 
the  incompetency  of  the  provincial  conscripts  and  complaining  that  the  provincial 
authorities,  instead  of  training  the  soldiers,  used  them  for  forced  labour.  The 
overthrow  of  the  army  in  Mutsu  and  the  destruction  of  Taga  Castle  justified 
this  memorial. 

The  Court  appointed  Fujiwara  Tsugunawa  to  take  command  of  a  punitive 
expedition,  and  once  again  Bando  levies  converged  on  the  site  of  the  dismantled 
castle  of  Taga.  But  beyond  that  point  no  advance  was  essayed,  in  spite  of  bitter 
reproaches  from  Nara.  " In  summer,"  wrote  the  Emperor  (Konin),  "you  plead 
that  the  grass  is  too  dry;  in  winter  you  allege  that  bran  is  too  scant.  You 
discourse  adroitly  but  you  get  no  nearer  to  the  foe."  Konin 's  death  followed 
shortly  afterwards,  but  his  successor,  Kwammu,  zealously  undertook  the  pursuit 
of  the  campaign.  Notice  was  sent  (783)  to  the  provincial  authorities  directing 
them  to  make  preparations  and  to  instruct  the  people  that  an  armed  expedition 
was  inevitable.  News  had  just  been  received  of  fresh  outrages  in  Dewa.  The 
Yemishi  had  completely  dispersed  and  despoiled  the  inhabitants  of  two  districts, 
so  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  allot  lands  to  them  elsewhere  and  to  erect 
houses  for  their  shelter. 

The  Emperor  said  in  his  decree  that  the  barbarian  tribes,  when  pursued, 
fled  like  birds;  when  unmolested,  gathered  like  ants;  that  the  conscripts  from  the 
Bando  provinces  were  reported  to  be  weak  and  unfit  for  campaigning,  and  that 
those  skilled  in  archery  and  physically  robust  stood  aloof  from  military  service, 
forgetting  that  they  all  owed  a  common  duty  to  their  country  and  their  sovereign. 

['  A  monument  still  stands  on  the  site  of  the  old  Taga  Castle.  It  was  put  up  in  A.D.  762,  and 
it  records  that  the  castle  stood  fifty  miles  from  the  island  of  Yezo.] 


THE  NARA  EPOCH     jlOTHTII  221 

Therefore,  his  Majesty  directed  that  the  sons  and  younger  brothers  of  all  local 
officials  or  provincial  magnates  should  be  examined  with  a  view  to  the  selection 
of  those  suited  for  military  service,  who  should  be  enrolled  and  drilled,  to  the 
number  of  not  less  than  five  hundred  and  not  more  than  two  thousand  per 
province  according  to  its  size.  Thus,  the  eight  Bando  provinces  must  have 
furnished  a  force  of  from  four  to  sixteen  thousand  men,  all  belonging  to  the 
aristocratic  class.  These  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  army.  They  were  supple- 
mented by  52,800  men,  infantry  and  cavalry,  collected  from  the  provinces  along 
the  Eastern  Sea  (Tokai)  and  the  Eastern  Mountains  (Tosan).  so  that  the  total 
force  must  have  aggregated  sixty  thousand.  The  command  in  chief  was  con- 
ferred on  Ki  no  Kosami,  thirteenth  in  descent  from  the  renowned  Takenouchi- 
no-Sukune,  who  had  been  second  in  command  of  the  Fujiwara  Tsugunawa 
expedition  nine  years  previously.  A  sword  was  conferred  on  him  by  the  Emperor, 
and  he  received  authority  to  act  on  his  own  discretion  without  seeking  instruc- 
tions from  the  Throne. 

Meanwhile,  the  province  of  Mutsu  had  been  ordered  to  send  35,000  koku 
(175,000  bushels)  of  hulled  rice  to  Taga  Castle,  and  the  other  provinces  adjacent 
were  required  to  store  23,000  koku  (115,000  bushels)  of  hoshi-i  (rice  boiled  and 
dried)  and  salt  at  the  same  place.  The  troops  were  to  be  massed  at  Taga,  and 
all  the  provisions  and  munitions  were  collected  there  by  April,  789.  These 
figures  are  suggestive  of  the  light  in  which  the  Government  regarded  the  affair. 
Kosami  moved  out  of  Taga  at  the  appointed  time  and  pushed  northward.  But 
with  every  forward  movement  the  difficulties  multiplied.  Snow  in  those 
regions  lies  many  feet  deep  until  the  end  of  May,  and  the  thaw  ensuing  brings 
down  from  the  mountains  heavy  floods  which  convert  the  rivers  into  raging 
torrents  and  the  roads  into  quagmires.  On  reaching  the  bank  of  the  Koromo 
River,  forty-five  miles  north  of  Taga,  the  troops  halted.  Their  delay  provoked 
much  censure  in  the  capital  where  the  climatic  conditions  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  fully  understood  or  the  transport  difficulties  appreciated.  Urged  by  the 
Court  to  push  on  rapidly,  Kosami  resumed  his  march  in  June ;  failed  to  preserve 
efficient  connexion  between  the  parts  of  his  army;  had  his  van  ambushed;  fled 
precipitately  himself,  and  suffered  a  heavy  defeat,  though  only  2500  of  his  big 
army  had  come  into  action.  His  casualties  were  25  killed,  245  wounded,  and 
1036  drowned.  A  truce  was  effected  and  the  forces  withdrew  to  Taga,  while,  as 
for  Kosami,  though  he  attempted  to  deceive  the  Court  by  a  bombastic  despatch, 
he  was  recalled  and  degraded  together  with  all  the  senior  officers  of  his  army. 

It  would  seem  as  though  this  disaster  to  one  comparatively  small  section  of  a 
force  aggregating  from  fifty  to  sixty  thousand  men  need  not  have  finally  in- 
terrupted the  campaign,  especially  when  the  enemy  consisted  of  semi-civilized 
aborigines.  The  Government  thought  differently,  however.  There  was  no 
idea  of  abandoning  the  struggle,  but  the  programme  for  its  renewal  assumed 
large  dimensions,  and  events  in  the  capital  were  not  propitious  for  immediate 
action.  The  training  of  picked  soldiers  commenced  at  once,  and  the  provision 
of  arms  and  horses.  Kosami 's  discomfiture  took  place  in  789,  and  during  the 
next  two  years  orders  were  issued  for  the  manufacture  of  2000  suits  of  leather 
armour  and  3000  of  iron  armour;  the  making  of  34,500  arms,  and  the  preparation 
of  1 10,000  bushels  of  hoshi-i.  To  the  command-in-chief  the  Emperor  (Kwammu) 
appointed  Saka-no-ye  no  Tamuramaro. 

This  selection  illustrates  a  conclusion  already  proved  by  the  annals,  namely, 
that  racial  prejudice  had  no  weight  in  ancient  Japan.  For  Tamuramaro  was  a 
direct  descendant  of  that  Achi  no  Omi  who,  as  already  related,  crossed  from 


222  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

China  during  the  Han  dynasty  and  became  naturalized  in  Japan.  His  father, 
Karitamaro,  distinguished  himself  by  reporting  the  Dokyo  intrigue,  in  the  year 
770,  and  received  the  post  of  chief  of  the  palace  guards,  in  which  corps  his  son, 
Tamuramaro,  thereafter  served.  Tradition  has  assigned  supernatural  capacities 
to  Tamuramaro,  and  certainly  in  respect  of  personal  prowess  no  less  than 
strategical  talent  he  was  highly  gifted.  In  June,  794,  he  invaded  Mutsu  at  the 
head  of  a  great  army  and,  by  a  series  of  rapidly  delivered  blows,  effectually 
crushed  the  aborigines,  taking  457  heads,  100  prisoners,  and  85  horses,  and 
destroying  the  strongholds  of  75  tribes.  Thereafter,  until  the  year  of  his  death 
(811),  he  effectually  held  in  check  the  spirit  of  revolt,  crushing  two  other  in- 
surrections —  in  801  and  804  —  and  virtually  annihilating  the  insurgents.  He 
transferred  the  garrison  headquarters  from  Taga  to  Isawa,  where  he  erected  a 
castle,  organizing  a  body  of  four  thousand  militia  (tonden-hei)  to  guard  it;  and 
in  the  following  year  (803),  he  built  the  castle  of  Shiba  at  a  point  still  further 
north. 

NATIONALITY  OF  THE  INSURGENTS 

Annals  of  historical  repute  are  confined  to  the  above  account.  There  is, 
however,  one  unexplained  feature,  which  reveals  itself  to  even  a  casual  reader. 
In  their  early  opposition  to  Yamato  aggression,  the  Yemishi  —  or  Ainu,  or 
Yezo,  by  whatever  name  they  be  called  —  displayed  no  fighting  qualities  that 
could  be  called  formidable.  Yet  now,  in  the  eighth  century,  they  suddenly  show 
themselves  men  of  such  prowess  that  the  task  of  subduing  them  taxes  the 
resources  of  the  Yamato  to  the  fullest.  Some  annalists  are  disposed  to  seek  an 
explanation  of  this  discrepancy  in  climatic  and  topographical  difficulties. 
Kosami,  in  his  despatch  referring  to  the  Koromo-gawa  campaign,  explains  that 
12,440  men  had  to  be  constantly  employed  in  transporting  provisions  and  that 
the  quantity  carried  by  them  in  twenty-four  days  did  not  exceed  eleven  days' 
rations  for  the  troops.  The  hardship  of  campaigning  in  a  country  where  means 
of  communication  were  so  defective  is  easily  conjectured,  and  it  has  also  to  be 
noted  that  during  only  a  brief  period  in  summer  did  the  climate  of  Mutsu  permit 
taking  the  field.  But  these  conditions  existed  equally  in  the  eras  of  Yamato- 
dake  and  Hirafu.  Whatever  obstacles  they  presented  in  the  eighth  century 
must  have  been  equally  potent  in  the  second  and  in  the  seventh. 

Two  explanations  are  offered.  They  are  more  or  less  conjectural.  One  is 
that  the  Yemishi  of  Mutsu  were  led  by  chieftains  of  Yamato  origin,  men  who  had 
migrated  to  the  northeast  in  search  of  fortune  or  impelled  by  disaffection.  It 
seems  scarcely  credible,  however,  that  a  fact  so  special  would  have  eluded  histori- 
cal reference,  whereas  only  one  passing  allusion  is  made  to  it  and  that,  too,  in  a 
book  not  fully  credible.  The  other  explanation  is  that  the  Yemishi  were  in 
league  with  hordes  of  Tatars  who  had  crossed  from  the  mainland  of  Asia,  or 
travelled  south  by  the  islands  of  Saghalien  and  Yezo.  The  main  evidence  in 
support  of  this  theory  is  furnished  by  the  names  of  the  insurgent  leaders  — 
Akuro-o,  Akagashira,  and  Akahige.  Ideographists  point  out  that  the  character 
aku  is  frequently  pronounced  6,  and  with  that  reading  the  name  "Akuro-6" 
becomes  "  Oro-6,"  which  was  the  term  used  for  "  Russian."  As  for  "Akagashira  " 
and  "Akahige,"  they  frankly  signify  "red  head"  and  "red  beard,"  common 
Japanese  names  for  foreigners.  In  a  shrine  at  Suzuka-yama  in  Ise,  to  which 
point  the  insurgents  pushed  southward  before  Tamuramaro  took  the  field,  there 
used  to  be  preserved  a  box,  obviously  of  foreign  construction,  said  to  have  been 
left  there  by  the  "  Eastern  Barbarians;"  and  in  the  Tsugaru  district  of  the  modern 


THE  NARA  EPOCH  223 

Mutsu  province,  relics  exist  of  an  extensive  fortress  presenting  features  not 
Japanese,  which  is  conjectured  to  have  been  the  basis  of  the  Tatar  invaders. 
But  all  these  inferences  rest  on  little  more  than  hypothesis. 


RISE  OF  MILITARY  HOUSES 

What  is  certain,  however,  is  that  a  collateral  result  of  these  disturbances  was 
to  discredit  the  great  Court  nobles  —  the  Otomo,  the  Tachibana,  the  Ki,  and 
the  Fujiwara  —  as  leaders  of  armies,  and  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  military 
houses  (buke)  which  were  destined  to  become  feudal  rulers  of  Japan  in  after 
ages.  Ki  no  Hirozumi,  Ki  no  Kosami,  Otomo  Yakamochi,  Fujiwara  Umakai, 
and  Fujiwara  Tsugunawa  having  all  failed,  the  Court  was  compelled  to  have 
recourse  to  the  representatives  of  a  Chinese  immigrant  family,  the  Saka-no-ye. 
By  those  who  trace  the  ringer  of  fate  in  earthly  happenings,  it  has  been  called  a 
dispensation  that,  at  this  particular  juncture,  a  descendant  of  Achi  no  Omi  should 
have  been  a  warrior  with  a  height  of  six  feet  nine  inches,1  eyes  of  a  falcon,  a 
beard  like  plaited  gold-wire,  a  frown  that  terrified  wild  animals,  and  a  smile  that 
attracted  children.  For  such  is  the  traditional  description  of  Tamuramaro. 
Another  incidental  issue  of  the  situation  was  that  conspicuous  credit  for  fighting 
qualities  attached  to  the  troops  specially  organized  in  the  Bando  (Kwanto) 
provinces  with  the  sons  and  younger  brothers  of  local  officials.  These  became 
the  nucleus  of  a  military  class  which  ultimately  monopolized  the  profession  of 
arms. 

RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA 

During  the  eighth  century  relations  of  friendship  were  once  more  established 
with  Koma.  A  Manchurian  tribe,  migrating  from  the  valley  of  the  Sungali 
River  (then  called  the  Sumo),  settled  on  the  east  of  the  modern  province  of 
Shengking,  and  was  there  joined  by  a  remnant  of  the  Koma  subjects  after  the 
fall  of  the  latter  kingdom.  Ultimately  receiving  investiture  at  the  hands  of  the 
Tang  Court,  the  sovereign  of  the  colony  took  the  name  of  Tsuying,  King  of 
Pohai,  and  his  son,  Wu-i,  sent  an  envoy  to  Japan  in  727,  when  Shomu  was  on 
the  throne.  Where  the  embassy  embarked  there  is  no  record,  but,  being  blown 
out  of  their  course,  the  boats  finally  made  the  coast  of  Dewa,  where  several  of  the 
envoy's  suite  were  killed  by  the  Yemishi.  The  envoy  himself  reached  Nara 
safely,  and,  representing  his  sovereign  as  the  successor  of  the  Koma  dynasty, 
was  hospitably  received,  the  usual  interchange  of  gifts  taking  place. 

Twenty-five  years  later  (752),  another  envoy  arrived.  The  Empress  Koken 
then  reigned  at  Nara,  and  her  ministers  insisted  that,  in  the  document  presented 
by  the  ambassador,  Pohai  must  distinctly  occupy  towards  Japan  the  relation 
of  vassal  to  suzerain,  such  having  been  the  invariable  custom  observed  by  Koma 
in  former  times.  The  difficulty  seems  to  have  been  met  by  substituting  the 
name  "Koma"  for  "Pohai,"  thus,  by  implication,  admitting  that  the  new 
kingdom  held  towards  Japan  the  same  status  as  that  formerly  held  by  Koma. 
Throughout  the  whole  of  her  subsequent  intercourse  with  the  Pohai  kingdom, 
intercourse  which,  though  exceedingly  fitful,  lasted  for  nearly  a  century  and  a 
half,  Japan  uniformly  insisted  upon  the  maintenance  of  that  attitude. 

[l  The  height  recorded  is  five  feet  eight  inches,  but  as  that  would  be  a  normal  stature,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  "great"  (dai)  measure  is  referred  to  and  that  the  figures  indicate  six 
feet  nine  inches.]  .^  ^ 

£ .,  .o  JfriX1'  oY:  <H«Vf  ViroTl  fs^o  r.iii  ft)  '- 


.  AST  of 


l»fiv  at  UituT  or!)  lo  air.ft 


EMPEROR  KWAMMU 

ni  b  >muig!o  ^{leio-jqa  &q 
0  kool  10  S-ioii-toTd  ingmi 
if  ibirfw 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE   HEIAN   EPOCH 

.t;:-'    ;.{J  lo  Y:;ILv  '«f.t  iflO'fl  giirtfn^ru!  .odnt  /mrruilofrK 
THE  FIFTIETH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KWAMMU   (A.D.  782-805) 

JAPANESE  history  divides  itself  readily  into  epochs,  and  among  them  not  the 
least  sharply  defined  is  the  period  of  398  years  separating  the  transfer  of  the 
Imperial  palace  from  Nara  to  Kyoto  (794)  and  the  establishment  of  an  adminis- 
trative capital  at  Kamakura  (1192).  It  is  called  the  Heian  epoch,  the  term 
"Heian-j6"  (Castle  of  Peace)  having  been  given  to  Kyoto  soon  after  that  city 
became  the  residence  of  the  Mikado.  The  first  ruler  in  the  epoch  was  Kwammu. 
This  monarch,  as  already  shown,  was  specially  selected  by  his  father,  Konin,  at 
the  instance  of  Fujiwara  Momokawa,  who  observed  in  the  young  prince  qualities 
essential  to  a  ruler  of  men.  Whether  Kwammu 's  career  as  Emperor  reached 
the  full  standard  of  his  promise  as  prince,  historians  are  not  agreed. 

Konin  receives  a  larger  meed  of  praise.  His  reforms  of  local  abuses  showed 
at  once  courage  and  zeal  But  he  did  not  reach  the  root  of  the  evil,  nor  did  his 
son  Kwammu,  though  in  the  matter  of  intention  and  ardour  there  was  nothing 
to  choose  between  the  two  The  basic  trouble  was  arbitrary  and  unjust  oppres- 
sion of  the  lower  classes  by  the  upper.  These  latter,  probably  educated  in  part 
by  the  be  system,  which  tended  to  reduce  the  worker  with  his  hands  to  a  position 
of  marked  subservience,  had  learned  to  regard  their  own  hereditary  privileges 
as  practically  unlimited,  and  to  conclude  that  well  nigh  any  measure  of  forced 
labour  was  due  to  them  from  their  inferiors.  Konin  could  not  correct  this 
conception,  and  neither  could  Kwammu.  Indeed,  in  the  latter 's  case,  the  Throne 
was  specially  disqualified  as  a  source  of  remonstrance,  for  the  sovereign  himself 
had  to  make  extravagant  demands  upon  the  working  classes  on  account  of  the 
transfer  of  the  capital  from  Nara  to  Kyoto.  Thus,  although  Kwammu 's 


3J103-  THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 

warnings  and  exhortations  were  earnest,  and  his  dismissals  and  degradations  of 
provincial  officials  frequent,  he  failed  to  achieve  anything  radical. 

-•    ^'^'-UlfinOO  J3'Iii^£8 


The  reign  of  Kwammu  is  remarkable  for  two  things:  the  conquest  of  the 
eastern-  Yemishi  by  Tamuramaro  and  the  transfer  of  the  capital  from  Nara  to 
Kyoto.  Nara  is  in  the  province  of  Yamato  ;  Kyoto,  in  the  neighbouring  province 
of  Yamashiro,1  and  the  two  places  lie  twenty  miles  apart  as  the  crow  flies.  It 
has  been  stated  that  to  change  the  site  of  the  capital  on  the  accession  of  a 
sovereign  was  a  common  custom  in  Japan  prior  to  the  eighth  century.  In  those 
early  days  the  term  "miyako,"  though  used  in  the  sense  of  "metropolis,"  bore 
chiefly  the  meaning  "Imperial  residence,"  and  to  alter  its  locality  did  not 
originally  suggest  a  national  effort.  But  when  Kwammu  ascended  the  throne, 
Nara  had  been  the  capital  during  eight  reigns,  covering  a  period  of  seventy-five 
years,  and  had  grown  into  a  great  city,  a  centre  alike  of  religion  and  of  trade. 
To  transfer  it  involved  a  correspondingly  signal  sacrifice.  What  was  Kwammu  's 
motive?  Some  have  conj  ectured  a  desire  to  shake  off  the  priestly  influences  which 
permeated  the  atmosphere  of  Nara;  others,  that  he  found  the  Yamato  city  too 
small  to  satisfy  his  ambitious  views  or  to  suit  the  quickly  developing  dimensions 
and  prosperity  of  the  nation.  Probably  both  explanations  are  correct.  Looking 
back  only  a  few  years,  a  ruler  of  Kwammu  's  sagacity  must  have  appreciated 
that  religious  fanaticism,  as  practised  at  Nara,  threatened  to  overshadow  even 
the  Imperial  Court,  and  that  the  influence  of  the  foreign  creed  tended  to  under- 
mine the  Shinto  cult,  which  constituted  the  main  bulwark  of  the  Throne. 

We  shall  presently  see  how  this  latter  danger  was  averted  at  Kyoto,  and  it 
certainly  does  not  appear  extravagant  to  credit  Kwammu  with  having  promoted 
that  result.  At  all  events,  he  was  not  tempted  by  the  superior  advantages  of 
any  other  site  in  particular.  In  784,  when  he  adopted  the  resolve  to  found  a 
new  capital,  it  was  necessary  to  determine  the  place  by  sending  out  a  search 
party  under  his  most  trusted  minister,  Fujiwara  Tanetsugu.  The  choice  of 
Tanetsugu  fell,  not  upon  Kyoto,  but  upon  Nagaoka  in  the  same  province. 
There  was  no  hesitation.  The  Emperor  trusted  Tanetsugu  implicitly  and 
appointed  him  chief  commissioner  of  the  building,  which  was  commenced  at 
once,  a  decree  being  issued  that  all  taxes  for  the  year  should  be  paid  at  Nagaoka 
where  also  forced  labourers  were  required  to  assemble  and  materials  were 
collected.  The  Records  state  that  the  area  of  the  site  for  the  new  palace  measured 
152  acres,  for  which  the  owners  received  compensation  amounting  to  the  equiva- 
lent of  £2580  ($12,550)  ;  or  an  average  of  £17  ($82)  per  acre.  The  number  of 
people  employed  is  put  at  314,000,2  and  the  fund  appropriated,  at  680,000 
sheaves  of  rice,  having  a  value  of  about  £40,800  ($200,000)  according  to  modern 
prices. 

The  palace  was  never  finished.  While  it  was  still  uncompleted,  the  Emperor 
took  up  his  abode  there,  in  the  fall  of  784,  and  efforts  to  hasten  the  work  were 
redoubled.  But  a  shocking  incident  occurred.  The  Crown  Prince,  Sagara, 
procured  the  elevation  of  a  member  of  the  Saeki  family  to  the  high  post  of  State 
councillor  (sangi),  and  having  been  impeached  for  this  unprecedented  act  by 

[l  Previously  to  becoming  the  metropolitan  province,  Yamashiro  was  written  with  ideo- 
graphs signifying  "behind  the  mountain"  (yama  no  ushiro),  but  these  were  afterwards  changed 
to  "mountain  castle"  (yamashiro)  .] 

[2  This  does  not  mean  that  314,000  persons  were  employed  simultaneously,  but  only  that 
the  number  of  workmen  multiplied  by  the  number  of  days  of  work  equalled  314,000.] 


226 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


Fujiwara  Tanetsugu,  was  deprived  of  his  title  to  the  throne.  Shortly  after- 
wards, the  Emperor  repaired  to  Nara,  and  during  the  absence  of  the  Court  from 
Nagaoka,  Prince  Sagara  compassed  the  assassination  of  Tanetsugu.  Kwammu 
exacted  stern  vengeance  for  his  favourite  minister.  He  disgraced  the  prince 
and  sent  him  into  exile  in  the  island  of  Awaji,  which  place  he  did  not  reach  alive, 
as  was  perhaps  designed. 

These  occurrences  moved  the  Emperor  so  profoundly  that  Nagaoka  became 
intolerable  to  him.  Gradually  the  work  of  building  was  abandoned,  and,  in 
792,  a  new  site  was  selected  by  Wake  no  Kiyomaro  at  Uda  in  the  same  province. 
So  many  attractions  were  claimed  for  this  village  that  failure  to  choose  it 
originally  becomes  difficult  to  understand.  Imperial  decrees  eulogized  its  moun- 
tains and  rivers,  and  people  recalled  a  prediction  uttered  170  years  previously 


.it 


COURTYARD  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  PALACE,  AT  KYOTO 

,<»::Hvrn[  -Mjiija  tulf  ru  fl>tQS§»$  noqjj  int!  .o-io'^ot  ripo 

by  Prince  Shotoku  that  the  place  would  ultimately  be  selected  for  the  perpetual 
capital  of  the  empire.  The  Tang  metropolis,  Changan,  was  taken  for  model. 
Commenced  in  April,  794,  the  new  metropolis  was  finished  in  December,  805. 
The  city  was  laid  out  with  mathematical  exactness  in  the  form  of  a  rectangle, 
nearly  three  and  one-half  miles  long,  from  north  to  south,  and  about  three  miles 
wide,  from  east  to  west.  In  each  direction  were  nine  principal  thoroughfares, 
those  running  east  and  west  crossing  the  north  and  south  streets  at  right  angles. 
The  east  and  west  streets  were  numbered  from  1  to  9,  and,  although  the  regu- 
larity of  structure  and  plan  of  the  city  has  been  altered  by  fire  and  other  causes 
in  eleven  hundred  years,  traces  of  this  early  system  of  nomenclature  are  still  found 
in  the  streets  of  Kyoto.1  Running  north  from  the  centre  of  the  south  side  was  a 
great  avenue,  two  hundred  and  eighty  feet  wide,  which  divided  the  city  into 
two  parts,  the  eastern,  called  "the  left  metropolis"  (later  Tokyo,  "eastern 
capital"),  and  "the  right  metropolis"  (or  Saikyo,  "western  capital"),— the 
left,  as  always  in  Japan,  having  precedence  over  the  right,  and  the  direction 
being  taken  not  from  the  southern  entrance  gate  but  from  the  Imperial  palace, 
to  which  this  great  avenue  led  and  which  was  on  the  northern  limits  of  the  city  and, 

I1  The  Ky5to  of  tcvday  is  only  a  remnant  of  the  ancient  city;  it  was  almost  wholly  de- 
stroyed by  fire  in  the  Onin  war  of  1467.] 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 


as  the  reader  will  see,  at  the  very  centre  of  the  north  wall.  Grouped  around  the 
palace  were  government  buildings  of  the  different  administrative  departments 
and  assembly  and  audience  halls. 

The  main  streets,  which  have  already  been  mentioned  as  connecting  the  gates 
in  opposite  walls,  varied  in  width  from  80  feet  to  170  feet.  They  divided  the 
city  into  nine  districts,  all  of  the  same  area  except  the  ones  immediately  east 
of  the  palace.  The  subdivisions  were  as  formal  and  precise.  Each  of  the  nine 
districts  contained  four  divisions.  Each  division  was  made  up  of  four  streets. 
A  street  was  made  up  of  four  rows,  each  row  containing  eight  "house-units." 
The  house-unit  was  50  by  100  feet.  The  main  streets  in  either  direction  were 
crossed  at  regular  intervals  by  lanes  or  minor  streets,  all  meeting  at  right 
angles. 

The  Imperial  citadel  in  the  north  central  part  of  the  city  was  4600  feet 
long  (from  north  to  south)  and  3840  feet  wide,  and  was  surrounded  by  a  fence 
roofed  with  tiles  and  pierced  with  three  gates  on  either  side.  The  palace  was 
roofed  with  green  tiles  of  Chinese  manufacture  and  a  few  private  dwellings  had 
roofs  made  of  slate-coloured  tiles,  but  most  of  them  were  shingled.  In  the 
earlier  period,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  tiles  were  used  almost  exclusively  for 
temple  roofs.  The  architecture  of  the  new  city  was  in  general  very  simple  and 
unpretentious.  The  old  canons  of  Shinto  temple  architecture  had  some  in- 
fluence even  in  this  city  built  on  a  Chinese  model.  Whatever  display  or  orna- 
ment there  was,  appeared  not  on  the  exterior  but  in  inner  rooms,  especially 
those  giving  on  inner  court  yards.  That  these  resources  were  severely  taxed, 
however,  cannot  be  doubted,  especially  when  we  remember  that  the  campaign 
against  the  Yemishi  was  simultaneously  conducted.  History  relates  that 
three-fifths  of  the  national  revenues  were  appropriated  for  the  building. 


INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA  AND  BUDDHIST  PROPAGANDISM 

The  fact  that  the  metropolis  at  Changan  was  taken  for  model  in  building 
Kyoto  prepares  us  to  find  that  intercourse  with  the  Middle  Kingdom  was 
frequent  and  intimate.  But  al- 
though China  under  the  Tang 
dynasty  in  the  ninth  century  pre- 
sented many  industrial,  artistic,  and 
social  features  of  an  inspiring  and 
attractive  nature,  her  administra- 
tive methods  had  begun  to  fall  into 
disorder,  which  discredited  them 
in  Japanese  eyes.  We  find,  there- 
fore, that  although  renowned  relig- 
ionists went  from  Japan  during  the 
reign  of  Kwammu  and  familiarized 
themselves  thoroughly  with  the 
Tang  civilization,  they  did  not,  on 
their  return,  attempt  to  popularize 
the  political  system  of  China,  but 
praised  only  her  art,  her  literature, 
and  certain  forms  and  conceptions  of  Buddhism  which  they  found  at  Changan. 

The  most  celebrated  of  these  religionists  were  Saicho  and  Kukai  —  immortal- 
ized under  their  posthumous  names  of  Dengyo  Daishi  and  Kobo  Daishi,  respect- 


PRIEST  SAICHO,  AFTERWARD  KNOWN  AS  DENGYO  Daishi 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


ively.  The  former  went  to  Changan  in  the  train  of  the  ambassador,  Sugawara 
Kiyokimi,  in  802,  and  the  latter  accompanied  Fujiwara  Kuzunomaro,  two  years 
later.  Saicho  was  specially  sent  to  China  by  his  sovereign  to  study  Buddhism, 
in  order  that,  on  his  return,  he  might  become  lord-abbot  of  a  monastery  which 
his  Majesty  had  caused  to  be  built  on  Hie-no-yama  —  subsequently  known  as 
Hiei-zan  —  a  hill  on  the  northeast  of  the  new  palace  in  KySto.  A  Japanese 
superstition  regarded  the  northeast  as  the  "Demon's  Gate,"  where  a  barrier 
must  be  erected  against  the  ingress  of  evil  influences.  Saicho  also  brought 
from  China  many  religious  books. 

Down  to  that  time  the  Buddhist  doctrine  preached  in  Japan  had  been  of  a 
very  dispiriting  nature.  It  taught  that  salvation  could  not  be  reached  except 
by  efforts  continued  through  three  immeasurable  periods  of  time.  But  Saicho 
acquired  a  new  doctrine  in  China.  From  the  monastery  of  Tientai  (Japanese, 
Tendai)  he  carried  back  to  Hiei-zan  a  creed  founded  on  the  "Lotus  of  the  Good 
Law "  —  a  creed  that  salvation  is  at  once  attainable  by  a  knowledge  of  the 
*  7/<J-  *  h  Buddha  nature,  and  that  such 

knowledge  may  be  acquired  by 
meditation  and  wisdom.  That 
was  the  basic  conception,  but  it 
underwent  some  modification  at 
Japanese  hands.  It  became  "a 
system  of  Japanese  eclecticism, 
fitting  the  disciplinary  and  medi- 
tative methods  of  the  Chinese 
sage  to  the  pre-existing  founda- 
tions of  earlier  sects."1  This  is 
not  the  place  to  discuss  details  of 
religious  doctrine,  but  the  intro- 
duction of  the  Tendai  belief  has 
historical  importance.  In  the 
first  place,  it  illustrates  a  fact 
which  may  be  read  between  the 
lines  of  all  Japanese  annals, 

namely,  that  the  Japanese  are  never  blind  borrowers  from  foreign  systems : 
their  habit  is  "to  adapt  what  they  borrow  so  as  to  fit  it  to  what  they  possess." 
In  the  second  place,  the  Tendai  system  became  the  parent  of  nearly  all  the 
great  sects  subsequently  born  in  Japan.  In  the  third  place,  the  Buddhas  of 
Contemplation,  by  whose  aid  the  meditation  of  absolute  truth  is  rendered 
possible j  suggested  the  idea  that  they  had  frequently  been  incarnated  for  the 
welfare  of  mankind,  and  from  that  theory  it  was  but  a  short  step  to  the  con- 
viction that  "the  ancient  gods  whom  the  Japanese  worshipped  are  but  mani- 
festations of  these  same  mystical  beings,  and  that  the  Buddhist  faith  had 
come,  not  to  destroy  the  native  Shinto,  but  to  embody  It  into  a  higher  and  more 
universal  system.  From  that  moment  the  triumph  of  Buddhism  was  secured."1 
It  is  thus  seen  that  the  visit  of  Saicho  (Dengyo  Daishi)  to  China  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  ninth  century  and  the  introduction  of  the  Tendai  creed  into  Japan 
constitute  landmarks  in  Japanese  history.2 

['  Developments  of  Japanese  Buddhism,  by  the  Rev.  A.  Lloyd.  M.  A.] 

tnf' The  doctrines  that  the  Shmto  deities  were  incarnations  of  the  Buddhas  of  Contemplation 
(Dhyani)  had  already  been  enunciated  by  Gyogi  but  its  general  acceptance  dates  from  the 
days  of  Dengyo  Daishi.  The  doctrine  was  called  honchi-suishaku.] 


PHIEST  KOKAI,  AFTEBWABD  KNOWN  AS  KOBO  Daishi 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH   ;10Tf 


KOBO  DAISHI 

. .    i       . ,  i    » •  '*r  ~i f ~i { f  tN*t '4"/f  ?  t'S'Or if T  ~^>rrif"^F>rr'  f 

Contemporary  with  and  even  greater  in  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen  than 
Dengyo  Daishi,  was  Kobo  Daishi  (known  as  Kukai  during  his  lifetime) .  He,  too, 
visited  China  as  a  student  of  Buddhism,  especially  to  learn  the  interpretation  of 
a  Sutra  which  had  fallen  into  his  hands  in  Japan,  and  on  his  return  he  founded 
the  system  of  the  True  Word  (Shingori),  which  has  been  practically  identified 
with  the  Gnosticism  of  early  Christian  days.  Kobo  Daishi  is  the  most  famous 
of  allJapanese  Buddhist  teach- 
ers; famous  alike  as  a  saint, 
as  an  artist,  and  as  a  calli- 
graphist.  His  influence  on 
the  intellectual  history  of  his 
country  was  marked,  for  he 
not  only  founded  a  religious 
system  which  to  this  day  has 
a  multitude  of  disciples,  but  he 
is  also  said  to  have  invented, 
or  at  any  rate  to  have  mate- 
rially improved,  the  Japanese 
syllabary  (hira-gana) . 

THE  SUBSERVIENCE  OF 
SHINTO 

That  the  disciples  of  the 
Shinto  cult  so  readily  endorsed 
a  doctrine  which  relegated 
their  creed  to  a  subordinate 
place  has  suggested  various 
explanations,  but  the  simplest 
is  the  most  convincing,  name- 
ly, that  Shinto  possessed  no 
intrinsic  power  to  assert  itself 
in  the  presence  of  a  religion 
like  Buddhism.  At  no  period- 
has  Shinto  produced  a  great 
propagandist.  No  Japanese 
sovereign  ever  thought  of  ex- 
changing the  tumultuous  life 
of  the  Throne  for  the  quiet  of 

a  Shinto  shrine,  nor  did  Shinto  ever  become  a  vehicle  for  the  transmission  of 
useful  knowledge. L  •  .<=/) 

With  Buddhism,  the  record  is  very  different.  Many  of  its  followers  were 
inspired  by  the  prospect  of  using  it  as  a  stepping-stone  to  preferment  rather 
than  as  a  route  to  Nirvana.  Official  posts  being  practically  monopolized  by  the 
aristocratic  classes,  those  born  in  lowlier  families  found  little  opportunity  to  win 
honour  and  emoluments.  But  by  embracing  a  religious  career,  a  man  might 
aspire  to  become  an  abbot  or  even  a  tutor  to  a  prince  or  sovereign.  Thus, 
learned  and  clever  youths  flocked  to  the  portals  of  the  priesthood,  and  the 
Emperor  Saga  is  said  to  have  lamented  that  the  Court  nobility  possessed  few 
great  and  able  men,  whereas  the  cloisters  abounded  in  them.  On  the  other 


OKUNO-IN  (KoBo  Daishi's  SHRINE)  AT  MT.  KOYASAN 


230  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

hand,  it  has  been  observed  with  much  reason  that  as  troublers  of  the  people  the 
Buddhist  priests  were  not  far  behind  the  provincial  governors.  In  fact,  it  fared 
with  Buddhism  as  it  commonly  fares  with  all  human  institutions  —  success 
begot  abuses.  The  example  of  Dokyo  exercised  a  demoralizing  influence.  The 
tonsure  became  a  means  of  escaping  official  exactions  in  the  shape  of  taxes  or 
forced  labour,  and  the  building  of  temples  a  device  to  acquire  property  and 
wealth  as  well  as  to  evade  fiscal  burdens.  Sometimes  the  Buddhist  priests  lent 
themselves  to  the  deception  of  becoming  nominal  owners  of  large  estates  in  order 
to  enable  the  real  owners  to  escape  taxation.  Buddhism  in  Japan  ultimately 
became  a  great  militant  power,  ready  at  all  times  to  appeal  to  force. 

- .    ,  -  . ;    . 

THE  FIFTY-FIRST  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  HEIJO   (A.D.  806-809) 

Heijo,  the  fifty-first  sovereign,  was  the  eldest  son  of  Kwammu.  The  latter, 
warned  by  the  distress  that  his  own  great  expenditures  on  account  of  the  new 
capital  had  produced,  and  fully  sensible  of  the  abuses  practised  by  the  provincial 
officials,  urged  upon  the  Crown  Prince  the  imperative  necessity  of  retrenchment, 
and  Heijo,  on  ascending  the  throne,  showed  much  resolution  in  discharging 
superfluous  officials,  curtailing  all  unneeded  outlays,  and  simplifying  administra- 
tive procedure.  But  physical  weakness  —  he  was  a  confirmed  invalid  —  and 
the  influence  of  an  ambitious  woman  wrecked  his  career.  While  still  Crown 
Prince,  he  fixed  his  affections  on  Kusu,  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Tanetsugu,  who 
had  been  assassinated  by  Prince  Sagara  during  Kwammu 's  reign,  and  when 
Heijo  ascended  the  throne,  this  lady's  influence  made  itself  felt  within  and 
without  the  palace,  while  her  brother,  Nakanari,  a  haughty,  headstrong  man, 
trading  on  his  relationship  to  her,  usurped  almost  Imperial  authority. 

Heijo's  ill-health,  however,  compelled  him  to  abdicate  after  a  reign  of  only 
three  years.  He  retired  to  the  old  palace  at  Nara,  entrusting  the  sceptre  to  his 
brother,  Saga.  This  step  was  profoundly  disappointing  to  Kusu  and  her  brother. 
The  former  aimed  at  becoming  Empress  —  she  possessed  only  the  title  of  consort 
—  and  Fujiwara  Nakanari  looked  for  the  post  of  prime  minister.  They  persuad- 
ed the  ex-Emperor  to  intimate  a  desire  of  reascending  the  throne.  Saga  acquiesced 
and  would  have  handed  over  the  sceptre,  but  at  the  eleventh  hour,  Heijo's 
conscientious  scruples,  or  his  prudence,  caused  a  delay,  whereupon  Kusu  and 
her  brother,  becoming  desperate,  publicly  proclaimed  that  Heijo  wished  to 
transfer  the  capital  to  Nara.  Before  they  could  consummate  this  programme, 
however,  Saga  secured  the  assistance  of  Tamuramaro,  famous  as  the  conqueror 
of  the  Yemishi,  and  by  his  aid  Fujiwara  Nakanari  was  seized  and  thrown  into 
prison,  the  lady  Kusu  being  deprived  of  her  rank  as  consort  and  condemned  to 
be  banished  from  Court.  Heijo  might  have  bowed  to  Nakanari 's  fate,  but 
Kusu's  sentence  of  degradation  and  exile  overtaxed  his  patience.  He  raised 
an  army  and  attempted  to  move  to  the  eastern  provinces.  In  Mino,  his  route 
was  intercepted  by  a  force  under  Tamuramaro,  and  the  ex-Emperor's  troops 
being  shattered,  no  recourse  offered  except  to  retreat  to  Nara.  Then  the  Jo-o 
(Heij6)  took  the  tonsure,  and  his  consort  Kusu  committed  suicide.  Those  who 
had  rallied  to  the  ex-Emperor's  standard  were  banished. 

THE  FIRST  JAPANESE  THAT  ENTERED  INDIA 

When  Heijo  ceded  the  throne  to  Saga,  the  former's  son,  Takaoka,  was 
nominated  Crown  Prince,  though  Saga  had  sons  of  his  own.  Evidently  that  step 


ELWCX-i     THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  231 

was  taken  for  the  purpose  of  averting  precisely  such  incidents  as  those  subsequent- 
ly precipitated  by  the  conspiracy  to  restore  Heijo.  Therefore  on  the  day  follow- 
ing Heijo 's  adoption  of  the  tonsure,  Takaoka  was  deprived  of  his  rank.1  Enter- 
ing the  priesthood,  he  called  himself  Shinnyo,  retired  to  Higashi-dera  and 
studied  the  doctrine  of  the  True  Word  (Shingori).  In  836,  he  proceeded 
to  China  to  prosecute  his  religious  researches,  and  ultimately  made  his  way  to 
India  (in  his  eighty-first  year),  where  he  was  killed  by  a  tiger  in  the  district  now 
known  as  the  Laos  States  of  Siam.  This  prince  is  believed  to  have  been  the  first 
Japanese  that  travelled  to  India.  His  father,  the  ex-Emperor  Heijo,  was  a 
student  of  the  same  Buddhist  doctrine  (Shingon)  and  received  instruction  in  it 
from  Kukai.  Heijo  died  in  824,  at  the  age  of  fifty-one. 

THE  FIFTY-SECOND  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  SAGA  (A.D.  810-823) 

It  is  memorable  in  the  history  of  the  ninth  century  that  three  brothers 
occupied  the  throne  in  succession,  Heijo,  Saga,  and  Junna.  Heijo 's  abdication 
was  certainly  due  in  part  to  weak  health,  but  his  subsequent  career  proves  that 
this  reason  was  not  imperative.  Saga,  after  a  most  useful  reign  of  thirteen  years, 
stepped  down  frankly  in  favour  of  his  younger  brother.  There  is  no  valid  reason 
to  endorse  the  view  of  some  historians  that  these  acts  of  self-effacement  were 
inspired  by  an  indolent  distaste  for  the  cares  of  kingship.  Neither  Heijo  nor 
Saga  shrank  from  duty  in  any  form.  During  his  brief  tenure  of  power  the  former 
unflinchingly  effected  reforms  of  the  most  distasteful  kind,  as  the  dismissal  of 
superfluous  officials  and  the  curtailing  of  expenses;  and  the  latter 's  reign  was 
distinguished  by  much  useful  legislation  and  organization.  Heijo 's  abdication 
seems  to  have  been  due  to  genuine  solicitude  for  the  good  of  the  State,  and 
Saga's  to  a  sense  of  reluctance  to  be  outdone  in  magnanimity.  Reciprocity  of 
moral  obligation  (giri)  has  been  a  canon  of  Japanese  conduct  in  all  ages. 

;;TiiU';  .  IjJI  l/jf')fi> 

SANGI  AND  KURANDO 

One  of  the  earliest  acts  of  Saga 's  reign  was  to  establish  the  office  of  Court 
councillor  (sangi)  definitely  and  to  determine  the  number  of  these  officials  at 
eight.  The  post  of  sangi  had  been  instituted  more  than  a  century  previously, 
but  its  occupants  had  neither  fixed  function,  rank,  nor  number :  they  merely  gave 
fortuitous  advice  about  political  affairs.  Another  office,  dating  from  the  same 
time  (810),  was  that  of  kurando  (called  also  kurodo).  This  seems  to  have  been 
mainly  a  product  of  the  political  situation.  At  the  palace  of  the  retired  Emperor 
in  Nara  —  the  Inchu,  as  it  was  called  —  the  ambitious  Fujiwara  Nakanari  and 
the  Imperial  consort,  Kusu,  were  arrogating  a  large  share  of  administrative  and 
judicial  business,  and  were  flagrantly  abusing  their  usurped  authority.  Saga 
did  not  know  whom  to  trust.  He  feared  that  the  council  of  State  (Dajo-kwan) 
might  include  some  traitors  to  his  cause,  and  he  therefore  instituted  a  special 
office  to  be  the  depository  of  all  secret  documents,  to  adjudicate  suits  at  law,  to 
promulgate  Imperial  rescripts  and  decrees,  to  act  as  a  kind  of  palace  cabinet, 
and  to  have  charge  of  all  supplies  for  the  Court.  Ultimately  this  last  function 
became  the  most  important  of  the  kurando 's  duties. 

KEBIISHI  AND  TSUIHOSHI 

It  has  already  been  explained  that  the  Daiho  legislators,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  eighth  century,  having  enacted  a  code  (ryo)  and  a  penal  law  (ritsu),  supple- 
f1  His  family  was  struck  off  the  roll  of  princes  and  given  the  uji  of  Ariwara  Asomi.] 


232  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

merited  these  with  a  body  of  official  rules  (kyaku)  and  operative  regulations 
(dnki).  The  necessity  of  revising  these  rules  and  regulations  was  appreciated 
by  the  Emperor  Kwammu,  but  he  did  not  live  to  witness  the  completion  of  the 
work,  which  he  had  entrusted  to  the  sa-daijin,  Fujiwara  Uchimaro,  and  others. 
The  task  was  therefore  re-approached  by  a  committee  of  which  the  dainagon, 
Fujiwara  Fuyutsugu,  was  president,  under  orders  from  the  Emperor  Saga.  Ten 
volumes  of  the  rules  and  forty  of  the  regulations  were  issued  in  819,  the  former 
being  a  collection  of  all  rescripts  and  decrees  issued  since  the  first  year  of  Daiho 
(701),  and  the  latter  a  synopsis  of  instructions  given  by  various  high  officials 
and  proved  by  practice  since  the  same  date.  Here,  then,  was  a  sufficiently 
precise  and  comprehensive  body  of  administrative  guides.  But  men  competent 
to  utilize  them  were  not  readily  forthcoming.  The  provincial  governors  and 
even  the  metropolitan  officials,  chosen  from  among  men  whose  qualifications 
were  generally  limited  to  literary  ability  or  aristocratic  influence,  showed  them- 
selves incapable  of  dealing  with  the  lawless  conditions  existing  in  their  districts. 

This  state  of  affairs  had  been  noticeable  ever  since  the  reign  of  Shomu  (724- 
749),  but  not  until  the  time  of  Saga  was  a  remedy  devised.  It  took  the  form  of 
organizing  a  body  of  men  called  kebiishi,  upon  whom  devolved  the  duty  of 
pursuing  and. arresting  lawbreakers.  At  first  this  measure  was  on  a  small  scale 
and  of  a  tentative  character.  But  its  results  proved  so  satisfactory  that  the 
system  was  extended  from  the  capital  to  the  provinces,  and,  in  830,  a  Kebiishi' 
did  (Board  of  Kebiishi)  was  duly  formed,  the  number  and  duties  of  its  staff  being 
definitely  fixed  four  years  later.  The  importance  attaching  to  the  post  of  chief 
of  this  board  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  only  the  emon  no  Kami  or  the  hydye 
no  Kami  l  was  eligible  originally,  the  bushi  (military  men)  in  the  hereditary 
service  of  these  high  dignitaries  being  entrusted  —  under  the  name  of  tsuiho^ 
shi  —  with  the  duty  of  enforcing  the  law  against  all  violators.  Ultimately  the 
judicial  functions  hitherto  discharged  by  the  Efu  (Guard  Office),  the  Danjo-dai 
(Police  Board)  and  the  Gyobu-sho  (Department  of  Justice)  were  all  transferred 
to  the  Kebiishi-cho,  and  the  latter 's  orders  ranked  next  to  Imperial  decrees. 

These  kebiishi  and  tsuiho-shi  have  historical  importance.  They  represent 
the  unequivocal  beginning  of  the  military  class  which  was  destined  ultimately 
to  impose  its  sway  over  the  whole  of  Japan.  Their  institution  was  also  a  distinct 
step  towards  transferring  the  conduct  of  affairs,  both  military  and  civil,  from  the 
direct  control  of  the  sovereign  to  the  hands  of  officialdom.  The  Emperor's 
power  now  began  to  cease  to  be  initiative  and  to  be  limited  to  sanction  or  veto. 
The  Kurando-dokoro  was  the  precursor  of  the  kwampaku;  the  Kebiishi-choT 

of  the  so-tsuihoshi. 

i  Jo  sffitte  *}?.»TJJ[  ji  Sfltfegfrnfi  <w'  ,i; 

FUJIWARA  FUYUTSUGU 

T,    . .        *  '  -ii r J ' l ' 

*  ujiwara  Fuyutsugu,  who,  as  mentioned  above,  took  such  an  important  part 
in  the  legislation  of  his  era,  may  be  adduced  as  illustrating  the  error  of  the  too 
common  assertion  that  because  the  Fujiwara  nobles  abused  their  opportunities 
in  the  later  centuries  of  the  Heian  epoch,  the  great  family's  services  to  its 
country  were  small.  Fujiwara  Fuyutsugu  was  at  once  a  statesman,  a  legislator, 
an  historian,  and  a  soldier.  Serving  the  State  loyally  and  assiduously,  he 

P  Three  corps  of  military  guards  formed  part  of  the  organization.  The  senior  corps  were 
the  Imperial  guards  (konoe) :  then  came  the  military  guards  (hydye)  and  then  the  gate-guards 
(yemon).  Each  was  divided  into  two  battalions;  a  battalion  of  the  Left  and  a  battalion  of  the 
Right.  Then  there  were  the  sa-konye  and  the  u-konye,  the  sa-hyoye  and  the  u-hyoye,  the 
sa^yemon  and  the  u-yemon.  These  six  offices  were  known  as  roku-yefu,  and  the  officer  in  chief 
command  of  each  corps  was  a  kami.] 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 


reached  the  rank  of  first  minister  (sa-daijiri)  though  he  died  at  the  early  age  of 
fifty-two,  and  it  is  beyond  question  that  to  his  ability  must  be  attributed  a  large 
measure  of  the  success  achieved  by  his  Imperial  master,  Saga.  The  story  of  his 
private  life  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  he  established  and  richly  endowed 
an  asylum  for  the  relief  of  his  indigent  relatives;  a  college  (the  Kwangaku-iri) 
for  the  education  of  Fujiwara  youths,  and  an  uji-tera  (N  any  en-do)  at  Nara  for 
soliciting  heaven's  blessing  on  all  that  bore  his  name. 

THE  JAPANESE  PEERAGE 

An  interesting  episode  of  Saga 's  reign  was  the  compilation  of  a  record  of  all 
the  uji  (family  names).  Originally  the  right  to  use  a  family  name  had  been 
guarded  as  carefully  as  is  a  title  of  nobility  in  Europe.  The  uji  was,  in  truth,  a 
hereditary  title.  But,  as  has  been  occasionally  noted  in  these  pages,  an  uji  was 
from  time  to  time  bestowed  on  families  of  aliens,  and  thus,  in  the  course  of  ages, 
confusion  gradually  arose.  From  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century,  efforts  to 
compile  a  trustworthy  record  were  made,  and  in  Kwammu  's  reign  a  genealogical 
bureau  (kankei-jo)  was  actually  organized,  its  labours  resulting  in  a  catalogue  of 


L: 
- 


HYO-NO-MA  ROOM  IN  THE  KOHOAN  OF  DAITOKU-JI,  AT  KYOTO 


titles  (seishi  mokuroku).  This  proved  defective,  however,  as  did  a  subsequent 
effort  in  Heijo's  time.  Finally,  the  Emperor  Saga  entrusted  the  task  to  Prince 
Mamta,  who,  with  a  large  staff  of  assistants,  laboured  for  ten  years,  and,  in  814, 
produced  the  Seishi-roku  (Record  of  Uji)  in  thirty  volumes.  Though  not  ab- 
solutely exhaustive,  this  great  work  remained  a  classic  down  to  modern  times. 
It  divided  into  three  classes  the  whole  body  of  uji —  1182  —  enrolled  in  its 
pages:  namely,  Kwobetsu,  or  those  of  Imperial  lineage;  Shimbetsu,  or  those 
descended  from  the  Kami,  and  Bambetsu,  or  those  of  alien  origin  (Chinese  or 
Korean) .  A  few  who  could  not  be  clearly  traced  were  placed  in  a  "  miscellaneous 
list."  This  paragraph  of  history  suggests  the  quality  of  Japanese  civilization  in 
the  ninth  century. 


234  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

THE  FIFTY-THIRD  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  JUNNA  (A.D.  824-833) 

Junna  was  Kwammu  's  third  son.  He  ascended  the  throne  on  the  abdication 
of  his  elder  brother,  Saga,  and  he  himself  abdicated  in  favour  of  the  latter 's  son, 
Nimmyo,  nine  years  later.  Junna 's  reign  is  not  remarkable  for  any  achieve- 
ment. No  special  legislation  was  inaugurated  nor  any  campaign  against  abuses 
undertaken.  The  three  brothers,  Heijo,  Saga,  and  Junna,  may  be  said  to  have 
devoted  paramount  attention  to  the  study  of  Chinese  literature.  History  re- 
fuses, however,  to  connect  this  industry  with  a  desire  for  ethical  instruction. 
Their  efforts  are  said  to  have  been  limited  to  the  tracing  of  ideographs  and  the 
composition  of  verselets.  A  perfectly  formed  ideograph  possesses  in  Japanese 
eyes  many  of  the  qualities  that  commend  a  pictorial  masterpiece  to  Western 
appreciation.  Saga  achieved  the  distinction  of  being  reckoned  among  the 
"Three  Penmen"  of  his  era,1  and  he  carried  his  enthusiasm  so  far  as  to  require 
that  all  the  scions  of  the  aristocracy  should  be  instructed  hi  the  Chinese  classics. 
Junna  had  less  ability,  but  his  admiration  was  not  less  profound  for  a  fine 
specimen  of  script  or  a  deftly  turned  couplet.  It  is,  nevertheless,  difficult  to 
believe  that  these  enthusiasts  confined  themselves  to  the  superficialities  of 
Chinese  learning.  The  illustrations  of  altruism  which  they  furnished  by  abdicat- 
ing in  one  another's  favour  may  well  have  been  inspired  by  perusing  the  writings 
of  Confucius.2  However  that  may  be,  the  reign  of  Junna,  though  not  sub- 
jectively distinguished,  forms  a  landmark  in  Japanese  history  as  the  period  which 
closed  the  independent  exercise  of  sovereign  authority.  When  Junna  laid  down 
the  sceptre,  it  may  be  said,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  to  have  been  taken  up  by 
the  Fujiwara. 

f1  The  other  two  were  Kob5  Daishi,  and  Tachibana  Hayanari.] 

p  Vide  the  remarks  of  the  Chinese  sage  on  Tai-pei,  Chou-kung,  Wen-wang,  and  Wu- 
wang.J 


a* 

•SHAKUHACHI,"  FLUTES  MADE  OF  BAMBOO 


p  ~A\; 


3HT  ^o  -Taorara 


• 


I>9Jii9adtoo,  «id  'ti,  :»IdilQ't*-  vw- 


"KARAMON"  GATE  OF  NISHI  HONGWAN-JI  TEMPLE,  AT  KYOTO 


CHAPTER  XIX 
THE   HEIAN   EPOCH     (Continued) 


The  54th  Sovereign,  Nimmyo. 


A.D.  834-850 


851-858 
859-876 
877-884 
885-887 
888-897 
898-930 


a.i.uiiuiyu 

55th          "    '  Montoku... 

56th         "  Seiwa 

57th         "  Yozei 

58th  „„&%  Koko...,.: 

59th  '  w'  Uda 

60th         "  Daigo .V/??79«?  i . . . . 

, 
BEGINNING  OF  FUJIWARA  SUPREMACY 

THE  events  that  now  occurred  require  to  be  prefaced  by  a  table: 
Heijo 


Kwammu 


1 


0  XT'  -     /  T 

Saga  —  Nimmyo  (m.  Jun, 

daughter  of  Fujiwara  [  Prince  Michiyasu 
Fuyutsugu)  J  (Emperor  Montoku) 


In  the  year  834,  Junna  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  elder  brother  Saga's 
second  son,  who  is  known  in  history  as  Emperor  Nimmyo.  The  latter  was 
married  to  Jun,  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Fuyutsugu,  and  had  a  son,  Prince  Michi- 
yasu. But,  in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  Junna  had  handed  over  the  sceptre 
to  Nimmyo,  Nimmyo,  in  turn,  set  aside  the  claim  of  his  own  son,  Michiyasu, 
and  conferred  the  dignity  of  Prince  Imperial  on  Prince  Tsunesada,  Junna 's  son. 
A  double  debt  of  gratitude  was  thus  paid,  for  Tsunesada  was  not  only  Junna 's 
son  but  also  Saga 's  grandson,  and  thus  the  abdications  of  Saga  and  Junna  were 
both  compensated.  The  new  Prince  Imperial,  however,  being  a  man  of  much 

235 


236  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

sagacity,  foresaw  trouble  if  he  consented  to  supplant  NimmyS's  son.  He 
struggled  to  avoid  the  nomination,  but  finally  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  his  father 
and  his  grandfather. 

While  these  two  ex-Emperors  lived,  things  moved  smoothly,  to  all  appear- 
ances. On  their  demise  trouble  arose  immediately.  The  Fujiwara  family 
perceived  its  opportunity  and  decided  to  profit  by  it.  Fujiwara  Fuyutsugu 
had  died,  and  it  chanced  that  his  son  Yoshifusa  was  a  man  of  boundless  ambi- 
tion. By  him  and  his  partisans  a  slander  was  framed  to  the  effect  that  the 
Crown  Prince,  Tsunesada,  harboured  rebellious  designs,  and  the  Emperor, 
believing  the  story  —  having,  it  is  said,  a  disposition  to  believe  it  —  pronounced 
sentence  of  exile  against  Prince  Tsunesada,  as  well  as  his  friends,  the  celebrated 
scholar,  Tachibana  no  Hayanari,  and  the  able  statesman,  Tomo  no  Kowamine, 
together  with  a  number  of  others.  It  is  recorded  that  the  sympathy  of  the  people 
was  with  the  exiles. 

These  things  happened  in  the  year  843.  The  Fujiwara  sought  a  precedent 
in  the  action  of  their  renowned  ancestor,  Momokawa,  who,  in  772,  contrived 
the  degradation  and  death  of  the  Crown  Prince  Osabe  on  a  charge  of  sorcery 
But  Momokawa  acted  from  motives  of  pure  patriotism,  whereas  Yoshifusa 
worked  in  the  Fujiwara  interests  only.  This,  in  fact,  was  the  first  step  to- 
wards the  transfer  of  administrative  power  from  the  Throne  to  the  Fujiwara. 

FRESH  COMPLICATIONS  ABOUT  THE  SUCCESSION 

Another  table  may  be  consulted  with  advantage  :  — 
Emperor  Heijo  —  Prince  Aho  —  Ariwara  no  Narihira  ] 

v  \  \  f  III"      T  T.T  T^ 

Aritsune  —  a  daughter  J 

• 
Shizu-a  daughter  ] 


}  Pnnce  Koretaka 
Emperor  Montoku  J 

Emperor  Montoku  ] 

Fujiwara  Yoshifusa  ]  Prince  Korehito  (Emperor  Seiwa) 

Princess  Kiyo  |  Aki  (Empress  Somedono)  J 

(daughter  of  Saga)  J 

In  the  year  851,  the  Emperor  Montoku  ascended  the  throne,  and  Fujiwara 
Yoshifusa  was  appointed  minister  of  the  Right.  Yoshifusa  married  Princess 
Kiyo,  daughter  of  the  Emperor  Saga.  She  had  been  given  the  uji  of  Minamoto 
in  order  to  legalize  this  union,  and  she  bore  to  Yoshifusa  a  daughter  who  became 
Montoku  's  Empress  under  the  name  of  Somedono.  By  her,  Montoku  had  a 
son,  Prince  Korehito,  whose  chance  of  succeeding  to  the  crown  should  have  been 
very  slender  since  he  had  three  half-brothers,  the  oldest  of  whom,  Prince  Koreta- 
ka, had  already  attained  his  fourth  year  at  the  time  of  Korehito  's  birth,  and 
was  his  father  's  favourite.  In  fact,  Montoku  would  certainly  have  nominated 
Koretaka  to  be  Prince  Imperial  had  he  not  feared  to  offend  the  Fu  j  i  wara.  These 
let  it  be  seen  very  plainly  what  they  designed.  The  baby,  Korehito,  was  taken 
from  the  palace  into  Yoshifusa  's  mansion,  and  when  only  nine  months  old  was 
nominated  Crown  Prince.  The  event  enriched  Japanese  literature.  For 
Montoku  's  first  born,  Prince  Koretaka,  seeing  himself  deprived  of  his  birthright, 
went  into  seclusion  in  Ono  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Hiei,  and  there,  in  the  shadow 
of  the  great  Tendai  monastery,  devoted  his  days  to  composing  verselets.  In 
that  pastime  he  was  frequently  joined  by  Ariwara  no  Narihira,  who,  as  a  grand- 
son of  the  Emperor  Heijo,  possessed  a  title  to  the  succession  more  valid  than  even 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 

that  of  the  disappointed  Koretaka.  In  the  celebrated  Japanese  anthology,  the 
Kokin-shu,  compiled  at  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century,  there  are  found 
several  couplets  from  the  pens  of  Koretaka  and  Narihira. 


ot 


THE  FUJIWARA  REGENCY 


It  was  in  the  days  of  Fujiwara  Yoshifusa  that  the  descendants  of  Kamatari 
first  assumed  the  role  of  kingmakers.  Yoshifusa  obtained  the  position  of 
minister  of  the  Right  on  the  accession  of  Montoku  (851),  and,  six  years  later, 
he  was  appointed  chancellor  of  the  empire  (dajo  daijin)  in  the  sequel  of  the 
intrigues  which  had  procured  for  his  own  grandson  (Korehito)  the  nomination 
of  Prince  Imperial.  The  latter,  known  in  history  as  the  Emperor  Seiwa,  ascend- 
ed the  throne  in  the  year  859.  He  was  then  a  child  of  nine,  and  naturally  the 
whole  duty  of  administration  devolved  upon  the  chancellor.  This  situation  fell 
short  of  the  Fujiwara  leader  's  ideal  in  nomenclature  only.  There  had  been  many 
"chancellors"  but  few  "regents"  (sessho).  In  fact,  the  office  of  regent  had 
always  been  practically  confined  to  princes  of  the  Blood,  and  the  qualifications 
for  holding  it  were  prescribed  in  very  high  terms  by  the  Daiho  statutes.  Yoshi- 
fusa did  not  possess  any  of  the  qualifications,  but  he  wielded  power  sufficient 
to  dispense  with  them,  and,  in  the  year  866,  he  celebrated  the  Emperor  's  attain- 
ment of  his  majority  by  having  himself  named  sessho.  The  appointment  carried 
with  it  a  sustenance  fief  of  three  thousand  houses;  the  privilege  of  being  constant- 
ly attended  by  squadrons  of  the  Right  and  Left  Imperial  guards,  and  the  honour 
of  receiving  the  allowances  and  the  treatment  of  the  Sangu,  that  is  to  say,  of  an 
Empress,  a  Dowager  Empress,  or  a  Grand  Dowager  Empress.  Husband  of  an 
Empress,  father  of  an  Empress  Dowager,  grandfather  of  a  reigning  Emperor, 
chancellor  of  the  empire,  and  a  regent  •  —  a  subject  could  climb  no  higher. 
Yoshifusa  died  in  872  at  the  age  of  sixty-eight.  Having  no  son  of  his  own,  he 
adopted  his  nephew,  Mototsune,  son  of  Fujiwara  Nagara. 

' 


SEIWA'S  EMPRESS 

Seiwa  abdicated  in  876,  at  the  age  of  twenty-seven.  Some  historians  ascribe 
his  abdication  to  a  sentiment  of  remorse.  He  had  ascended  the  throne  in  despite 
of  the  superior  claims  of  his  elder  brother,  Koretaka,  and  the  usurpation  weighed 
heavily  on  his  conscience.  It  is  at  least  credible  that  since,  in  taking  the 
sceptre  he  obeyed  the  dictates  of  the  Fujiwara,  so  in  laying  it  down  he  followed 
the  same  guidance.  We  cannot  be  sure  as  to  the  exact  date  when  the  great 
family's  policy  of  boy-sovereigns  first  took  definite  shape,  but  the  annals  seem 
to  show  that  Yoshifusa  conceived  the  programme  and  that  his  adopted  son, 
Mototsune,  carried  it  out.  A  halo  rests  on  Seiwa  's  head  for  the  sake  of  his 
memorable  descendants,  the  Minamoto  chiefs,  Yoritomo,  Takauji,  and  leyasu. 
Heaven  is  supposed  to  have  compensated  the  brevity  of  his  own  tenure  of  power 
by  the  overwhelming  share  that  his  posterity  enjoyed  in  the  administration  of  the 
empire. 

ir  But  Seiwa  was  undoubtedly  a  good  man  as  well  as  a  zealous  sovereign.  One 
episode  in  his  career  deserves  attention  as  illustrating  the  customs  of  the  era. 
Mention  has  already  been  made  of  Ariwara  no  Narihira,  a  grandson  of  the 
Emperor  Heijo  and  one  of  the  most  renowned  among  Japanese  poets.  He  was 
a  man  of  singular  beauty,  and  his  literary  attainments,  combined  with  the 
melancholy  that  marked  his  life  of  ignored  rights,  made  him  a  specially  interest- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


ing  figure.  He  won  the  love  of  Taka,  younger  sister  of  Fujiwara  Mototsune 
and  niece  of  Yoshifusa.  Their  liaison  was  not  hidden.  But  Yoshifusa,  in 
default  of  a  child  of  his  own,  was  just  then  seeking  some  Fujiwara  maiden  suitable 
to  be  the  consort  of  the  young  Emperor,  Seiwa,  in  pursuance  of  the  newly  con- 
ceived policy  of  building  the  Fujiwara  power  on  the  influence  of  the  ladies' 

apartments  in  the 
palace.  Taka  pos- 
sessed all  the  neces- 
sary qualifications. 
In  another  age  the 
obstacle  of  her 
blemished  purity 
must  have  proved 
fatal.  Yoshifusa 's 
audacity,  however, 
was  as  limitless  as 
his  authority.  He 
ordered  the  poet 
prince  to  cut  his 
hair  and  go  east- 
ward in  expiation 
of  the  crime  of 
seeking  to  win 
Taka 's  affections, 
and  having  thus 
officially  rehabil- 
itated her  reputa- 
tion, he  introduced  her  into  the  household  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  his  own 
daughter,  through  whose  connivance  the  lady  soon  found  her  way  to  the 
young  Emperor 's  chamber  and  became  the  mother  of  his  successor,  Yozei. 

Nor  was  this  all.  Though  only  a  Fujiwara,  and  a  soiled  Fujiwara  at  that, 
Taka  was  subsequently  raised  to  the  rank  of  Empress.  Ultimately,  when  Em- 
press Dowager,  her  name  was  coupled  with  that  of  the  priest  Zenyu  of  Toko-ji, 
as  the  Empress  Koken  's  had  been  with  that  of  Dokyo,  a  hundred  years  previous- 
ly, and  she  suffered  deprivation  of  Imperial  rank.  As  for  Narihira,  after  a  few 
years  he  was  allowed  to  return  from  exile,  but  finding  that  all  his  hopes  of  prefer- 
ment were  vain,  he  abandoned  himself  to  a  life  of  indolence  and  debauchery. 
His  name,  however,  will  always  stand  next  to  those  of  Hitomaro  and  Akahito  on 
the  roll  of  Japanese  poets. 


FUJIWARA  SEIWA 


..fli 


Y6ZEI,  UDA,  AND  THE  KWAMPAKU 


The  fifty-seventh  sovereign  was  Yozei,  offspring  of  the  Emperor  Seiwa 's 
union  with  the  lady  Taka.  He  ascended  the  throne  in  the  year  877,  at  the  age 
of  ten,  and  Fujiwara  Mototsune  —  Yoshifusa  had  died  five  years  previously  — 
became  regent  (sessho),  holding  also  the  post  of  chancellor  (dajo-daijin).  When 
Yozei  was  approaching  his  seventeenth  year  he  was  overtaken  by  an  illness  which 
left  him  a  lunatic.  It  is  related  that  he  behaved  in  an  extraordinary  manner. 
He  set  dogs  and  monkeys  to  fight  and  then  slaughtered  them;  he  fed  toads  to 
snakes,  and  finally  compelling  a  man  lo  ascend  a  tree,  he  stabbed  him  among 
the  branches.  The  regent  decided  that  he  must  be  dethroned,  and  a  council  of 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 

State  was  convened  to  consider  the  matter.  There  had  never  been  an  example 
of  an  act  so  sacrilegious  as  the  deposition  of  an  Emperor  at  the  dictate  of  his 
subjects.  The  ministers  hesitated.  Then  one  of  the  Fujiwara  magnates 
(Morokuzu)  loudly  proclaimed  that  anyone  dissenting  from  the  chancellor's 
proposal  would  have  to  answer  for  his  contumacy.  Thereafter,  no  one  hesitated 
—  so  overshadowing  was  the  power  of  the  Fujiwara.  When  carried  to  a  special 
palace — thenceforth  called  Yozei-in — and  informed  that  he  had  been  dethroned 
for  killing  a  man,  the  young  Emperor  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears. 

No  hesitation  was  shown  in  appointing  Yozei 's  successor.  Prince  Tokiyasu, 
son  of  the  Emperor  Nimmyo,  satisfied  all  the  requirements.  His  mother,  a 
daughter  of  Fujiwara  Tsugunawa,  was  Mototsune's  maternal  aunt,  and  the 
Prince  himself,  already  in  his  fifty-fifth  year,  had  a  son,  Sadami,  who  was 
married  to  the  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Takafuji,  a  close  relation  to  Mototsune. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  latter  had  the  whole  programme  in  view  when  he 
proposed  the  dethronement  of  Yozei.  Shortly  after  his  accession,  Prince 
Tokiyasu  —  known  in  history  as  the  Emperor  Koko — fell  ill,  and  at  Mototsune's 
instance  the  sovereign's  third  son  (Sadami)  was  nominated  Prince  Imperial. 
He  succeeded  to  the  throne  as  Emperor  Uda  on  the  death  of  his  father,  which 
occurred  (887)  after  a  reign  of  two  years. 

This  event  saw  fresh  extension  of  the  Fujiwara 's  power.  Uda  was  twenty- 
two  years  of  age  when  he  received  the  sceptre,  but  recognizing  that  he  owed  his 
elevation  to  Mototsune's  influence  and  that  his  prospects  of  a  peaceful  reign 
depended  upon  retaining  the  Fujiwara 's  favour,  his  first  act  was  to  decree  that 
the  administration  should  be  carried  on  wholly  by  the  chancellor,  the  latter 
merely  reporting  to  the  Throne.  This  involved  the  exercise  of  power  hitherto 
unprecedented.  To  meet  the  situation  a  new  office  had  to  be  created,  namely, 
that  of  kwampaku.  The  actual  duties  of  this  post  were  those  of  regent  to  a 
sovereign  who  had  attained  his  majority,  whereas  sessho  signified  regent  to  a 
minor.  Hence  the  kwampaku  was  obviously  the  more  honourable  office,  since 
its  incumbent  officiated  in  lieu  of  an  Emperor  of  mature  years.  Accordingly, 
the  kwampaku  —  or  mayor  of  the  palace,  as  the  term  is  usually  translated  — 
took  precedence  of  all  other  officials.  A  subject  could  rise  no  higher  without 
ceasing  to  yield  allegiance.  As  Mototsune  was  the  first  kwampaku,  he  has  been 
called  the  most  ambitious  and  the  least  scrupulous  of  the  Fujiwara.  But 
Mototsune  merely  stood  at  the  pinnacle  of  an  edifice,  to  the  building  of  which 
many  had  contributed,  and  among  those  builders  not  a  few  fully  deserved  all 
they  achieved.  The  names  of  such  members  of  the  Fujiwara  family  as  Mimori, 
Otsugu,  Yoshino,  Sadanushi,  Nagara,  Yoshisuke,  and  Yasunori,  who  wrought 
and  ruled  in  the  period  from  Heijo  and  Saga  to  Montoku  and  Seiwa,  might  justly 
stand  high  in  any  record.1 

• 

THE  AKO  INCIDENT 

..a   >'••-.•  .  .in'.)!  •-  ! 

The  Emperor  Uda,  as  already  stated,  owed  everything  to  the  Fujiwara.  He 
himself  did  not  possess  even  the  claim  of  primogeniture,  since  he  was  the  third 
among  several  sons,  and  he  had  stepped  out  of  the  ranks  of  the  Imperial  princes 
by  accepting  a  family  name.  His  decree  conferring  administrative  autocracy 
on  Mototsune  was  thus  a  natural  expression  of  gratitude. 

Yet  this  very  document  proved  a  source  of  serious  trouble.     It  was  drafted 

[irThe   office  of    Kwampaku    was   continued   from   the   time  of  its   creation,  882,  to 

1  OfiQ  1 

-ISOS.J 


240  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

by  Tachibana  Hiromi,  a  ripe  scholar,  whose  family  stood  as  high  on  the  aristo- 
crutic  roll  as  did  that  of  the  Fujivvara  themselves.  At  that  time  literary  attain- 
ments conferred  immense  prestige  in  Kyoto.  To  be  skilled  in  calligraphy;  to  be 
well  versed  in  the  classics;  to  be  capable  of  composing  a  sonorous  decree  or 
devising  a  graceful  couplet  —  such  accomplishments  constituted  a  passport  not 
only  to  high  office  but  even  to  the  love  of  women.  Tachibana  Hiromi  was  one 
of  the  leading  literati  of  his  era..  He  rendered  into  most  academical  terms  the 
Emperor 's  intentions  towards  Mototsune.  From  time  immemorial  it  has  always 
been  a  canon  of  Japanese  etiquette  not  to  receive  anything  with  avidity.  Motot- 
sune declined  the  rescript;  the  Emperor  directed  Hiromi  to  re-write  it.  Thus 
far  the  procedure  had  been  normal.  But  Hiromi 's  second  draft  ran  thus: 
"  You  have  toiled  for  the  welfare  of  the  country.  You  have  aided  me  in  accord- 
ance with  the  late  sovereign 's  will.  You  are  the  chief  servant  of  the  empire, 
not  my  vassal.  You  will  henceforth  discharge  the  duties  of  ako."  This  term 
"ako"  occurs  in  Chinese  history.  Jt  signifies  "reliance  on  equity,"  a  name 
given  by  an  early  Emperor  to  the  administration  of  the  sage,  I  Yin.  Hiromi 
inserted  it  solely  to  impart  a  classical  flavour  to  the  decree  and  in  all  good  faith. 

But  Fujiwara  Sukeyo,  a  rival  liter atus  who  possessed  the  confidence  of 
Mototsune,  persuaded  the  latter  that  the  epithet  "ako"  could  not  apply  to  the 
discharge  of  active  duties.  What  followed  was  characteristic.  Mototsune 
caused  a  number  of  horses  to  be  let  loose  in  the  city,  his  explanation  being  that, 
as  he  had  no  official  functions  to  discharge,  neither  had  he  any  need  of  horses. 
Naturally  a  number  of  horses  running  wild  in  the  streets  of  the  capital  caused 
confusion  which  soon  came  to  the  notice  of  the  palace.  The  Emperor  at  once 
convoked  a  meeting  of  literati  to  discuss  the  matter,  but  these  hesitated  so  long 
between  their  scholarly  convictions  and  their  political  apprehensions  that,  for 
several  months,  a  state  of  administrative  anarchy  prevailed,  and  the  Emperor 
recorded  in  his  diary  a  lament  over  the  corruption  of  the  age.  At  last,  by  the 
advice  of  the  minister  of  the  Left,  Minamoto  Toru,  his  Majesty  sacrificed 
Hiromi.  A  third  decree  was  drafted,  laying  the  blame  on  Hiromi 's  shoulders, 
and  Mototsune  graciously  consented  to  resume  the  duties  of  the  first  subject  in 
the  empire.  Just  forty-five  years  previously,  Hayanari,  another  illustrious 
scholar  of  the  Tachibana  family,  had  been  among  the  victims  of  the  false  charge 
preferred  against  the  Crown  Prince,  Tsunesada,  by  the  Fujiwara  partisans. 
Mototsune  may  well  have  been  desirous  of  removing  from  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  the  throne  the  representative  of  a  family  having  such  a  cause 
of  umbrage  against  the  Fujiwara. 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  only  just  to  note  that  he  found  ready  coadjutors  among 
the  jealous  schoolmen  of  the  time.  Rival  colleges,  rival  academies,  and  rival 
literati  quarrelled  with  all  the  rancour  of  medieval  Europe.  The  great  lumina- 
ries of  the  era  were  Sugawara  Michizane,  Ki  no  Haseo,  Koze  no  Fumio,  Miyoshi 
Kiyotsura,  and  Tachibana  Hiromi.  There  was  little  mutual  recognition  of 
talent.  Kiyotsura  abused  Haseo  as  a  pundit  inferior  to  any  of  his  predecessors. 
Michizane  ridiculed  Fumio 's  panegyric  of  Kiyotsura,  The  pupils  of  these  men 
endorsed  their  teachers '  verdicts.  Ajnong  them  all,  Tachibana  Hiromi  occupied 
the  most  important  position  until  the  day  of  his  downfall.  He  practically 
managed  the  affairs  of  the  Court  under  Yozei,  Koko,  and  Uda.  Fujiwara 
Sukeyo,  a  greatly  inferior  scholar,  served  as  his  subordinate,  and  was  the  willing 
tool  in  contriving  his  degradation.  It  did  not  cause  the  Fujiwara  any  serious 
concern  that  in  compassing  the  ruin  of  Hiromi,  they  effectually  alienated  the 
sympathies  of  the  sovereign. 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  241 


'  '.'[  •'!•>  --:rjy  i-  ;•  •.  ij  fo  r>ltF9irtt  iJO'ffrm/srf*)  orit  .ifitfMjfB  oft  imo>" 
I  *"^J  CESSATION  OF  EMBASSIES  TO  CHINA 

It  may  be  supposed  that  in  an  era  when  Chinese  'literati  attracted  so  much 
attention,  visits  to  the  Middle  Kingdom  were  frequent.  But  from  the  closing 
years  of  the  eighth  century,  the  great  Tang  dynasty  began  to  fall  into  disorder, 
and  the  embassies  sent  from  Japan  reported  a  discouraging  state  of  affairs.  The 
last  of  these  embassies  (kento-shi)  was  in  the  year  838.  It  had  long  ceased  to 
take  the  overland  route  via  Liaoyang;  the  envoys'  vessels  were  obliged  to  go  by 
long  sea,  and  the  dangers  were  so  great  that  to  be  named  for  this  duty  was  re- 
garded with  consternation.  In  Uda's  reign  a  project  was  formed  to  appoint 
Sugawara  Michizane  as  kento-shi,  and  Ki  no  Haseo  as  his  lieutenant.  There  is 
reason  to  think  that  this  suggestion  came  from  Michizane  's  enemies  who  wished 
to  remove  him  from  a  scene  where  his  presence  threatened  to  become  embarrass- 
ing. The  course  Michizane  adopted  at  this  crisis  showed  moral  courage, 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  its  expediency.  He  memorialized  the  Throne  in 
the  sense  that  the  dangers  of  the  journey  were  not  compensated  by  its  results. 
The  memorial  was  approved.  Since  the  days  of  the  Empress  Suiko,  when  the 
first  kento-shi  was  despatched  by  Prince  Shotoku,  294  years  had  elapsed,  and  by 
some  critics  the  abandonment  of  the  custom  has  been  condemned.  But  it  is 
certain  that  China  in  the  ninth  century  had  little  to  teach  Japan  in  the  matter 
of  either  material  or  moral  civilization. 

ton*  tT&ltt 

-    ••    •  -,,,  ..:  :i!  j 

THE  AFFAIR  OF  THE  ENGI  ERA 

The  Emperor  Uda  not  only  possessed  great  literary  knowledge  but.  was  also 
deeply  sensible  of  the  abuse  that  had  grown  out  of  the  virtual  usurpation  of 
administrative  authority  by  one  family.  As  illustrating  his  desire  to  extend 
the  circle  of  the  Throne  's  servants  and  to  enlist  erudite  men  into  the  service  of 
the  State,  it  is  recorded  that  he  caused  the  interior  of  the  palace  to  be  decorated1 
with  portraits  of  renowned  statesmen  and  literati  from  the  annals  of  China. 
Fate  seemed  disposed  to  assist  his  design,  for,  in  the  year  891,  the  all-powerful 
Fujiwara  Mototsune  died,  leaving  three  sons,  Tokihira,  Nakahira,  and  Tada- 
hira,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  only  twenty-one.  During  the  life  of  Mototsune, 
to  whom  the  Emperor  owed  everything,  it  would  not  have  been  politically  or 
morally  possible  to  contrive  any  radical  change  of  system,  and  even  after  his 
death,  the  Fujiwara  family's  claim  to  the  Throne's  gratitude  precluded  any 
direct  attempt  on  Uda's  part  to  supplant  them.  Therefore,  he  formed  the  plan 
of  abdicating  in  favour  of  his  son,  as  soon  as  the  latter  should  attain  a  suitable 
age  —  a  plan  inspired  in  some  degree  by  his  own  feeble  health  and  by  a  keen 
desire  to  pass  the  closing  years  of  his  life  in  comparative  retirement.  He  carried 
out  this  design  in  the  year  897,  and  was  thenceforth  known  as  Uda-in.2 

His  son,  Daigo,  who  now  ascended  the  throne,  was  thirteen  years  old,  but 
no  Fujiwara  regent  was  appointed,  Tokihira,  the  one  person  eligible  in  respect 
of  lineage,  being  precluded  by  youth.  Therefore  the  office  of  minister  of  the 
Left  was  conferred  on  Tokihira,  and  Sugawara  Michizane  (called  also  Kwanko) 
became  minister  of  the  Right. 

It  was  to  this  Michizane  that  the  ex-Emperor  looked  for  material  assistance 
in  the  prosecution  of  his  design.  The  Sugawara  family  traced  its  descent  to 

[l  It  is  on  this  occasion  that  we  hear  of  Koze  no  Kanaoka,  the  first  Japanese  artist  of  great 
repute.] 

[2  The  suffix  in  was  now  first  used  for  the  names  of  retired  Emperors.] 


242 


FfflT  riO  fl] 


Nomi  no  Sukune,  the  champion  wrestler  of  the  last  century  before  Christ  and 
the  originator  of  clay  substitutes  for  human  sacrifices  at  burials,  though  the 
name  "Sugawara"  did  not  belong  to  the  family  until  eight  hundred  years  later, 
when  the  Emperor  Konin  bestowed  it  on  the  then  representative  in  recognition 
of  his  great  scholarship.  Thenceforth,  the  name  was  borne  by  a  succession  of 
renowned  literati,  the  most  erudite  and  the  most  famous  of  all  being  Michizane. 
The  ex-Emperor,  on  the  accession  of  his  thirteen-year-old  son,  Daigo,  handed 
to  the  latter  an  autograph  document  known  in  history  as  the  Counsels  of  the 
Kwampei  Era.  Its  gist  was:  "Be  just.  Do  not  be  swayed  by  love  or  hate. 
Study  to  think  impartially.  Control  your  emotion  and  never  let  it  be  externally 

visible.    The  sa-daijin,  Fujiwara 

(f^  Tokihira,   is  the  descendant  of 

meritorious  servants  of  the 
Crown.     Though  still  young,  he 

Q**C  J^  is    alreac*v  we^   versed    m    tne 

Y^LA)^  administration  of  State  affairs. 

Some  years  ago,  he  sinned  with 
a  woman,1  but  I  have  no  longer 
any  memory  of  the  event.  You 
will  consult  him  and  be  guided 
by  his  counsels.  The  u-daijin, 
Sugawara  Michizane,  is  a  man  of 
profound  literary  knowledge.  He 
is  also  acquainted  with  politics. 
Frequently  I  have  profited  by 
his  admonitions.  When  I  was 
elected  Crown  Prince  I  had  but 
Michizane  to  advise  me.  Not 
only  has  he  been  a  loyal  servant 
to  me,  but  he  will  be  a  loyal 
servant  to  my  successor  also." 
^niv  Plainly  the  intention  of  the 
document  was  to  place  Michizane 
on  a  footing  at  least  equal  to 
that  of  Tokihira.  Michizane 
understood  the  perils  of  such 
preferment.  He  knew  that  the 
scion  of  a  comparatively  obscure 
family  would  not  be  tolerated  as 

a  rival  by  the  Fujiwara.  Three  times  he  declined  the  high  post  offered  to  him. 
In  his  second  refusal  he  compared  himself  to  a  man  walking  on  thin  ice,  and  in 
the  third  he  said:  "If  I  myself  am  astounded  at  my  promotion,  how  must 
others  regard  it?  The  end  will  come  like  a  flash  of  lightning."  But  the  Em- 
peror and  the  ex-Emperor  had  laid  their  plans,  and  Michizane  was  an  indis- 
pensable factor. 

Events  moved  rapidly.  Two  years  later  (900),  the  Emperor,  in  concert  with 
the  cloistered  sovereign,  proposed  to  raise  Michizane  to  the  post  of  chancellor 
and  to  entrust  the  whole  administration  to  him.  This  was  the  signal  for  the 
Fujiwara  to  take  action.  One  opportunity  for  slandering  Michizane  offered; 
his  daughter  had  been  married  to  Prince  Tokiyo,  the  Emperor's  younger 

•»      /  r  v  ,  t> 

I1  A.  liaison  with  his  uncle's  wife.] 


SUQAWA.BA  MICHIZANB 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH    ?.OT8i: 


brother.  A  rumour  was  busily  circulated  that  this  meant  a  plot  for  the  dethrone- 
ment of  Daigo  in  favour  of  Tokiyo.  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura,  an  eminent  scholar, 
acting  subtly  at  the  instance  of  the  Fujiwara,  addressed  a  seemingly  friendly 
letter  to  Michizane,  warning  him  that  his  career  had  become  dangerously  rapid 
and  explaining  that  the  stars  presaged  a  revolution  in  the  following  year.  At 
the  same  time,  Minamoto  Hikaru,  son  of  the  Emperor  Nimmyo;  Fujiwara  Sada- 
kuni,  father-in-law  of  Daigo,  and  several  others  who  were  jealous  of  Michizane 's 
preferment  or  of  his  scholarship,  separately  or  jointly  memorialized  the  Throne, 
impeaching  Michizane  as  a  traitor  who  plotted  against  his  sovereign. 

Supplemented  by  Miyoshi 's  "friendly  "  notice  of  a  star-predicated  cataclysm, 
this  cumulative  evidence  convinced,  and  doubtless  the  number  and  rank  of  the 
accusers  alarmed,  the  Emperor,  then  only  in  his  seventeenth  year.  Michizane 
was  not  invited  to  defend  himself.  In  the  first  year  (901)  of  the  Engi  era,  a 
decree  went  out  stripping  him  of  all  his  high  offices,  and  banishing  him  to 
Dazai-fu  in  Kyushu  as  vice-governor.  Many  other  officials  were  degraded  as 
his  partisans.  The  ex-Emperor,  to  whose  pity  he  pleaded  in  a  plaintive  couplet, 
made  a  resolute  attempt  to  aid  him.  His  Majesty  repaired  to  the  palace  for  the 

Ojid^ox 

brus  <ui6ii?. 


SHRINE  OF  SUOAWARA  MICHIZANE  AT  KITANO,  KYOTO 

purpose  of  remonstrating  with  his  son,  Daigo.  Had  a  meeting  taken  place, 
Michizane 's  innocence  would  doubtless  have  been  established.  But  the  Fuji- 
wara had  provided  against  such  an  obvious  miscarriage  of  their  design.  The 
palace  guards  refused  to  admit  the  ex-Emperor,  and,  after  waiting  throughout 
a  winter's  day  seated  on  a  straw  mat  before  the  gate,  Uda  went  away  in  the 
evening,  sorehearted  and  profoundly  humiliated.  Michizane 's  twenty-three 
children  were  banished  to  five  places,  and  he  himself,  having  only  a  nominal 
post,  did  not  receive  emoluments  sufficient  to  support  him  in  comfort.  Even 
oil  for  a  night-lamp  was  often  unprocurable,  and  after  spending  twenty-five 
months  in  voluntary  confinement  with  only  the  society  of  his  sorrows,  he  expired 
(903)  at  the  age  of  fifty-eight,  and  was  buried  in  the  temple  Anraku-ji  in  Chi- 
kuzen. 

No  figure  in  Japanese  history  has  received  such  an  abundant  share  of  national 
sympathy.  His  unj  ust  fate  and  the  idea  that  he  suffered  for  his  sovereign  appealed 


244 


powerfully  to  popular  imagination.  Moreover,  lightning  struck  the  palace 
in  Kyoto,  and  the  three  principal  contrivers  of  Michizane's  disgrace,  Fujiwara 
Tokihira,  Fujiwara  Sugane,  and  Minamoto  Hikaru,  all  expired  within  a  few 
years'  interval.  At  that  epoch  a  wide-spread  belief  existed  in  the  powers  of 
disembodied  spirits  for  evil  or  for  good.  Such  a  creed  grew  logically  out  of  the 
cult  of  ancestor  worship.  It  began  to  be  whispered  abroad  that  Michizane's 
spirit  was  taking  vengeance  upon  his  enemies.  The  Emperor  was  the  first  to 
act  upon  this  superstition.  He  restored  Michizane's  titles,  raised  him  to  the 
first  grade  of  the  second  rank,  and  caused  all  the  documents  relating  to  his  exile 
to  be  burned.  -  Retribution  did  not  stop  there.  Forty-five  years  after  Michi- 
zane's death,  the  people  of  Kyoto  erected  to  his  memory  the  shrine  of  Temman 
Tenjin,1  and  in  the  year  1004,  the  Emperor  Ichijo  not  only  conferred  on  him  the 
posthumous  office  of  chancellor  with  the  unprecedented  honour  of  first  grade  of 
the  first  rank,  but  also  repaired  in  person  to  worship  at  the  shrine.  In  later 
times,  memorial  shrines  were  built  in  various  places,  and  to  this  day  he  is  fervent- 
ly worshipped  as  the  deity  of  calligraphy,  so  high  was  he  elevated  by  the  Fuji- 
wara 's  attempt  to  drag  him  down. 

[l  Michizane  was  apotheosized  under  the  name  of  Tenjin.     He  is  known  also  as  Kan 
Shojo,  and  TemmangQ.] 


,<v»;fq 


SAJIISEX  (A  MUSICAL  INSTRUMENT) 

(i  jj  hall     .ni 


•a 


ai 


^  loilii  iwu»  ,tf[ch 


'\r. 


aidir/ot  aiii  TO'!  bo?'il»y60ibfi»it  4:0!  .i  .-id  ;"bn*  ste'i  tM/[n  u  «?  H   . 


-n  3< 


ICMYflOTBIH 


,',  , , , 


SANJtJ-SANGEN-Dd   TEMPLE  AT   KYOTO 

d  ,ate$hq  tairi  I 

i/IfcB  sd  -teiftti.  Y?J&;  t8TJirofifeP 

i&  orf<t  ^£  i  :ii  orlv/:.«dli 


nwo 


iff  ijsd  f^fer^MiUaw  9ili  10! 
i -!••[  odT    .gnia-irffo  lioilt 

CHAPTER   XX 

•f  :v--ru  •  :  •       j}  in 

THE   HEIAN   EPOCH     (Continued) 


rr.1.      ^^u   O  •  T.    •  /,n        ,-'!iri-->   {•'://   V!  •: 

The  60th  Sovereign,  Daigo  (Continued) 
"     61st          "          Emperor  Shujaku  .........  .  ...........  A.D.  931-946 


THE  ENGI  ERA   (A.D.  901-923) 
;  fiu^od 
IN  the  year  909,  Fujiwara  Tokihira  died  and  was  followed  to  the  grave,  in  913, 

by  Minamoto  Hikaru.  For  an  interval  of  some  years  no  minister  of  State  was 
nominated;  the  Emperor  Daigo  himself  administered  affairs.  For  this  inter- 
regnum in  the  sway  of  the  Fujiwara,  the  Engi  era  is  memorable. 

It  is  memorable  for  other  things  also;  notably  for  the  compilation  of  docu- 
ments which  throw  much  light  on  the  conditions  then  existing  in  Japan.  The 
Emperor,  in  914,  called  upon  the  Court  officials  to  submit  memorials  which 
should  supply  materials  for  administrative  reforms.  The  great  scholar,  Miyoshi 
Kiyotsura,  responded  with  ability  so  conspicuous  that  posterity  has  been  dispos- 
ed to  question  the  justice  of  the  charges  against  him  in  connexion  with  Michi- 
zane  's  fate.  He  set  out  by  stating  that,  in  the  early  times,  the  national  senti- 
ment had  been  kind  and  simple;  the  people  loyal  to  the  Throne  and  obedient  to 
parents  ;  the  taxes  moderate.  But,  thereafter,  customs  had  gradually  deteriorat- 
ed. Laws  and  regulations  were  promulgated  with  bewildering  rapidity.  Taxes 
and  forced  labour  grew  heavier  day  by  day.  Cultivated  lands  were  suffered  to 
lie  fallow.  Buddhism  established  such  a  hold  upon  men's  minds  that  people 
of  all  classes  impoverished  themselves  to  build  places  of  worship  and  to  cast 
images.  Upon  the  erection  of  the  provincial  temples  (Kokubun-j  i)  five-tenths  of 
the  national  taxes  were  expended;  and  in  connexion  with  the  removal  of  the 
capital  to  Kyoto  and  the  building  of  new  palaces,  a  further  sum  of  three-tenths 
was  paid  out.  Again,  the  Emperor  Nimmyo's  (834-850)  love  of  luxury  and 
display  led  to  architectural  extravagance  entirely  unprecedented,  and  involved 

245 


246  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  squandering  of  yet  another  tenth  of  the  remaining  income  of  the  State. 
Thereafter,  in  the  Jokwan  era  (859-876),  frequent  conflagrations  destroyed  the 
Imperial  edifice,  and  its  restoration  cost  a  tenth  of  the  remaining  revenue,  so  that 
only  one-twentieth  was  ultimately  available  for  general  expenses. 

As  illustrating  the  state  of  the  rural  regions,  the  memorialist  instanced  the 
case  of  Bitchu,  a  province  on  the  Inland  Sea,  where  he  held  an  official  appoint- 
ment in  the  year  893.  The  local  records  (Fudoki)  showed  that  a  levy  made 
there  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  had  produced  twenty  thousand 
able-bodied  soldiers,1  whereas  a  century  later,  there  were  found  only  nineteen 
hundred;  yet  another  century  afterwards,  only  seventy;  at  the  close  of  the 
ninth  century,  nine,  and  in  the  year  911,  not  one.  To  such  a  state  of  desolation 
had  the  district  been  reduced  in  the  space  of  250  years,  and  its  story  might  be 
taken  as  typical. 

Passing  to  the  question  of  religion,  the  memorialist  declared  that  the  Shinto 
ceremonials  to  secure  good  harvests  had  lost  all  sincerity.  The  officials  behaved 
as  though  there  were  no  such  thing  as  deities.  They  used  the  offerings  for  their 
own  private  purposes,  sold  the  sacred  horses,  and  recited  the  rituals  without 
the  least  show  of  reverence.  As  for  Buddhist  priests,  before  asking  them  to  pray 
for  the  welfare  of  their  parishioners,  they  must  be  asked  to  purge  themselves  of 
their  own  sins.  The  priests  who  ministered  at  the  provincial  temples  had  lost 
all  sense  of  shame.  They  had  wives,  built  houses,  cultivated  lands,  and  engaged 
in  trade.  Was  it  to  be  supposed  that  heaven  would  hearken  to  the  intervention 
of  such  sinners? 

Meanwhile,  luxury  and  extravagance  had  reached  an  extreme  degree.  On 
one  suit  of  clothes  a  patrimony  was  expended,  and  sometimes  a  year 's  income 
barely  sufficed  for  a  single  banquet.  At  funeral  services  all  classes  launched 
into  flagrant  excesses.  Feasts  were  prepared  on  such  a  scale  that  the  trays  of 
viands  covered  the  entire  floor  of  a  temple.  Thousands  of  pieces  of  gold  were 
paid  to  the  officiating  priests,  and  a  ceremony,  begun  in  mourning,  ended  in 
revelry.  Corresponding  disorder  existed  with  regard  to  the  land.  The  original 
distribution  into  kubunden,  as  we  saw,  had  been  partly  for  purposes  of  taxation. 
But  now  these  allotments  were  illegally  appropriated,  so  that  they  neither  paid 
imposts  nor  furnished  labourers;  and  while  governors  held  worthless  regions, 
wealthy  magnates  annexed  great  tracts  of  fertile  land.  Another  abuse,  prevalent 
according  to  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura  's  testimony,  was  that  accusations  were  falsely 
preferred  by  officials  against  their  seniors.  Provincial  governors  were  said  to 
have  frequently  indulged  in  this  treacherous  practice  and  to  have  been  themselves 
at  times  the  victims  of  similar  attacks.  The  Court,  on  receipt  of  such  charges, 
seldom  scrutinized  them  closely,  but  at  once  despatched  officers  to  deal  with  the 
incriminated  persons,  and  in  the  sequel,  men  occupying  exalted  positions  were 
obliged  to  plead  on  an  equal  footing  with  officials  of  low  grade  or  even  common 
people.  Self-respecting  persons  chose  to  stand  aside  altogether  from  official  life 
rather  than  to  encounter  such  risks. 

This  was  an  almost  inevitable  result  of  the  exceptional  facilities  given 
to  petitioners  under  the  Daika  and  Daiho  systems.  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura 
urged  that  all  petitioning  and  all  resulting  inquiries  by  specially  appointed 
officials  should  be  interdicted,  except  in  matters  relating  to  political  crime,  and 
that  all  offenders  should  be  handed  over  to  the  duly  constituted  administrators 
of  justice.  As  to  these  latter,  he  spoke  very  plainly.  The  kebiishi,  he  wrote, 
who,  being  appointed  to  the  various  provinces,  have  to  preserve  law  and  order 

['  The  district  was  consequently  named  Nima,  an  abbreviation  of  ni  (two)  man  (ten  thousand) .  ] 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 


247 


within  their  jurisdictions,  should  be  men  specially  versed  in  law,  whereas  a 
majority  of  those  serving  in  that  capacity  are  ignorant  and  incompetent  persons 
who  have  purchased  their  offices.  To  illustrate  further  the  want  of  discrimina- 
tion shown  in  selecting  officials,  he  refers  to  the  experts  appointed  in  the  mari- 
time provinces  for  manufacturing  catapults,  and  declares  that  many  of  these 
so-called  " experts"  had  never  seen  a  catapult. 

It  is  against  the  Buddhist  priests  and  the  soldiers  of  the  six  guards  that  he 
inveighs  most  vehemently,  however.     He  calls  them  "vicious  and  ferocious," 


FAMILY  LIFE  OF  NOBLES,  HEIAN  EPOCH,  A.D.  782-1192 

Those  who  take  the  tonsure,  he  says,  number  from  two  to  three  thousand  yearly, 
and  about  one-half  of  that  total  are  wicked  men  —  low  fellows  who,  desiring  to 
evade  taxation  and  forced  labour,  have  shaved  their  heads  and  donned  priests 
vestments,  aggregate  two-thirds  of  the  population.  They  marry,  eat  animal 
food,  practise  robbery,  and  carry  on  coining  operations  without  any  fear  of 
punishment.  If  a  provincial  governor  attempts  to  restrain  them,  they  flock 
together  and  have  recourse  to  violence.  It  was  by  bandits  under  the  command 
of  wicked  priests  that  Fujiwara  Tokiyoshi,  governor  of  Aki,  and  Tachibana 
Kinkado,  governor  of  Kii,  were  waylaid  and  plundered. 

As  for  the  soldiers  of  the  guards,  instead  of  taking  their  monthly  term  of  duty 
at  the  palace,  they  are  scattered  over  the  country,  and  being  strong  and  auda- 
cious, they  treat  the  people  violently  and  the  provincial  governors  with  contumacy, 
sometimes  even  forming  leagues  to  rob  the  latter  and  escaping  to  the  capital 
when  they  are  hard  pressed.  (These  guardsmen  had  arms  and  horses  of  their 


248 

own  and  called  themselves  bushi,  a.  term  destined  to  have  wide  vogue  in  Japan.; 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  they  make  tueir  historical  debut  thus  unfavourably 
introduced.  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura  says  that  instead  of  being  "metropolitan 
tigers"  to  guard  the  palace,  they  were  "rural  wolves"  to  despoil  the  provinces. 

i-z.idl  'io  .nr.ii i  j-KiiJ  89i.ub-jb  l)/f*i  ,*.iiw; 

APPRECIATIONS  OF  THE  MIYOSHI  MEMORIAL 

This  celebrated  document  consisted  of  twelve  articles  and  contained  five 
thousand  ideographs,  so  that  nothing  was  wanting  in  the  matter  of  voluminous- 
ness.  The  writer  did  not  confine  himself  to  enumerating  abuses :  he  also  suggest- 
ed remedies.  Thus  he  urged  that  no  man,  having  become  an  equerry  (toneri) 
of  the  six  corps  of  guards,  should  be  allowed  to  return  to  his  province  during  his 
term  of  service;  that  the  spurious  priests  should  be  all  unfrocked  and  punished; 
that  the  office  of  kebiishi  should  be  restricted  to  men  having  legal  knowledge; 
that  the  upper  classes  should  set  an  example  of  economy  in  costumes  and 
observances;  that  the  ranks  of  the  Buddhist  priesthood  should  be  purged  of  open 
violators  of  the  laws  of  their  creed,  and  so  forth.  Historians  have  justly  eulo- 
gized the  courage  of  a  memorialist  who  thus  openly  attacked  wide-spread  and 
powerful  abuses.  But  they  have  also  noted  that  the  document  shows  some 
reservations.  For  generations  the  Fujiwara  family  had  virtually  usurped  the 
governing  power;  had  dethroned  Emperors  and  chosen  Empresses;  had  consulted 
their  own  will  alone  in  the  administrations  of  justice  and  in  the  appointment  and 
removal  of  officials.  Yet  of  these  things  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura  says  nothing  what- 
ever. The  sole  hope  of  their  redress  lay  in  Michizane;  but  instead  of  supporting 
that  ill-starred  statesman,  Miyoshi  had  contributed  to  his  downfall.  Could  a 
reformer  with  such  a  record  be  regarded  as  altogether  sincere? 


The  Emperor  Daigo,  who  ruled  thirty-two  years  —  from  898  to  930  —  is 
brought  very  close  to  us  by  the  statement  of  a  contemporary  historian  that  he 
was  "wise,  intelligent,  and  kind-hearted,"  and  that  he  always  wore  a  smiling 
face,  his  own  explanation  of  the  latter  habit  being  that  he  found  it  much  easier 
to  converse  with  men  familiarly  than  solemnly.  A  celebrated  incident  of  his 
career  is  that  one  winter 's  night  he  took  off  his  wadded  silk  garment  to  evince 
sympathy  with  the  poor  who  possessed  no  such  -protection  against  the  cold. 
Partly  because  of  his  debonair  manner  and  charitable  impulses  he  is  popularly 
remembered  as  "the  wise  Emperor  of  the  Engi  era."  But  close  readers  of  the 
annals  do  not  fully  endorse  that  tribute.  They  note  that  Daigo 's  treatment  of 
his  father,  Uda,  on  the  celebrated  occasion  of  the  latter 's  visit  to  the  palace  to 
intercede  for  Michizane,  was  markedly  unfilial;  that  his  Majesty  believed  and 
acted  upon  slanders  which  touched  the  honour  of  his  father  no  less  than  that  of 
his  well-proved  servant,  and  that  he  made  no  resolute  effort  to  correct  the  abuses 
of  his  time,  even  when  they  had  been  clearly  pointed  out  by  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura. 
The  usurpations  of  the  Fujiwara;  the  prostitution  of  Buddhism  to  evil  ends;  the 
growth  of  luxurious  and  dissipated  habits,  and  the  subordination  of  practical 
ability  to  pedantic  scholarship  —  these  four  malignant  growths  upon  the  national 
life  found  no  healing  treatment  at  Daigo 's  hands. 

THE    CLASSICAL    AGE   OF    LITERATURE 

The  Engi.eva.  and  the  intervals  of  three  or  four  decades  before  and  after  it 
may  be  regarded  as  the  classical  age  of  literature  in  Japan.  Prose  composition 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  249 

of  a  certain  class  was  wholly  in  Chinese.  All  works  of  a  historical,  scientific, 
legal,  or  theological  nature  were  in  that  language,  and  it  cannot  be  said  that  they 
reached  a  very  high  level.  Yet  their  authors  had  much  honour.  During  the 
reigns  of  Uda  and  Daigo  (888-930),  Sugawara  Michizane,  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura, 
Ki  no  Haseo,  and  Koze  no  Fumio,  formed  a  quartet  of  famous  masters  of  Chinese 
literature.  From  one  point  of  view,  Michizane 's  overthrow  by  Fujiwara 
Tokihira  may  be  regarded  as  a  collision  between  the  Confucian  doctrines  which 
informed  the  polity  of  the  Daika  epoch  and  the  power  of  aristocratic  heredity. 
Kibi  no  Makibi  and  Sugawara  no  Michizane  were  the  only  two  Japanese  subjects 
that  attained  to  be  ministers  of  State  solely  in  recognition  of  their  learning,  but 
several  litterateurs  reached  high  office,  as  chief  chamberlain,  councillor  of  State, 
minister  of  Education,  and  so  forth.  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura  ranks  next  to  Michi- 
zane among  the  scholars  of  that  age.  He  was  profoundly  versed  in  jurisprudence, 
mathematics  (such  as  they  were  at  the  time),  the  Chinese  classics,  and  history. 
But  whereas  Michizane  bequeathed  to  posterity  ten  volumes  of  poems  and  two 
hundred  volumes  of  a  valuable  historical  work,  no  production  of  Kiyotsura 's 
pen  has  survived  except  his  celebrated  memorial  referred  to  above.  He  received 
the  post  of  minister  of  the  Household  in  917  and  died  in  the  following  year. 

It  must  be  understood  that  the  work  of  these  scholars  appealed  to  only  a 
very  limited  number  of  their  countrymen.  The  ako  incident  (pp.  239-240)  illus- 
trates this;  the  rescript  penned  by  Tachibana  no  Hiromi  was  not  clearly  com- 
prehended outside  a  narrow  circle  of  scholars.  Official  notices  and  enactments 
were  intelligible  by  few  men  of  the  trading  classes  and  by  no  women.  But  a 
different  record  is  found  in  the  realm  of  high  literature.  Here  there  is  much 
wealth.  The  Nara  epoch  gave  to  Japan  the  famous  Manyo-shu  (Myriad  Leaves) , 
and  the  Engi  era  gave  her  the  scarcely  less  celebrated  Kokin-shu,  an  anthology  of 
over  eleven  hundred  poems,  ancient  and  modern.  As  between  the  two  books, 
the  advantage  is  with  the  former,  though  not  by  any  means  in  a  marked  degree, 
but  in  the  abundance  and  excellence  of  its  prose  writings  —  pure  Japanese 
writings  apart  from  the  Chinese  works  referred  to  above  —  "the  Heian  epoch 
leaves  the  Nara  far  behind.  The  language  had  now  attained  to  its  full  develop- 
ment. With  its  rich  system  of  terminations  and  particles  it  was  a  pliant  instru- 
ment in  the  writer's  hands,  and  the  vocabulary  was  varied  and  copious  to  a 
degree  which  is  astonishing  when  we  remember  that  it  was  drawn  almost  exclu- 
sively from  native  sources.  The  few  words  of  Chinese  origin  which  it  contains 
seem  to  have  found  their  way  in  through  the  spoken  language  and  are  not  taken 
straight  from  Chinese  books,  as  at  a  later  stage  when  Japanese  authors  loaded 
their  periods  with  alien  vocables." 

This  Heian  literature  ''reflects  the  pleasure-loving  and  effeminate,  but  cul- 
tured and  refined,  character  of  the  class  of  Japanese  who  produced  it.  It  has  no 
serious  masculine  qualities  and  may  be  described  in  one  word  as  belles-lettres  — • 
poetry,  fiction,  diaries,  and  essays  of  a  desultory  kind.  The  lower  classes  of  the 
people  had  no  share  in  the  literary  activity  of  the  time.  Culture  had  not  as  yet 
penetrated  beyond  a  very  narrow  circle.  Both  writers  and  readers  belonged 
exclusively  to  the  official  caste.  It  is  remarkable  that  a  very  large  and  important 
part  of  the  best  literature  which  Japan  has  produced  was  written  by  women. 
A  good  share  of  the  Nara  poetry  is  of  feminine  authorship,  and,  in  the  Heian 
period,  women  took  a  still  more  conspicuous  part  in  maintaining  the  honour  of 
the  native  literature.  The  two  greatest  works  which  have  come  down  from 
Heian  time  are  both  by  women.1  This  was  no  doubt  partly  due  to  the  absorp- 

f1  The  Genji  Monogatari  by  Murasaki  Shikibu,  and  the  Makura  Soshi  by  Sei  Shonagon.] 


250 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


tion  of  the  masculine  intellect  in  Chinese  studies.  But  there  was  a  still  more 
effective  cause.  The  position  of  women  in  ancient  Japan  was  very  different 
from  what  it  afterwards  became  when  Chinese  ideals  were  in  the  ascendant. 
The  Japanese  of  this  early  period  did  not  share  the  feeling  common  to  most 
Eastern  countries  that  women  should  be  kept  in  subjection  and  as  far  as  possible 

in  seclusion.  Though  the  mor- 
ality which  the  Heian  litera- 
ture reveals  is  anything  but 
strait-laced,  the  language  is 
uniformly  refined  and  decent, 
in  this  respect  resembling  the 
best  literature  of  China."1 

With  the  Heian  epoch  is 
connected  the  wide  use  of  the 
phonetic  script  known  as  kana, 
which  may  be  described  as  a 
syllabary  of  forty-seven  sym- 
bols formed  from  abbreviated 
Chinese  ideographs.  There  are 
two  varieties  of  the  kana — the 
kata-kana  and  the  hiragana* 
The  former  is  said  to  have 
been  devised  by  Makibi,  the 
latter  by  Kob5  Daishi  (Kukai), 
but  doubts  have  been  cast  on 
the  accuracy  of  that  record, 
and  nothing  can  be  certainly 
affirmed  except  that  both  were 
known  before  the  close  of  the 
ninth  century,  though  they  do 
not  seem  to  have  been  largely 
used  until  the  Heian  epoch, 
and  even  then  almost  entirely 
by  women. 

MCBASAKI  SHIKIBU  (COURT  LADT  AND  POETESS)  ^f  j    "Much  of  the  poetry  of  this 

time  was  the  outcome  of  poet- 
ical tournaments  at  which  themes  were  proposed  to  the  competitors  by  judges 
who  examined  each  phrase  and  word  with  the  minutest  critical  care  before  pro- 
nouncing their  verdict.  As  might  be  expected,  the  poetry  produced  in  those 
circumstances  is  of  a  more  or  less  artificial  type,  and  is  wanting  in  the  sponta- 
neous vigour  of  the  earlier  essays  of  the  Japanese  muse.  Conceits,  acrostics, 
and  untranslatable  word-plays  hold  much  too  prominent  a  place,  but  for 
perfection  of  form  the  poems  of  this  time  are  unrivalled.  It  is  no  doubt  to 
this  quality  that  the  great  popularity  of  the  Kokin-shu  is  due.  Sei  Shonagon, 
writing  in  the  early  years  of  the  eleventh  century,  sums  up  a  young  lady 's 
education  as  consisting  of  writing,  music,  and  the  twenty  volumes  of  the 
Kokin-shu."1 

The  first  notable  specimen  of  prose  in  Japanese  style  (wdburi)  was  the  preface 

['  Japanese  Literature,  by  W.  G.  Aston.] 

FKalakana  means  "side  kana"  because  its  symbols  are  fragments  (sides)  of  Chinese  forms 
of  whole  ideographs.] 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  251 

to  the  Kokin-shu,  written  by  Ki  no  Tsurayuki,  who  contended,  and  his  own 
composition  proved,  that  the  introduction  of  Chinese  words  might  well  be  dis- 
pensed with  in  writing  Japanese.  But  what  may  be  called  the  classical  form 
of  Japanese  prose  was  fixed  by  the  Taketori  Monogatari,1  an  anonymous  work 
which  appeared  at  the  beginning  of  the  Engi  era  (901  ),2  and  was  quickly  followed 
by  others.  Still,  the  honour  in  which  the  ideograph  was  held  never  diminished. 
When  Tsurayuki  composed  the  Tosa  Nikki  (Tosa  Diary},  he  gave  it  out  as  the 
work  of  a  woman,  so  reluctant  was  he  to  identify  himself  with  a  book  written 
in  the  kana  syllabary;  and  the  Emperor  Saga,  Kobo  Daishi,  and  Tachibana 
Hayanari  will  be  remembered  forever  in  Japan  as  the  "Three  Calligraphists " 
(Sampitsu) . 

In  short,  an  extraordinary  love  of  literature  and  of  all  that  pertained  to  it 
swayed  the  minds  of  Japan  throughout  the  Nara  and  the  Heian  epochs.  The 
ninth  and  tenth  centuries  produced  such  poets  as  Ariwara  no  Yukihira  and  his 
younger  brother,  Narihira;  Otomo  no  Kuronushi,  Ochikochi  no  Mitsune,  Sojo 
Henjo,  and  the  poetess  Ono  no  Komachi;  gave  us  three  anthologies  (Sandai-shu) , 
the  Kokin-shu,  the  Gosen-shu,  and  the  Shui-shu,  as  well  as  five  of  the  Six 
National  Histories  (Roku  Kokushi),  the  Zoku  Nihonki,  the  Nihon  Koki,  the 
Zoku  Nihon  Koki,  the  Montoku  Jitsuroku,  and  the  Sandai  Jitsuroku;  and  saw  a 
bureau  of  poetry  (W aka-dokoro)  established  in  Kyoto.  Fine  art  also  was  cultivat- 
ed, and  it  is  significant  that  calligraphy  and  painting  were  coupled  together  in 
the  current  expression  (shogwa)  for  products  of  pictorial  art.  Kudara  no 
Kawanari  and  Koze  no  Kanaoka,  the  first  Japanese  painters  to  achieve  great 
renown,  flourished  in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  as  did  also  a  famous  archi- 
tect, Hida  no  Takumi. 

.uoitHXJ,!  iwtf  ^imunuuf.j^Y.o.iiW  }>n&  ;.< 

•i  -iVjlwiX  •{JfcWuTL  ;  •  .vtnottt  pfKUJi'j;  JO  /'"•>'  f!i.!3;i.::)-i! 
INTERVAL  BETWEEN  THE  CAPITAL  AND  THE  PROVINCES 

Thus,  in  the  capital,  Kyoto,  where  the  Fujiwara  family  constituted  the  power 
behind  the  Throne,  refinements  and  luxury  were  constantly  developed,  and  men 
as  well  as  women  amused  themselves  composing  Chinese  and  Japanese  poems, 
playing  on  musical  instruments,  dancing,  and  making  picnics  to  view  the  blos- 
soms of  the  four  seasons.  But  in  the  provincial  districts  very  different  condi- 
tions existed.  There,  men,  being  virtually  without  any  knowledge  of  the  ideo- 
graphic script,  found  the  literature  and  the  laws  of  the  capital  a  sealed  book  to 
them,  and  as  for  paying  periodical  visits  to  Kyoto,  what  that  involved  may  be 
gathered  from  the  fact  that  the  poet  Tsurayuki 's  return  to  the  capital  from  the 
province  of  Tosa,  where  he  had  served  as  acting  governor,  occupied  one  hundred 
days,  as  shown  in  his  Tosa  Nikki  (Diary  of  a  Journey  from  Tosa),  and  that 
thirteen  days  were  needed  to  get  from  the  mouth  of  the  Yodo  to  the  city.  The 
pageant  of  metropolitan  civilization  and  magnificence  never  presented  itself  to 

provincial  eyes. 

J:juo')  ;?r(.t  'to . 'i4>vfi>;'{.  ojf,}  ,  fag  ..#}•!&$&  V^j^ja^ull^wr.)  0? 
ORIGIN  OF  THE  SHOEN 

Much  has  already  been  said  on  the  subject  of  land  tenure;  but  as  this  problem 
is  responsible  for  some  cardinal  phases  of  Japanese  history,  a  brief  resume  will 
be  useful  here.  There  were  four  chief  causes  for  the  existence  of  shoen,  or 
manors.  The  first  was  reclamation.  In  the  year  723,  it  was  decreed  that  persons 

f1  The  expression  "monogatari"  finds  its  nearest  English  equivalent  in  "narrative."] 
[2  An  excellent  translation  of  this  has  been  made  by  Mr.  F.  V.  Dickins  in  the  "Journal  of 
the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,"  Jan.,  1887.] 


252  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

who  reclaimed  land  should  acquire  a  de  facto  title  of  tenure  for  three  generations, 
and,  twenty  years  later,  the  tenure  of  title  was  made  perpetual,  limits  of  area 
being  fixed,  however  —  1250  acres  for  princes  and  nobles  of  the  first  rank,  and 
thereafter  by  various  gradations,  to  twenty-five  acres  for  a  commoner.  But 
these  limits  were  not  enforced,  and  in  the  year  767  it  became  necessary  to  issue 
a  decree  prohibiting  further  reclamation,  which  was  followed,  seventeen  years 
later,  by  a  rescript  forbidding  provincial  governors  to  exact  forced  labour  for 
tilling  their  manors.  :\A  v 

That  this  did  not  check  the  evil  is  proved  by  an  official  record,  compiled  in 
797,  from  which  it  appears  that  princes  and  influential  nobles  possessed  manors  of 
great  extent;  that  they  appointed  intendants  to  manage  them;  that  these 
intendants  themselves  engaged  in  operations  of  reclamation;  that  they  abused 
their  power  by  despoiling  the  peasants,  and  that  dishonest  farmers  made  a 
practice  of  evading  taxes  and  tribute  by  settling  within  the  bounds  of  a  manor. 
These  abuses  reached  their  acme  during  the  reigns  of  Udaand  Daigo  (888-930), 
when  people  living  in  the  vicinity  of  a  manor  were  ruthlessly  robbed  and  plundered 
by  the  intendant  and  his  servants,  and  when  it  became  habitual  to  elude  the 
payment  of  taxes  by  making  spurious  assignments  of  lands  to  influential  officials 
in  the  capital.  In  vain  was  the  ownership  of  lands  by  powerful  nobles  interdict- 
ed, and  in  vain  its  purchase  by  provincial  governors :  the  metropolis  had  no  power 
to  enforce  its  vetoes  in  the  provinces,  and  the  provincials  ignored  them.  Thus 
the  shoen  grew  in  number  and  extent. 

The  second  factor  which  contributed  to  the  extension  of  manors  was  the 
bestowal  of  estates  in  perpetuity  on  persons  of  conspicuous  ability,  and  after- 
wards on  men  who  enjoyed  Imperial  favour.  Land  thus  granted  was  called 
shiden  and  enjoyed  immunity  from  taxation.  Then  there  were  tracts  given  in 
recognition  of  public  merit.  These  koden  were  originally  of  limited  tenure,  but 
that  condition  soon  ceased  to  be  observed,  and  the  koden  fell  into  the  same  cate- 
gory with  manors  (shoen). 

Finally  we  have  the  jiden,  or  temple  lands.  These,  too,  were  at  the  outset 
granted  for  fixed  terms,  but  when  Buddhism  became  powerful  the  limitation 
ceased  to  be  operative,  and  moreover,  in  defiance  of  the  law,  private  persons 
presented  tracts,  large  or  small,  to  the  temples  where  the  mortuary  tablets  of 
their  families  were  preserved,  and  the  temples,  oh  their  own  account,  acquired 
estates  by  purchase  or  by  reclamation.  The  jiden,  like  the  other  three  kinds  of 
land  enumerated  above,  were  exempt  from  taxation.  Owned  by  powerful  nobles 
or  influential  families,  the  shoen  were  largely  cultivated  by  forced  labour,  and  as 
in  many  cases  it  paid  the  farmers  better  to  rent  such  land;  and  thus  escape  all 
fiscal  obligations,  than  to  till  their  own  fields,  the  latter  were  deserted  pan  passu 
with  the  development  of  the  manor  system,  and  thus  the  State  revenues  suffered 
dualreduction 

During  the  last  quarter  of  the  tenth  century  peremptory  edicts  were  issued 
to  check  this  state  of  affairs,  but  the  power  of  the  Court  to  exact  obedience  had 
then  dwindled  almost  to  cipher.  History  records  that  during  the  Ho-en  era 
(1135-1140),  the  regent  Fujiwara  Tadamichi's  manor  of  Shimazu  comprised 
one-fourth  of  the  province  of  Osumi.  On  these  great  manors,  alike  of  nobles  and 
of  temples,  armed  forces  soon  began  to  be  maintained  for  purposes  nominally  of 
police  protection  but  ultimately  of  military  aggression.  This  was  especially  the 
case  on  the  shoen  of  the  puissant  families  of  Taira  and  Minamoto.  Thus, 
Minamoto  Yoshitomo  came  to  own  fifteen  of  the  eastern  provinces,  and  in  the 
tumult  of  the  Heiji  era  (1159-1160),  he  lost  all  these  to  Taira  no  Kiyomori,  who, 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 

supplementing  them  with  his  own  already  large  manors  and  with  the  shoen  of 
many  other  nobles  and  temples,  became  owner  of  five  hundred  districts  compris- 
ing about  one-half  of  the  empire.  Subsequently,  when  the  Minamoto  crushed 
the  Taira  (1185),  the  whole  of  the  latter  's  estates  were  distributed  by  the  former 
among  the  nobles  who  had  fought  under  the  Minamoto  standard. 

In  that  age  the  holders  of  manors  were  variously  called  rydshu,  ryoke, 
shoya,  or  honjo,  and  the  intendants  were  termed  shocho,  shoji,  kengyo,  betto, 
or  yoryudo,  a  diversity  of  nomenclature  that  is  often  very  perplexing.  In  many 
cases  reclaimed  lands  went  by  the  name  of  the  person  who  had  reclaimed  them. 
Such  manors  were  spoken  of  as  myoden  (name-land),  and  those  owning  large 
tracts  were  designated  daimyo  (great  name),  while  smaller  holders  were  termed 
shomyo.  Yet  another  term  for  the  intendants  of  these  lands  was  nanushi-shoku. 

It  will  be  readily  seen  that  in  the  presence  of  such  a  system  the  lands  paying 
taxes  to  the  Central  Government  became  steadily  less  and  less.  Thus,  in  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Toba  (1108-1123),  the  State  domains  administered  by  the 
provincial  governors  are  recorded  to  have  been  only  one  per  cent,  of  the  area  of 
the  provinces.  In  these  circumstances,  the  governors  deemed  it  unnecessary 
to  proceed  themselves  to  their  posts;  they  remained  in  Kyoto  and  despatched 
deputies  to  the  provinces,  a  course  which  conspired  to  reduce  the  authority  of 
the  Crown. 

For  the  sake  of  intelligent  sequence  of  ideas,  the  above  synopsis  makes  some 
departure  from  the  chronological  order  of  these  pages.  Returning  to  the  early 
part  of  the  tenth  century,  the  historian  may  affirm  that  the  salient  features  of 
the  era  were  virtual  abrogation  of  the  Daiho  laws  imposing  restrictions  upon  the 
area  and  period  of  land-ownership;  rapid  growth  of  tax-free  manors  and  conse- 
quent impoverishment  of  the  Court  in  Kyoto;  the  appearance  of  provincial 
magnates  who  yielded  scant  obedience  to  the  Crown,  and  the  organization  of 
military  classes  which  acknowledged  the  authority  of  their  own  leaders  only. 


..  _ 

oui'h'n  v/bte'jcl  o)  oaiirrq  bii  nen  \*idV9WoH  ,uol    '.imq&pi  Jfinj  m  am  aJ 

REVOLT  OF  TAIRA  NO  MASAKADO 
-  >v''fi-nir=,  cjiv?  oLaiBg«M>fW^     ^m-botrlsihih  sviuL  bluer*  vfUfjqerr^iouY  eao-i-xiv; 

The  above  state  of  affairs  soon  bore  practical  fruit.  In  the  year  930,  the 
Emperor  Daigo  died  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Shujaku,  a  child  of  eight, 
whose  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Mototsune.  In  accordance  with  the 
system  now  fully  established,  Fujiwara  Tadahira  became  regent.  History 
depicts  this  Tadahira  as  an  effeminate  dilettante,  one  of  whose  foibles  was  to 
have  a  cuckoo  painted  on  his  fan  and  to  imitate  the  cry  of  the  bird  whenever  he 
opened  it.  But  as  representative  of  the  chief  aristocratic  family  in  an  age 
when  to  be  a  Fujiwara  was  to  possess  a  title  superior  to  that  conferred  by  ability 
in  any  form  and  however  conspicuous,  his  right  to  administer  the  government 
in  the  capacity  of  regent  obtained  universal  recognition. 

It  had  become  the  custom  at  that  time  for  the  provincial  magnates  to  send 
their  sons  to  Ky5to,  where  they  served  in  the  corps  of  guards,  became  acquainted 
with  refined  life,  and  established  relations  of  friendship  with  the  Taira  and  the 
Minamoto,  the  former  descended  from  the  Emperor  Kwammu,  the  latter  from 
the  Emperor  Seiwa.  Thus,  at  the  time  of  Daigo  's  death,  a  scion  of  the  Taira, 
by  name  Masakado,  was  serving  under  Tadahira  in  the  capital.  Believing  him- 
self endowed  with  high  military  capacity,  Masakado  aspired  to  be  appointed 
kebiishi  of  his  native  province,  Shimosa.  But  his  archery,  his  horsemanship, 
and  his  fencing  elicited  no  applause  in  Kyoto,  whereas  a  relative,  Sadabumi, 
attracted  admiration  by  a  licentious  life. 


254  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Masakado  finally  retired  to  Shimosa  in  an  angry  mood.  At  first,  however, 
the  idea  of  revolt  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  him.  On  the  contrary,  the 
evidence  is  against  such  a  hypothesis.  For  his  military  career  began  with  family 
feuds,  and  after  he  had  killed  one  of  his  uncles  on  account  of  a  dispute  about  the 
boundaries  of  a  manor,  and  sacked  the  residence  of  another  in  consequence  of  a 
trouble  about  a  woman,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  obey  a  summons  to  Kyoto  to 
answer  for  his  acts  of  violence.  Such  quarrels  were  indeed  of  not  uncommon 
occurrence  in  the  provinces,  as  is  shown  by  the  memorial  of  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura, 
and  the  capital  appears  to  have  left  them  severely  alone,  so  far  as  practical 
interference  was  concerned,  though  the  pretence  of  jurisdiction  might  be  preserved. 
Thus,  Masakado  was  acquitted  after  the  formality  of  investigation  had  been 
satisfied.  Naturally  this  judgment  did  not  prove  a  deterrent;  on  the  contrary, 
it  amniounted  to  a  mandate. 

On  his  return  to  Kwanto,  Masakado  was  soon  found  once  more  in  the  arena. 
The  details  of  his  campaign  have  little  interest  except  as  indicating  that  the 
provincial  officials  followed  the  example  of  Kyoto  in  suffering  local  disturbances 
to  settle  themselves,  and  that  the  abuses  catalogued  in  the  Miyoshi  memorial 
were  true  to  fact.  A  raid  that  Masakado  made  into  Musashi  province  is  memor- 
able as  the  occasion  of  the  first  collision  betwc  :n  the  Taira  and  the  Minamoto,1 
which  great  families  were  destined  ultimately  to  convert  all  Japan  into  a  battle- 
field. Finally,  Masakado  carried  his  raids  so  far  that  he  allowed  himself  to  be 
persuaded  of  the  hopelessness  of  pardon.  It  was  then  that  he  resolved  to  revolt. 
Overrunning  the  whole  eight  provinces  of  the  Kwanto,  he  appointed  his  own 
partisans  to  all  posts  of  importance  and  set  up  a  court  after  the  Kyoto  model. 
A  letter  written  by  him  at  this  time  to  the  regent  Tadahira  affords  an  interesting 
guide  to  the  ethics  of  the  era:— r0j, 

The  genealogy  of  my  house  shows  that  I  am  the  fifth  in  descent  from  the  Emperor  Kwam- 
mu.  Therefore,  though  J  hold  one-half  of  a  province,  that  cannot  be  attributed  to  mere  good 
fortune.  In  the  history  of  ancient  times  there  are  occasions  where  a  whole  country  was  appro- 
priated by  force  of  arms.  Nature  has  endowed  me  with  military  talent.  None,  I  presume, 
excels  me  in  that  respect.  You,  however,  had  no  praise  to  bestow  on  me.  Rather  was  I 
frequently  reprimanded  when  I  served  in  the  capital,  so  that  my  shame  was  unendurable, 
whereas  your  sympathy  would  have  delighted  me.  While  Masakado  was  still  a  youth  he 
served  Tadahira,  the  prime  minister,  for  tens  of  years,  and  when  Tadahira  became  regent, 
Masakado  never  entertained  his  present  project.  I  have.no  words  to  express  my  regret. 
Though  I  have  conspired  to  revolt,  I  will  not  forget  my  old  master,  and  I  hope  that  he  will 
make  allowances  for  the  circumstances  in  which  I  am  placed. 

,  Had  it  rested  with  Kyoto  to  subdue  this  revolt,  Masakado  might  have 
attained  his  goal.  But  chance  and  the  curious  spirit  of  the-time  fought  for  the 
Court.  A  trifling  breach  of  etiquette  on  the  part  of  Masakado  —  not  pausing 
to  bind  up  his  hair  before  receiving  a  visitor  —  forfeited  the  co-operation  of  a 
great  soldier,  Fujiwara  Hidesato,  (afterwards  known  as  Tawara  Toda),  and  the 
latter,  joining  forces  with  Taira  Sadamori,  whose  father  Masakado  had  killed, 
attacked  the  rebels  in  a  moment  of  elated  carelessness,  shattered  them  complete- 
ly, and  sent  Masakado 's  head  to  the  capital.  The  whole  affair  teaches  that  the 
Fujiwara  aristocrats,  ruling  in  Kyoto,  had  neither  power  nor  inclination  to 
meddle  with  provincial  administration,  and  that  the  districts  distant  from  the 
metropolis  wore  practically  under  the  sway  of  military  magnates  in  whose  eyes 
might  constituted  right.  This  was  especially  notable  in  the  case  of  the  Kwanto, 
that  is  to  say  the  eight  provinces  surrounding  the  present  Tokyo  Bay,  extending 
north  to  the  Nikko  Mountains.  Musashi,  indeed,  was  so  infested  with  law- 

[l  The  vice-governor  of  Musashi,  Minamoto  Tsunemoto,  was  at  feud  with  the  governor, 
Prince  Okiyo,  and  Masakado  espoused  the  latter 's  cause.] 


THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  255 

breakers  that,  from  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Seiwa  (859-876),  it  became  custo- 
mary to  appoint  one  kebiishi  in  each  of  its  districts,  whereas  elsewhere  the 
establishment  was  one  to  each  province.  The  kebiishi  represented  the  really 
puissant  arm  of  the  law,  the  provincial  governors,  originally  so  powerful,  having 
now  degenerated  into  weaklings. 

r     .isbnulq 
IB  9ift  wonorf  oj 
THE  REVOLT  OF  FUJIWARA  SUMITOMO 

Another  event,  characteristic  of  the  time,  occurred  in  Nankai-do  (the  four 
provinces  of  the  island  of  Shikoku)  contemporaneously  with  the  revolt  of  Masa- 
kado.  During  the  Shohei  era  (931-937)  the  ravages  of  pirates  became  so 
frequent  in  those  waters  that  Fujiwara  no  Sumitomo  was  specially  despatched 
from  Kyoto  to  restrain  them.  This  he  effected  without  difficulty.  But  instead 
of  returning  to  the  capital,  he  collected  a  number  of  armed  men  together  with  a 
squadron  of  vessels,  and  conducted  a  campaign  of  spoliation  and  outrage  in  the 
waters  of  the  Inland  Sea  as  well  as  the  channels  of  Kii  and  Bungo.  Masakado  's 
death,  in  939,  relieved  the  Court  from  the  pressure  in  the  east,  and  an  expedition 
was  despatched  against  Sumitomo  under  the  command  of  Ono  no  Yoshifuru, 
general  of  the  guards. 

Yoshifuru  mustered  only  two  hundred  ships  whereas  Sumitomo  had  fifteen 
hundred.  The  issue  might  have  been  foretold  had  not  the  pirate  chief 's  lieuten- 
ant gone  over  to  the  Imperial  forces.  Sumitomo,  after  an  obstinate  resistance 
and  after  one  signal  success,  was  finally  routed  and  killed.  Some  historians  l 
have  contended  that  Masakado  and  Sumitomo,  when  they  were  together  in 
Kyoto,  conspired  a  simultaneous  revolt  in  the  east  and  the  south;  but  such  a 
conclusion  is  inconsistent  with  the  established  fact  that  Masakado 's  treason 
was  not  premeditated. 

That  the  two  events  synchronized  is  attributable  wholly  to  the  conditions  of 
the  time.  We  have  seen  what  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Kwanto,  and  that  of 
Kyushu  and  Shikoku  is  clearly  set  forth  in  a  memorial  presented  (946)  by  Ono 
Yoshifuru  on  his  return  from  the  Sumitomo  campaign.  In  that  document  he 
says:  "My  information  is  that  those  who  pursue  irregular  courses  are  not 
necessarily  sons  of  provincial  governors  alone.  Many  others  make  lawless  use  of 
power  and  authority;  form  confederacies;  engage  daily  in  military  exercises; 
collect  and  maintain  men  and  horses  under  pretext  of  hunting  game ;  menace  the 
district  governors;  plunder  the  common  people;  violate  their  wives  and  daughters, 
and  steal  their  beasts  of  burden  and  employ  them  for  their  own  purposes,  thus 
interrupting  agricultural  operations.  Yesterday,  they  were  outcasts,  with  barely 
sufficient  clothes  to  cover  their  nakedness ;  to-day,  they  ride  on  horseback  and 
don  rich  raiment.  Meanwhile  the  country  falls  into  a  state  of  decay,  and  the 
homesteads  are  desolate.  My  appeal  is  that,  with  the  exception  of  provincial 
governors '  envoys,  any  who  enter  a  province  at  the  head  of  parties  carrying  bows 
and  arrows,  intimidate  the  inhabitants,  and  rob  them  of  their  property,  shall  be 
recognized  as  common  bandits  and  thrown  into  prison  on  apprehension." 

In  a  word,  the  aristocratic  officialdom  in  Kyoto,  headed  by  the  Fujiwara, 
though  holding  all  the  high  administrative  posts,  wielded  no  real  power  outside 
the  capital,  nor  were  they  competent  to  preserve  order  even  within  its  precincts, 
for  the  palace  itself  was  not  secure  against  incendiarism  and  depredation.  When 
the  heads  of  the  Minamoto  and  the  Taira  families  were  appointed  provincial 
governors  in  the  Kwanto,  they  trained  their  servants  in  the  use  of  arms,  calling 

P  Notably  the  authors  of  the  Okagami  and  the  Nihon  Gwaishi.] 


256 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


them  iye-no-ko  (house-boys)  or  rodo  (retainers),  and  other  local  magnates 
purchased  freedom  from  molestation  by  doing  homage  and  obeying  their  behests. 
Taira  Masakado,  Minamoto  Tsunemoto,  Fujiwara  Hidesato,  and  Taira  Sada- 
mori,  who  figure  in  the  above  narrative,  were  all  alike  provincial  chiefs,  possessing 
private  estates  and  keeping  armed  retinues  which  they  used  for  protection  or  for 
plunder.  The  Imperial  Court,  when  confronted  with  any  crisis,  was  constrained 
to  borrow  the  aid  of  these  magnates,  and  thus  there  came  into  existence  the 
buke,  or  military  houses,  as  distinguished  from  the  kuge,  or  Court  houses. 

irrol  -.;'ii)  fib-uufn&X!  ni  iWij-no  twni.t  «mi  "ro  • 

-XS%fjl/I  lo  vJiOY-vI  rn'ii  if  ii      ".ri  i/' -»iij>  j  -  ;''U'..iii'.(  >     " 

O>*  rti\\y,'r.-<^     ::  >J£1K[   lo   •s'J5£iiYB1   9ilJ    (T£Q.-1£Q)    •. 

b^rf-'itjsrjr")?.-  ••[Jjuo.oq^  wrf  ocooJimuS  on  .r,i.--.  ;rr,'.-rr'l 

bjsii-fani  :u2     .vl!uo/liij>  jfiodii  .:•,] 

R  lith/  70jJt-"*3y)  -JJiii  f'JlU1 

o  it  ni  ^fii^uo  biis  fToUijiioq^  lo 

;:<TL/icii  - 

_^s_^  onrrori 


flf  :-•      ff  . 

•>  ni  r! 

Ujj]  "' 

t  ^^ 

;>-j»'i  ^ 

•»H  r 


/r  /-riirirf  j  otelor/  :')f:  jjyq  nomaioo  .',iff,t  10 

UMBRELLAS 

vo  i!  uij  ^ol  nriont  volq  TtTbais  iiomnci 
JitUN-j^v/'YoiI.t  .y^Jm^'//    ., 


no 


odl  J",^  .-{Bo-ib  lo  oliija  a  oiiri  ellft'l  y^uuoo 

Xi)  -)ffi  rfjiw  ,.jrfjrit  ai  J 
..ij-u;q  'lo  bci'd  srft  .jjj  9  j)tiv<  ri 
iq  i:  >fft  lojiniH  doi  LUJ;  .  -.rrt 


•yr'j  airi!  7*1  bob-eod  ,o}o-$f'  ai 
o'i  ii.-.-i  on  b'.ibbiy,' 


bii; 


•  >gi.fiCl   r:       •  0-  -1  00) 


oi   bon-i^ol 


i9;yp|erryy-itiarfl  >  jrjoi^iteiffiarbr; 
*rii  «uoijoiq«noo  -jovov/ori  jcrr^- 

. 


dl  bos  Y.tiiid 


KINKA.KU-JI,  AT  KYOTO 


**- 

•>Tv>nr.d 
ii;>d  b*»i,sttTnro5n  8*vV  :>l 


.        , 

•j  Tr.'/'ocf  yrfjf  iii  bbv^iJ'jid'n'.Jiii  evvhh'  9?odt  nf  .  .Lf^'oiqor/q 
'"  .fiirrw.guS  li'itfsi-IfroHt  lo'.fniria  9:fT     .befog  TIG!  i^.Hvti 
xe  ^r>Vij'ii?."ii  iBlimi^  is  :JbriP>  ^orrtgm  eid  oJ>-Hffhtfa  g/tihliiirf  v 

CHAPTER  XXI 
^jacjm8o  s^fi/f  ot  'hoapqrjfrB  8W  crh'fqa  aid  {/;lfi2fo)oM  lo  esr.o  otf  t 

THE   CAPITAL  AND   THE   PROVINCES 

.^T.OV'OV/T  Vl'.lO  b5uBJ^J  81TSrO'I  JWTEttfJ.'SPnflJ  &8OtlV/'  ^[flfiK 


WE  now  arrive  at  a  period  of  Japanese  history  in  which  the  relations  of  the 
Fujiwara  family  to  the  Throne  are  so  complicated  as  greatly  to  perplex  even  the 
most  careful  reader.  But  as  it  is  not  possible  to  construct  a  genealogical  table 
of  a  really  helpful  character,  the  facts  will  be  set  down  here  in  their  simplest 
form. 

Ybtel9"di4<ji);a'iawi()i)3  9ii£  Jud  ;.ai:itpiiil^ni.?y;a>sap,9oafi  »d*t  b-:»ir?«r  o.il  byJ-ii'ia/iL 
THE  SIXTY-SECOND  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  MURAKAMI  (A.D.  947-967) 

"o  CfiLfan^fliii  -oiij'  nedh?     hlorf^i/orf'lisi'i^a/nl  "/iv*  ai  vhcl 
Murakami,  son  of  Daigo  by  the  daughter  of  the  regent,  Fujiwara  Mototsune, 

ascended  the  throne  in  succession  to  Shujaku,  and  Fujiwara  Tadahira  held  the 
post  of  regent,  as  he  had  done  in  Shujaku 's  time,  his  three  sons,  Saneyori,  Moro- 
suke,  and  Morotada,  giving  their  daughters;  one,  Morosuke's  offspring,  to  be 
Empress,  the  other  two  to  be  consorts  of  the  sovereign.  Moreover,  Morosuke 's 
second  daughter  was  married  to  the  Emperor 's  younger  brother,  Prince  Takaaki, 
who  afterwards  descended  from  princely  rank  to  take  the  family  name  of  Mina- 
moto.  Saneyori,  Morosuke,  and  Takaaki  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  State  affairs,  and  thus  indirectly  by  female  influence  at  Court,  or  by 
their  own  direct  activity,  the  Fujiwara  held  a  supreme  place.  Murakami  has  a 
high  position  among  Japan 's  model  sovereigns.  He  showed  keen  and  intelligent 
interest  in  politics;  he  sought  to  employ  able  officials;  he  endeavoured 
to  check  luxury,  and  he  solicited  frank  guidance  from  his  elders.  Thus  later 

257 


258  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

generations  learned  to  indicate  Engi  (901-923),  when  Daigo  reigned,  and 
Tenryaku  (947-957),  when  Murakami  reigned,  as  essentially  eras  of  benevolent 
administration.  But  whatever  may  have  been  the  personal  qualities  of  Mura- 
kami, however  conspicuous  his  poetical  ability  and  however  sincere  his  solicitude 
for  the  welfare  of  his  subjects,  he  failed  signally  to  correct  the  effeminate  tendency 
of  Kyoto  society  or  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  his  people.  Bandits 
raided  the  capital,  broke  into  the  palace  itself,  set  fire  to  it,  and  committed 
frequent  depredations  unrestrained.  An  age  when  the  machinery  for  preserving 
law  and  order  was  practically  paralyzed  scarcely  deserves  the  eulogies  of  posterity. 

THE  SUCCESSION 

The  lady  with  whom  Murakami  first  consorted  was  a  daughter  of  Fujiwara 
Motokata,  who  represented  a  comparatively  obscure  branch  of  the  great  family, 
and  had  attained  the  office  of  chief  councillor  of  State  (dainagori)  only.  She 
bore  to  his  Majesty  a  son,  Hirohira,  and  the  boy 's  grandfather  confidently  looked 
to  see  him  named  Prince  Imperial.  But  presently  the  daughter  of  Fujiwara 
Morosuke,  minister  of  the  Right,  entered  the  palace,  and  although  her  Court 
rank  was  not  at  first  superior  to  that  of  the  dainagon's  daughter,  her  child  had 
barely  reached  its  third  month  when,  through  Morosuke 's  irresistible  influence, 
it  was  nominated  heir  to  the  throne.  Motokata 's  disappointment  proved  so 
keen  that  his  health  became  impaired  and  he  finally  died  —  of  chagrin,  the 
people  said.  In  those  days  men  believed  in  the  power  of  disembodied  spirits  for 
evil  or  for  good.  The  spirit  of  the  ill-fated  Sugawara  Michizane  was  appeased 
by  building  shrines  to  his  memory,  and  a  similar  resource  exorcised  the  angry 
ghost  of  the  rebel,  Masakado;  but  no  such  prevention  having  been  adopted  in 
the  case  of  Motokata,  his  spirit  was  supposed  to  have  compassed  the  early  deaths 
of  his  grandson's  supplanter,  Reizei,  and  of  the  latter 's  successors,  Kwazan  and 
Sanjo,  whose  three  united  reigns  totalled  only  five  years. 

A  more  substantial  calamity  resulted,  however,  from  the  habit  of  ignoring  the 
right  of  primogeniture  in  favour  of  arbitrary  selection.  Murakami,  seeing  that 
the  Crown  Prince  (Reizei)  had  an  exceedingly  feeble  physique,  deemed  it  expedi- 
ent to  transfer  the  succession  to  his  younger  brother,  Tamehira. .  But  the  latter, 
having  married  into  the  Minamoto  family,  had  thus  become  ineligible  for  the 
throne  in  Fujiwara  eyes.  The  Emperor  hesitated,  therefore,  to  giVe  open 
expression  to  his  views,  and  while  he  waited,  he  himself  fell  mortally  ill.  On  his 
death-bed  he  issued  the  necessary  instruction,  but  the  Fujiwara  deliberately 
ignored  it,  being  determined  that  a  consort  of  their  own  blood  must  be  the  leading 
lady  in  every  Imperial  household.  Then  the  indignation  of  the  other  great 
families,  the  Minamoto  and  the  Taira,  blazed  out.  Mitsunaka,  representing 
the  former,  and  Shigenobu  the  latter,  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  collect  an 
army  in  the  Kwanto  and  march  against  Kyoto  with  the  sole  object  of  compelling 
obedience  to  Murakami 's  dying  behest.  The  plot  was  divulged  by  Minamoto 
Mitsunaka  in  the  sequel  of  a  quarrel  with  Taira  no  Shigenobu;  the  plotters 
were  all  exiled,  and  Takaaki,  youngest  son  of  the  Emperor  Daigo,  though  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  conspiracy,  was  falsely  accused  to  the  Throne  by  Fujiwara 
Morotada,  deprived  of  his  post  of  minister  of  the  Left,  to  which  his  accuser  was 
nominated,  and  sent  to  that  retreat  for  disgraced  officials,  the  Dazai-fu.  Another 
instance  is  here  furnished  of  the  readiness  with  which  political  rivals  slandered 
one  another  in  old  Japan,  and  another  instance,  also,  of  the  sway  exercised  over 

the  sovereign  by  his  Fujiwara  ministers. 

§ytiiK-ii  h-rffoiloa  -jri  bnii  ,v;iuxi/i  jfoyrio  oi 


THE  CAPITAL  AND  THE  PROVINCES  259 

olft-     ffitauv.a-1  flauijov/tf  9x1)  J-I--MU  d/Jsi»nvK>ui  &  no  bius r'.ib.fcqn  .9 /it  s/ino.ifr> 
THE  SIXTY-THIRD  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  REIZEI  (A.D.  968-969) 

THE  SIXTY-FOURTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  ENYU  (A.D.  970-984) 

The  reigns  of  Reizei  and  Enyu  are  remarkable  for  quarrels  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Fujiwara  family  —  quarrels  which,  to  be  followed  intelligently,  re- 
quire frequent  reference  to  the  genealogical  table  (page  203).  Fujiwara 
Morosuke  had  five  sons,  Koretada,  Kanemichi,  Kaneiye,  Tamemitsu,  and 
Kinsuye.  Two  of  these,  Koretada  and  Kaneiye,  presented  one  each  of  their 
daughters  to  the  Emperor  Reizei,  and  Koretada 's  daughter  gave  birth  to  Prince 
Morosada,  who  afterwards  reigned  as  Kwazan,  while  Kaneiye 's  daughter  bore 
Okisada,  subsequently  the  Emperor  Sanjo.  After  one  year's  reign,  Reizei,  who 
suffered  from  brain  disease,  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  younger  brother,  Enyu, 
then  only  in  his  eleventh  year.  Fujiwara  Saneyori  acted  as  regent,  but,  dying 
shortly  afterwards,  was  succeeded  in  that  office  by  his  nephew,  Koretada,  who 
also  had  to  resign  on  account  of  illness. 

Between  this  latter 's  two  brothers,  Kanemichi  and  Kaneiye,  keen  competi- 
tion for  the  regency  now  sprang  up.  Kanemichi 's  eldest  daughter  was  the 
Empress  of  Enyu,  but  his  Majesty  favoured  Kaneiye,  who  thus  attained  much 
higher  rank  than  his  elder  brother.  Kanemichi,  however,  had  another  source  of 
influence.  His  sister  was  Murakami's  Empress  and  mother  of  the  reigning 
sovereign,  Enyu.  This  Imperial  lady,  writing  to  his  Majesty  Enyu  at  Kanemi- 
chi's  dictation,  conjured  the  Emperor  to  be  guided  by  primogeniture  in  appoint- 
ing a  regent,  and  Enyu,  though  he  bitterly  disliked  Kanemichi,  could  not  gainsay 
his  mother.  Thus  Kanemichi  became  chancellor  and  acting  regent.  The 
struggle  was  not  concluded,  however.  It  ended  in  the  palace  itself,  whither  the 
two  brothers  repaired  almost  simultaneously,  Kanemichi  rising  from  his  sick-bed 
for  the  purpose.  In  the  presence  of  the  boy  Emperor,  Kanemichi  arbitrarily 
transferred  his  own  office  of  kwampaku  to  Fujiwara  Yoritada  and  degraded  his 
brother,  Kaneiye,  to  a  comparatively  insignificant  post.  The  sovereign  ac- 
quiesced ;  he  had  no  choice.  A  few  months  later,  this  dictator  died.  It  is  related 
of  him  that  his  residence  was  more  gorgeous  than  the  palace  and  his  manner  of 
life  more  sumptuous  than-  the  sovereign 's.  The  men  of  his  time  were  wont  to 
say,  "A  tiger's  mouth  is  less  fatal  than  the  frown  of  the  regent,  Kanemichi." 


THE  SIXTY-FIFTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KWAZAN  (A.D.  985-S 
THE  SIXTY-SIXTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  ICHIJO    (A.D.  987-1011) 

Eldest  son  of  the  Emperor  Reizei,  Kwazan  ascended  the  throne  in  985. 
His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Koretada,  and  Yoritada,  whose  appoint- 
ment as  regent  has  just  been  described,  continued  to  act  in  that  capacity. 
Kaneiye 's  opportunity  had  now  come.  Kwazan  having  succeeded  Enyu, 
nominated  the  latter 's  son  to  be  Crown  Prince,  instead  of  conferring  the  position 
on  his  own  brother,  Prince  Okisada  (afterwards  Sanjo).  Now  the  Crown  Prince 
was  the  son  of  Kaneiye 's  daughter,  and  that  ambitious  noble  determined  to 
compass  the  sovereign 's  abdication  without  delay.  Kwazan,  originally  a  fickle 
lover,  had  ultimately  conceived  an  absorbing  passion  for  the  lady  Tsuneko.  He 
could  not  be  induced  to  part  with  her  even  at  the  time  of  her  pregnancy,  and 
as  there  was  no  proper  provision  in  the  palace  for  such  an  event,  Tsuneko  died 
in  labour.  Kwazan,  distraught  with  grief,  was  approached  by  Kaneiye 's  son, 
Michikane,  who  urged  him  to  retire  from  the  world  and  seek  in  Buddhism  the 
perfect  peace  thus  alone  attainable.  Michikane  declared  his  own  intention  of 


260  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

entering  the  "path,"  and  on  a  moonlight  night  the  two  men,  leaving  the  palace, 
repaired  to  the  temple  Gwangy5-ji  to  take  the  tonsure.  There,  Michikane, 
pretending  he  wished  to  bid  final  farewell  to  his  family,  departed  to  return  no 
more,  and  the  Emperor  understood  that  he  had  been  deceived. 

Retreat  was  now  impossible,  however.  He  abdicated  in  favour  of  Ichijo,  a 
child  of  seven,  and  Kaneiye  became  regent  and  chancellor.  He  emulated  the 
magnificence  of  his  deceased  brother  and  rival,  Kanemichi,  and  his  residence  at 
Higashi-Sanjo  in  Kyoto  was  built  after  the  model  of  the  "hall  of  freshness"  in 
the  palace.  He  had  five  sons,  the  most  remarkable  of  whom  were  Michitaka, 
Michikane,  and  Michinaga.  It  will  be  presently  seen  that  in  the  hands  of  the 
last  the  power  of  the  Fujiwara  reached  its  zenith.  On  the  death  of  Kaneiye  the 
office  of  kwampaku  fell  to  his  eldest  son,  Michitaka,  and,  in  993,  the  latter  being 
seriously  ill,  his  son,  Korechika,  looked  to  be  his  successor.  But  the  honour  fell 
to  Michitaka 's  brother,  Michikane.  Seven  days  after  his  nomination,  Michi- 
kane died,  and,  as  a  matter  of  course,  men  said  that  he  had  been  done  to  death  by 
the  incantations  of  his  ambitious  nephew.  Again,  however,  the  latter  was 
disappointed.  Kaneiye 's  third  son,  Michinaga,  succeeded  to  the  regency. 

Almost  immediately,  the  new  regent  seems  to  have  determined  that  his 
daughter  should  be  Empress.  But  the  daughter  of  his  elder  brother,  the  late 
Michitaka,  already  held  that  position.  This,  however,  constituted  no  sort  of 
obstacle  in. the  eyes  of  the  omnipotent  Michinaga.  He  induced  —  "required" 
would  probably  be  a  more  accurate  expression  —  the  Empress  to  abandon  the 
wrorld,  shave  her  head,  and  remove  to  a  secluded  palace,  (the  Kokideri) ;  where- 
after he  caused  his  own  daughter  to  become  the  Imperial  consort  under  the  title 
of  chugu,1  her  residence  being  fixed  in  the  Fujitsubo,  which  was  the  recognized 
palace  of  the  Empress. 

It  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  with  such  a  despotic  regent,  the  Emperor  himself 
exercised  any  real  authority.  The  annals  show  that  Ichijo  was  of  benevolent 
disposition;  that  he  sympathized  with  his  people;  that  he  excelled  in  prose 
composition  and  possessed  much  skill  in  music.  .  Further,  during  his  reign  of 
twenty-four  years  many  able  men  graced  the  era.  But  neither  their  capacity 
nor  his  own  found  opportunity  for  exercise  in  the  presence  of  Michinaga 's 
proteges,  and,  while  profoundly  disliking  the  Fujiwara  autocrat,  Ichijo  was 
constrained  to  suffer  him. 

::-,-•-•.?  .a  A)  -/.AXAW'><  jio !•;;•!•  i':.".;  31  rr    >'un     ;,M 

THE  SIXTY-SEVENTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  SANJO  (A.D.   1012-1017) 
THE  SIXTY-EIGHTH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  GO-ICHIJO   (A.D.   1017-1036) 

Prince  Okisada,  younger  brother  of  the  Emperor  Kwazan,  ascended  the 
throne  at  the  age  of  thirty-six,  on  the  abdication  of  Ichijo,  and  is  known  in  history 
as  Sanjo.  Before  his  accession  he  had  married  the  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Narito- 
ki,  to  whom  he  was  much  attached,  but  with  the  crown  he  had  to  accept  the 
second  daughter  of  Michinaga  as  chugu,  his  former  consort  becoming  Empress. 
His  Majesty  had  to  acquiesce  in  another  arbitrary  arrangement  also.  It  has 
been  shown  above  that  Michinaga 's  eldest  daughter  had  been  given  the  title 
of  chugu  in  the  palace  of  Ichijo,  to. whom  she  bore  two  sons,  Atsunari  and 
Atsunaga.  Neither  of  these  had  any  right  to  be  nominated  Crown  Prince  in 
preference  to  Sanjo 's  offspring.  Michinaga,  however,  caused  Atsunari  to  be 


P  A  lady  on  introduction  to  the  palace  received  the  title  of  jokwan.     If  the  daugt 
linist  er  of  State,  she  was  called  nyogo.  Chugu  was  a  still  higher  title  devised  specially  fo 
naga's  purpose,  and  naturally  it  became  a  precedent.! 


261 

appointed  Prince  Imperial,  ignoring  Sanjo 's  son,  since  his  mother  belonged  to 
an  inferior  branch  of  the  Fujiwara.  Further,  it  did  not  suit  the  regent's  con- 
venience that  a  ruler  of  mature  age  should  occupy  the  throne.  An  eye  disease 
from  which  Sanjo  suffered  became  the  pretext  for  pressing  him  to  abdicate,  and, 
in  1017,  Atsunari,  then  in  his  ninth  year,  took  the  sceptre  as  Emperor  Go-Ichijo, 
or  Ichijo  II.  Michinaga  continued  to  act  as  regent,  holding,  at  the  same  time, 
the  office  of  minister  of  the  Left,  but  he  subsequently  handed  over  the  regency 
to  his  son,  Yorimichi,  becoming  himself  chancellor. 

Go-Ichijo  was  constrained  to  endure  at  Michinaga 's  hands  the  same  despotic 
treatment  as  that  previously  meted  out  to  Sanjo.  The  legitimate  claim  of  his 
offspring  to  the  throne  was  ignored  in  favour  of  his  brother,  Atsunaga,  who 
received  for  consort  the  fourth  daughter  of  Michinaga.  Thus,  this  imperious 
noble  had  controlled  the  administration  for  thirty  years;  had  given  his  daughters 
to  three  Emperors;  had  appointed  his  son  to  be  regent  in  his  place,  and  had  the 
Crown  Prince  for  grandson.  Truly,  as  his  historians  say,  he  held  the  empire  in 
the  hollow  of  his  hand.  His  estates  far  exceeded  those  of  the  Crown ;  the  presents 
offered  to  him  by  all  ranks  reached  an  enormous  total;  he  built  for  himself  a 
splendid  mansion  (Jotomon)  with  forced  labour  requisitioned  from  the  provinces, 
and  for  his  wife  a  scarcely  less  magnificent  residence  (Kyogoku)  was  erected  at 
the  charges  of  the  Emperor  Go-Ichijo.  At  the  approach  of  illness  he  took  refuge 
in  Buddhism,  but  even  here  the  gorgeous  ostentation  of  his  life  was  not  abated. 
He  planned  the  building  of  a  monastery  which  should  prove  a  worthy  retreat 
for  his  declining  years,  and  it  is  on  record  that  his  order  to  the  provincial  governor 
was,  "though  you  neglect  your  official  duties,  do  not  neglect  to  furnish  materials 
and  labour  for  the  building  of  Hojo-ji."  Even  from  the  palace  itself  stones  were 
taken  for  this  monastery,  and  the  sums  lavished  upon  it  were  so  enormous  that 
they  dwarfed  Michinaga 's  previous  extravagances.  Michinaga  retired  there 
to  die,  and  on  his  death-bed  he  received  a  visit  from  the  Emperor,  who  ordered 
three  months'  Court  mourning  on  his  decease.  There  is  a  celebrated  work 
entitled  Eigwa  Monogatari  (Tales  of  Splendour),  wherein  is  depicted  the 
fortunes  and  the  foibles  of  the  Fujiwara  family  from  the  days  (889)  of  the 
Emperor  Uda  to  those  (1092)  of  the  Emperor  Horikawa.  Specially  minute  is 
the  chronicle  when  it  treats  of  the  Mido  kwampaku,  as  Michinaga  was  called 
after  he  set  himself  to  build  the  monastery  Hojo-ji. 

Loyal  Japanese  historians  shrink  from  describing  this  era,  when  the  occupants 
of  the  throne  were  virtually  puppets  in  the  hands  of  the  Fujiwara.  There  was, 
however,  one  redeeming  feature:  amid  this  luxury  and  refinement  literature 
flourished  vigorously,  so  that  the  era  of  Tenryaku  (947-957)  lives  in  the  memory 
of  the  nation  as  vividly  as  that  of  Engi  (901-923).  Oye  Tomotsuna,  Sugawara 
Fumitoki,  Minamoto  Shitago  —  these  were  famous  litterateurs,  and  Minamoto 
Hiromasa,  grandson  of  the  Emperor  Uda,  attained  celebrity  as  a  musical  genius. 
Coming  to  the  reigns  of  Kwazan,  Enyu,  and  Ichijo  (985-1011),  we  find  the  im- 
mortal group  of  female  writers,  Murasaki  Shikibu,  Izumi  Shikibu,  Sei  Shonagon, 
and  Akazome  Emon;  we  find  also  in  the  Imperial  family,  Princes  Kaneakira  and 
Tomohira;  we  find  three  famous  scribes,  Fujiwara  Yukinari,  Fujiwara  Sari, 
and  Ono  no  Tofu,  and,  finally  the  "Four  Nagon"  (Shi-nagori),  Fujiwara  Yuki- 
iiari,  Fujiwara  Kinto.  Minamoto  Narinobu,  and  Minamoto  Toshikata. 

It  is  observable  that  in  this  necessarily  brief  summary  the  name  "  Minamoto  " 
occurs  several  times,  as  does  that  of  "Fujiwara"  also.  But  that  the  scions  of 
either  family  confined  themselves  to  the  arts  of  peace,  is  not  to  be  inferred. 
There  were  Fujiwara  among  the  military  magnates  in  the  provinces,  and  we 


262  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

shall  presently  see  the  Minamoto  taking  the  lead  in  the  science  of  war.  Already, 
indeed,  the  Fujiwara  in  the  capital  were  beginning  to  recognize  the  power  of  the 
Minamoto.  It  has  been  related  above  that  one  of  the  rebel  Masakado  'a  earliest 
opponents  was  a  Minamoto,  vice-governor  of  Musashi.  His  son,  Mitsunaka,  a 
redoubtable  warrior,  assisted  the  Fujiwara  in  Kyoto,  and  Mitsunaka 's  sons, 
Yorimitsu  and  Yorinobu,  contributed  materially  to  the  autocracy  of  the  regent 
Michinaga.  Yorimitsu  was  appointed  by  the  regent  to  command  the  cavalry 
of  the  guard,  and  he  is  said  to  have  brought  that  corps  to  a  state  of  great  efficiency. 
There  was,  indeed,  much  need  of  a  strong  hand.  One  had  only  to  emerge 
from  the  palace  gates  to  find  oneself  among  the  haunts  of  bandits.  The  names 
of  such  robber  chiefs  as  Hakamadare  no  Yasusuke,  Kidomaru,  Oeyama  Shuten- 
doji,  and  Ibaraki-doji  have  been  handed  down  as  the  heroes  in  many  a  strange 
adventure  and  the  perpetrators  of  many  heinous  crimes.  Even  the  Fujiwara 
residences  were  not  secure  against  the  torches  of  these  plunderers,  and  during 
the  reign  of  Ichijo  the  palace  itself  was  frequently  fired  by  them.  In  Go-Ichijo  's 
tune,  an  edict  was  issued  forbidding  men  to  carry  bows  and  arrows  in  the  streets, 
but  had  there  been  power  to  enforce  such  a  veto,  its  enactment  would  not  have 
been  necessary.  Its  immediate  sequel  was  that  the  bandits  broke  into  Govern- 
ment offices  and  murdered  officials  there. 


In  the  spring  of  1019,  when  Go-Ichijo  occupied  the  throne,  a  large  host  of 
invaders  suddenly  poured  into  the  island  of  Tsushima.  There  had  not  been 
any  warning.  Tsushima  lies  half-way  between  the  south  of  Korea  and  the 
northeast  of  Kyushu,  distant  about  sixty  miles  from  either  coast.  Since  the 
earliest  tunes,  its  fine  harbours  had  served  as  a  military  station  for  ships  plying 
between  Japan  and  Korea,  but  such  intercourse  had  long  been  interrupted  when 
this  invasion  took  place. 

The  invaders  were  the  Toi,  originally  called  Sushen  or  Moho,  under  the  form- 
er of  which  names  they  make  their  appearance  in  Japanese  history  in  the  middle 
of  the  sixth  century.  They  inhabited  that  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent  which 
lies  opposite  to  the  island  of  Ezo,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  what  impulse 
they  obeyed  in  making  this  sudden  descent  upon  Japan.  Their  fleet  comprised 
some  fifty  vessels  only,  each  from  forty  to  sixty  feet  long  and  propelled  by  thirty 
or  forty  oars,  but  of  how  many  fighting  men  the  whole  force  consisted,  no  record 
has  been  preserved.  As  to  arms,  they  carried  swords,  bows,  spears,  and  shields, 
and  in  their  tactical  formation  spearmen  occupied  the  front  rank,  then  came 
swordsmen,  and  finally  bowmen.  Every  man  had  a  shield.  Their  arrows  were 
short,  measuring  little  over  a  foot,  but  their  bows  were  powerful,  and  they  seem 
to  have  fought  with  fierce  courage. 

At  first  they  carried  everything  before  them.  The  governor  of  Tsushima, 
being  without  any  means  of  defence,  fled  to  the  Dazai-fu  in  Kyushu,  and  the 
inhabitants  were  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  invaders,  who  then  pushed  on  to  the 
island  of  Iki.  There  the  governor,  Fujiwara  Masatada,  made  a  desperate 
resistance,  losing  his  own  life  in  the  battle.  It  is  said  that  of  all  the  inhabitants, 
one  only,  a  Buddhist  priest,  escaped  to  tell  the  story. 

Ten  days  after  their  first  appearance  off  Tsushima,  the  Toi  effected  a  landing 
in  Chikuzen  and  marched  towards  Hakata,  plundering,  burning,  massacring 
old  folks  and  children,  making  prisoners  of  adults,  and  slaughtering  cattle  and 
horses  for  food.  It  happened,  fortunately,  that  Takaiye,  younger  brother  of 


THE  CAPITAL  AND  THE  PROVINCES  263 

Fujiwara  Korechika,  was  in  command  at  the  Dazai-fu,  whither  he  had  repaired 
partly  out  of  pique,  partly  to  undergo  treatment  for  .eye  disease  at  the  hands  of  a 
Chinese  doctor.  He  met  the  crisis  with  the  utmost  coolness,  and  made  such 
skilful  dispositions  for  defence  that,  after  three  days'  fighting,  in  which  the 
Japanese  lost  heavily,  Hakata  remained  uncaptured. 

High  winds  and  rough  seas  now  held  the  invaders  at  bay,  and  in  that  interval 
the  coast  defences  were  repaired  and  garrisoned,  and  a  fleet  of  thirty-eight  boats 
having  been  assembled,  the  Japanese  assumed  the  offensive,  ultimately  driving 
the  Toi  to  put  to  sea.  A  final  attempt  was  made  to  effect  a  landing  at  Matsuura 
in  the  neighbouring  province  of  Hizen,  but,  after  fierce  fighting,  the  invaders 
had  to  withdraw  altogether.  The  whole  affair  had  lasted  sixteen  days,  and  the 
Japanese  losses  were  382  killed  and  1280  taken  prisoners.  Two  hundred  and 
eighty  of  the  latter  —  60  men  and  220  women  —  were  subsequently  returned. 
They  were  brought  over  from  Koma  six  months  later  by  a  Koma  envoy,  Chong 
Cha-ryang,  to  whom  the  Court  presented  three  hundred  pieces  of  gold. 

Kyoto 's  attitude  towards  this  incident  was  most  instructive.  When  the  first 
tidings  of  the  invasion  reached  the  capital,  the  protection  of  heaven  was  at  once 
invoked  by  services  at  Ise  and  ten  other  shrines.  But  when,  on  receipt  of  news 
that  the  danger  had  been  averted,  the  question  of  rewarding  the  victors  came  up 
for  discussion,  a  majority  of  the  leading  statesmen  contended  that,  as  the  affair 
had  been  settled  before  the  arrival  of  an  Imperial  mandate  at  the  Dazai-fu,  no 
official  cognizance  could  be  taken  of  it.  This  view  was  ultimately  overruled 
since  the  peril  had  been  national,  but  the  rewards  subsequently  given  were 
insignificant,  and  the  event  clearly  illustrates  the  policy  of  the  Central  Govern- 
ment —  a  policy  already  noted  in  connexion  with  the  revolt  of  Masakado  — 
namely,  that  any  emergency  dealt  with  prior  to  the  receipt  of  an  Imperial 
rescript  must  be  regarded  as  private,  whatever  its  nature,  and  therefore  beyond 
the  purview  of  the  law. 

A  more  effective  method  of  decentralization  could  not  have  been  devised. 
It  was  inevitable  that,  under  such  a  system,  the  provincial  magnates  should 
settle  matters  to  their  own  liking  without  reference  to  Kyoto,  and  that,  the 
better  to  enforce  their  will,  they  should  equip  themselves  with  armed  retinues. 
In  truth,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that,  from  the  tenth  century,  Japan  outside 
the  capital  became  an  arena  of  excursions  and  alarms,  the  preservation  of  peace 
being  wholly  dependent  on  the  ambitions  of  local  magnates. 

A  history  of  all  these  happenings  would  be  intolerably  long  and  tedious. 
Therefore  only  those  that  have  a  national  bearing  will  be  here  set  down.  Promi- 
nent among  such  is  the  struggle  between  the  Taira  and  the  Minamoto  in  the 
Kwanto.  The  origin  of  these  two  families  has  already  been  recounted.  Some 
historians  have  sought  to  differentiate  the  metropolitan  section  of  the  Minamoto 
from  the  provincial  section  —  that  is  to  say,  the  men  of  luxury  and  literature 
who  frequented  the  capital,  from  the  men  of  sword  and  bow  who  ruled  in  the 
provinces.  Such  differentiation  is  of  little  practical  value.  Similar  lines  of 
demarcation  might  be  drawn  in  the  case  of  the  Taira  and  Fujiwara  themselves. 
If  there  were  great  captains  in  each  of  these  famous  families,  there  were  also 
great  courtiers.  To  the  former  category  belonged  Taira  Tadatsune.  For 
generations  his  family  had  ruled  in  the  province  of  Shimosa  and  had  commanded 
the  allegiance  of  all  the  bushi  of  the  region.  Tadatsune  held  at  one  time  the 
post  of  vice-governor  of  the  neighbouring  province  of  Kazusa,  where  he  acquired 
large  manors  (shoeri).  In  the  year  1028,  he  seized  the  chief  town  of  the  latter 
province,  and  pushing  on  into  Awa,  killed  the  governor  and  obtained  complete 


264  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

control  of  the  province.1  The  Court,  on  receiving  news  of  these  events,  ordered 
Minamoto  Yorinobu,  governor  of  Kai,  and  several  other  provincial  governors 
to  attack  the  Taira  chief. 

Yorinobu  did  not  wait  for  his  associates.  Setting  out  with  his  son,  Yoriyoshi, 
in  1031,  he  moved  at  once  against  Tadatsune's  castle,  which  stood  on  the 
seashore  of  Shimosa,  protected  by  moats  and  palisades,  and  supposed  to  be 
unapproachable  from  the  sea  except  by  boats,  of  which  Tadatsune  had  taken 
care  that  there  should  not  be  any  supply  available.  But  the  Minamoto  general 
learned  that  the  shore  sloped  very  slowly  on  the  castle  front,  and  marching  his 
men  boldly  through  the  water,  he  delivered  a  crushing  attack. 

For  this  exploit,  which  won  loud  plaudits,  he  was  appointed  commandant  of 
the  local  government  office,  a  post  held  by  his  grandfather,  Tsunemoto,  whom 
we  have  seen  as  vice-governor  of  Musashi  in  the  days  of  Masakado;  by  his 
father,  Mitsunaka,  one  of  the  pillars  of  the  Minamoto  family,  and  by  his  elder 
brother,  Yorimitsu,  who  commanded  the  cavalry  of  the  guards  in  Kyoto.  The 
same  post  was  subsequently  bestowed  on  Yorinobu 's  son,  Yoriyoshi,  and  on  the 
latter 's  son,  Yoshiiye,  known  by  posterity  as  "Hachiman  Taro,"  Japan's  most 
renowned  archer,  to  whom  the  pre-eminence  of  the  Minamoto  family  was  mainly 
due.  Tadatsune  had  another  son,  Tsunemasa,  who  was  appointed  vice-governor 
of  Shimosa  and  who  is  generally  spoken  of  as  Chiba-no-suke.  The  chief 
importance  of  these  events  is  that  they  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Minamoto 
family's  supremacy  in  the  Kwanto,  and  thus  permanently  influenced  the  course 
of  Japanese  history. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  ZEN-KUNEN 

It  is  advisable  at  this  stage  to  make  closer  acquaintance  with  the  Japanese 
bushi  (soldier) ,  who  has  been  cursorily  alluded  to  more  than  once  in  these  pages, 
and  who,  from  the  tenth  century,  acts  a  prominent  role  on  the  Japanese  stage. 
History  is  silent  as  to  the  exact  date  when  the  term  "bushi"  came  into  use,  but 
from  a  very  early  era  its  Japanese  equivalent,  "monono-fu,"  was  applied  to  the 
guards  of  the  sovereign's  palace,  and  when  great  provincial  magnates  began, 
about  the  tenth  century,  to  support  a  number  of  armed  retainers,  these  gradually 
came  to  be  distinguished  as  bushi .  In  modern  times  the  ethics  of  the  bushi  have 
been  analysed  under  the  name  "  bushido  "  (the  way  of  the  warrior),  but  of  course 
no  such  term  or  any  such  complete  code  existed  in  ancient  days.  The  conduct 
most  appropriate  to  a  bushi  was  never  embodied  in  a  written  code.  It  derived 
its  sanctions  from  the  practice  of  recognized  models,  and  only  by  observing  those 
models  can  we  reach  a  clear  conception  of  the  thing  itself. 

To  that  end,  brief  study  may  be  given  to  the  principal  campaigns  of  the 
eleventh  century,  namely,  the  century  immediately  preceding  the  establishment 
of  military  feudalism.  It  must  be  premised,  however,  that  although  the  bushi 
figured  mainly  on  the  provincial  stage,  he  acted  an  important  part  in  the  capital 
also.  There,  the  Throne  and  its  Fujiwara  entourage  were  constrained  to  enlist 
the  co-operation  of  the  military  nobles  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  the  lawless 
elements  of  the  population.  The  Minamoto  family  were  conspicuous  in  that 
respect.  Minamoto  Mitsunaka  —  called  also  Manchu  —  served  at  the  Court 

n  »jf      j    "t-     •     il- 

I1  Murdoch,  in  his  History  of  Japan,  says  that  in  three  years  Tadatsune's  aggressions 

reduced  the  Kwanto  to  a  tangled  wilderness.  Thus,  in  the  province  of  Shimosa,  in  1027, 
there  had  been  as  much  as  58,000  acres  under  cultivation;  but  in  1031  this  had  shrunk  to 
forty-five  acres."] 


THE  CAPITAL  AND  THE  PROVINCES 


of  four  consecutive  sovereigns  from  Murakami  downwards,  was  appointed 
governor  of  several  provinces,  and  finally  became  commandant  of  the  local 
Government  office.  Yorimitsu,  his  son,  a  still  greater  strategist,  was  a  prominent 
figure  at  five  Courts,  from  the  days  of  Enyu,  and  his  brothers,  Yorichika  and 
Yorinobu,  rendered  material  assistance  in  securing  the  supremacy  of  the  great 


Ho-o-Dfl  HALL  OF  ByODOiN  TEMPLE  (1052),  AT  UJTI 


Fujiwara  chief,  Michinaga.  Indeed,  the  Minamoto  were  commonly  spoken  of 
as  the  "claws"  of  the  Fujiwara.  It  was  this  Yorinobu  who  won  such  fame  by 
escalading  the  castle  of  Taira  Tadatsune  and  who  established  his  family's 
footing  in  the  Kwanto.  His  uncle,  Yoshimitsu,  had  a  large  estate  at  Tada  in 
Settsu,  and  this  branch  of  the  family  was  known  as  Tada  Genji.1 

Then  there  were : — 

The  Yamato  Genji  descended  from  Yorichika. 


Suruga 

Shinano 

Uda 

Saga 

Hizen 


Mitsumasa. 
"     Mitsunaka. 

"  of  Omi,  called  also  the  Sasaki  family, 

of  Settsu      "      "      "    Watanabe.  " 
of  Hizen      "      "      "    Matsuura    " 

The  Taira  family  became  famous  from  the  time  of  Sadamori,  who 
the  insurrection  of  Masakado.     Of  this  clan,  there  were  these  branches: — 

The  Daijo-uji  of  Hitachi,  so  called  because  for  generations  they  held  the  office 
of  daij o  in  Hitachi. 

The  Ise-Heishi  of  Ise,  descended  from  Korehira,  son  of  Sadamori. 
Shiro-uji 
Nishina-uji 


of  Mutsu,  Dewa,  Shinano,  and  Echigo,  descended  from 


Iwaki-uji 


Shigemori  and  Koremochi. 


''  oSO-13  07?.) 


Miura-no-suke]    ,,,        .  .  , ,  ,  0,  .  ,  ™  . 

riL-i.  7     I  ot  Musashi,  Kazusa,  and  bhimosa,  descendants  of  1  aira 


"     Chichibu-uji     \      noYoshibumi. 
Soma  family,  who  succeeded  to  the  domains  of  Masakado. 
P  "Gen"  is  the  alternative  pronunciation  of  "Minamoto"  as  "Hei"  is  of  "Taira.' 


The 


266  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  Fujiwara  also  had  many  provincial  representatives,  descended  mainly 
from  Hidesato,  (called  also  Tawara  Toda),  who  distinguished  himself  in  the 
Masakado  crisis.  There  were  the  Sano-uji  of  Shimotsuke,  Mutsu,  and  Dewa; 
and  there  were  the  Kondo,  the  Muto,  the  Koyama,  and  the  Yuki,  all  in  different 
parts  of  the  Kwanto.  In  fact,  the  empire  outside  the  capital  was  practically 
divided  between  the  Minamoto,  the  Taira,  and  the  Fujiwara  families,  so  that 
anything  like  a  feud  could  scarcely  fail  to  have  wide  ramifications. 

The  eleventh  century  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  beginning  of  such  tumults. 
Not  long  after  the  affair  of  Taira  Tadatsune,  there  occurred  the  much  larger 
campaign  known  as  Zen-kunen  no  Sodo,  or  the  "  Prior  Nine  Years'  Commotion." 
The  scene  of  this  struggle  was  the  vast  province  of  Mutsu  in  the  extreme  north 
of  the  main  island.  For  several  generations  the  Abe  family  had  exercised  sway 
there,  and  its  representative  in  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  extended 
his  rule  over  six  districts  and  defied  the  authority  of  the  provincial  governors. 
The  Court  deputed  Minamoto  Yoriyoshi  to  restore  order.  The  Abe  magnate 
was  killed  by  a  stray  arrow  at  an  early  stage  of  the  campaign,  but  his  son, 
Sadato,  made  a  splendid  resistance. 

In  December,  1057,  Yoriyoshi,  at  the  head  of  eighteen  hundred  men,  led  a  des- 
perate assault  on  the  castle  of  Kawasaki,  garrisoned  by  Sadato  with  four  thousand 
picked  soldiers.  The  attack  was  delivered  during  a  heavy  snow-storm,  and  in 
its  sequel  the  Minamoto  general  found  his  force  reduced  to  six  men.  Among 
these  six,  however,  was  his  eldest  son,  Yoshiiye,  one  of  the  most  skilful  bowmen 
Japan  ever  produced.  Yoshiiye 's  mother  was  a  Taira.  When  she  became 
enceinte  her  husband  dreamed  that  the  sacred  sword  of  the  war  deity,  Hachiman, 
had  been  given  to  him,  and  the  boy  came  to  be  called  Hachiman  Taro.  This 
name  grew  to  be  a  terror  to  the  enemy,  and  it  was  mainly  through  his  prowess 
that  his  father  and  their  scanty  remnant  of  troops  escaped  over  roads  where  the 
snow  lay  several  feet  deep. 

On  a  subsequent  occasion  in  the  same  campaign,  Yoshiiye  had  Sadato  at  his 
mercy  and,  while  fixing  an  arrow  to  shoot  him,  composed  the  first  line  of  a 
couplet,  "The  surcoat's  warp  at  last  is  torn."  Sadato,  without  a  moment's 
hesitation,  capped  the  line,  "The  threads  at  last  are  frayed  and  worn,"1  and 
Yoshiiye,  charmed  by  such  a  display  of  ready  wit,  lowered  his  bow.  Nine  years 
were  needed  to  finish  the  campaign,  and,  in  its  sequel,  Yoriyoshi  was  appointed 
governor  of  lyo,  and  Yoshiiye,  governor  of  Mutsu,  while  Kiyowara  Takenori, 
without  whose  timely  aid  Sadato  could  scarcely  have  been  subdued,  received  the 
high  post  of  chinju-fu  shogun  (commandant  of  the  local  Government  office). 
Yoshiiye 's  magnanimity  towards  Sadato  at  the  fortress  of  Koromo-gawa  has 
always  been  held  worthy  of  a  true  bushi. 

Sadato  was  ultimately  killed,  but  his  younger  brother  Muneto  had  the 
affection  and  full  confidence  of  Yoshiiye.  Muneto,  however,  remembered  his 
brother's  fate  and  cherished  a  desire  to  take  vengeance  on  Yoshiiye,  which 
mood  also  was  recognized  as  becoming  to  a  model  bushi.  One  night,  the  two 
men  went  out  together,  and  Muneto  decided  that  the  opportunity  for  vengeance 
had  come.  Drawing  his  sword,  he  looked  into  the  ox-carriage  containing 

two  great  families  who  occupy  such  a  large  space  in  the  pages  of  Japanese  history  are  spoken  of 
together  as  "Gen-Pei,"  and  independently  as  "Genji"  and  "Heishi,"  or  "Minamoto"  and 

1  .' 1 1 1  it .    J 

['The  point  of  this  couplet  is  altogether  lost  in  English.  It  turns  upon  the  fact  that  the 
word  tate  used  by  Yoshiiye  means  either  a  fortress  or  the  vertical  threads  in  woven  stuff,  and 
that  koromo  was  the  name  of  the  fortress  where  the  encounter  took  place  and  had  also  the 
significance  of  "surcoat."] 


THE  CAPITAL  AND  THE  PROVINCES  267 

Yoshiiye  and  found  him  sound  asleep.  The  idea  of  behaving  treacherously  in 
the  face  of  such  trust  was  unendurable,  and  thereafter  Muneto  served  Yoshiiye 
with  faith  and  friendship.  The  confidence  that  the  Minamoto  hero  reposed  in 
the  brother  of  his  old  enemy  and  the  way  it  was  requited  —  these,  too,  are 
claimed  as  traits  of  the  bushi. 

Yet  another  canon  is  furnished  by  Yoshiiye 's  career  —  the  canon  of  humility. 
Oye  no  Masaf  usa  was  overheard  remarking  that  Yoshiiye  had  some  high  qualities 
but  was  unfortunately  ignorant  of  strategy.  This  being  repeated  to  Yoshiiye, 
he  showed  no  resentment  but  begged  to  become  Masaf  usa 's  pupil.  Yet  he  was 
already  conqueror  of  the  Abe  and  governor  of  Dewa. 

\^V 

'    '911.; 
THE  GO-SANNEN  CAMPAIGN 

••t  h •>!..•->• 

Thereafter  the  provinces  of  Mutsu  and  Dewa  were  again  the  scene  of  another 
fierce  struggle  which,  since  it  began  in  the  third  year  (1089)  of  the  Kwanji  era 
and  ended  in  the  fifth  year  (1091),  was  called  the  "After  Three-years  War." 
With  regard  to  the  nature  of  this  commotion,  no  enumeration  of  names  is 
necessary.  It  was  a  family  quarrel  between  the  scions  of  Kiyowara  Takenori,  a 
magnate  of  Mutsu  who  had  rendered  conclusive  assistance  to  Yoshiiye  in  the 
Nine-years'  War;  and  as  a  great  landowner  of  Dewa,  Kimiko  Hidetake,  took 
part,  the  whole  north  of  Japan  may  be  said  to  have  been  involved.  It  fell  to 
Yoshiiye,  as  governor  of  Mutsu,  to  quell  the  disturbance,  and  very  difficult  the 
task  proved,  so  difficult  that  the  issue  might  have  been  different  had  not  Fujiwara 
Kiyohira  —  who  will  be  presently  spoken  of  —  espoused  the  Minamoto  cause. 

When  news  of  the  struggle  reached  Kyoto,  Yoshiiye 's  younger  brother, 
Yoshimitsu,  who  held  the  much  coveted  post  of  kebiishi,  applied  for  permission 
to  proceed  at  once  to  his  brother 's  assistance.  The  Court  refused  his  application, 
whereupon  he  resigned  his  office  and,  like  a  true  bushi,  hastened  to  the  war. 
Yoshimitsu  was  a  skilled  performer  upon  a  musical  instrument  called  the  sho. 
He  had  studied  under  a  celebrated  master,  Toyohara  Tokimoto,  now  no  more, 
and,  on  setting  out  for  the  field  of  battle  in  the  far  north,  he  became  apprehensive 
lest  the  secrets  imparted  to  him  by  his  teacher  should  die  with  him.  He  there- 
fore invited  Tokimoto 's  son,  Tokiaki,  to  bear  him  company  during  the  first  part 
of  his  journey,  and  to  him  he  conveyed  all  the  knowledge  he  possessed.  The 
spectacle  of  this  renowned  soldier  giving  instruction  in  the  art  of  music  to  the 
son  of  his  deceased  teacher  on  moonlit  nights  as  he  travelled  towards  the  battle- 
field, has  always  appealed  strongly  to  Japanese  conception  of  a  perfect  samurai, 
and  has  been  the  motive  of  many  a  picture. 

This  Go-sannen  struggle  furnished  also  another  topic  for  frequent  pictorial 
representation.  When  about  to  attack  the  fortress  of  Kanazawa,  to  which  the 
approaches  were  very  difficult,  Yoshiiye  observed  a  flock  of  geese  rising  in 
confusion,  and  rightly  inferred  an  ambuscade  of  the  enemy.  His  comment  was, 
"Had  not  Oye  Masafusa  taught  me  strategy,  many  brave  men  had  been  killed 
to-night."  Yet  one  more  typical  bushi  may  be  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
this  war.  Kamakura  Gongoro,  a  youth  of  sixteen,  always  fought  in  the  van  of 
Yoshiiye 's  forces  and  did  great  execution.  A  general  on  the  enemy's  side 
succeeded  in  discharging  a  shaft  which  entered  the  boy 's  eye.  Gongoro,  break- 
ing the  arrow,  rode  straight  at  the  archer  and  cut  him  down.  A  shrine  in 
Kamakura  was  erected  to  the  memory  of  this  intrepid  lad. 

When  Yoshiiye  reported  to  the  Throne  the  issue  of  this  sanguinary  struggle, 
Kyoto  replied  that  the  war  had  been  a  private  feud  and  that  no  reward  or 


268  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

distinctions  would  be  conferred.  Yoshiiye  therefore  devoted  the  greater  part 
of  his  own  manors  to  recompensing  those  that  had  followed  his  standard.  He 
thus  won  universal  respect  throughout  the  Kwanto.  Men  competed  to  place 
their  sons  and  younger  brothers  as  kenin  (retainers)  in  his  service  and  the  name 
of  Hachiman-ko  was  on  all  lips.  But  Yoshiiye  died  (1108)  in  a  comparatively 
low  rank.  It  is  easy  to  comprehend  that  in  the  Kwanto  it  became  a  common 
saying,  "Better  serve  the  Minamoto  than  the  sovereign." 


.Sij}r,?.f;l/r  yfnoi)1"  •  o 
THE  FUJIWARA  OF  THE  NORTH 


Fujiwara  Kiyohira,  who  is  mentioned  above  as  having  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  Minamoto  in  the  Go-sannen,  was  descended  from  Hidesato,  the  conqueror 
of  Masakado.  After  the  Go-sannen  outbreak  he  succeeded  to  the  six  districts 
of  Mutsu  which  had  been  held  by  the  insurgent  chiefs.  This  vast  domain 
descended  to  his  son  Motohira,  and  to  the  latter 's  son,  Hidehira,  whose  name 
we  shall  presently  find  in  large  letters  on  a  page  of  Japanese  history. 

The  Mutsu  branch  of  the  Fujiwara  wielded  paramount  sway  in  the  north 
for  several  generations.  Near  Hiraizumi,  in  the  province  of  Rikuchu,  may  still 
be  seen  four  buildings  forming  the  monastery  Chuson-ji.  In  one  of  these 
edifices  repose  the  remains  of  Kiyohira,  Motohira,  and  Hidehira.  The  ceiling, 
floor  and  four  walls  of  this  Konjiki-do  (golden  hall)  were  originally  covered  with 
powdered  gold,  and  its  interior  pillars  are  inlaid  with  mother-of-pearl  on  which 
are  traced  the  outlines  of  twelve  Arhats.  In  the  days  of  Kiyohira  the  monastery 
consisted  of  forty  buildings  and  was  inhabited  by  three  hundred  priests. 

*  •' 
iiOi.<M;urKf  mi  boilqqs  /SjR&jif&v,j\  iu  J -••'('  i>  :K  /•'.•'     • 

id  4)0 


. 

/^ 

/^    ^     ':>"VflH^.T-.; 

0       -     •ooiflfio- 


L-.huJ 

or!  i  rf' 
af  Jfi 


•  DM  in  :  -.  ,/irv- 

A  CONJUBOB 


• 


RLiG&fm^ 


/m  am:  uo  YHOT&IH 


• 
fKjsti  •  JMI!  Jl&i&rt 

LfOriaL)  •  ;4'*'&V-o<Ui.( 

* 


hi, 


SIDE  VIEW  OF  THE  " KOHO-AN"  OF  DAITOKU-JI,  AT  KYOTO 

-:•:'  •  Pi  '.  "ugii  gnicjotjiiit  fifl  Hb/jcla  QJ.IIB'"'- 
.-:  fv).Jn->ni-4K]qi>s  s^w 4M!n«.^3'i^J>  ihiffl?.  Off  ni  hy&spsftoq  oii  fior^iJjffil'I 
CHAPTER  XXII 

RECOVERY  OF  ADMINISTRATIVE   AUTHORITY  BY  THE 


i  a  fynvj-yi  ?.[(.[•: 


THRONE 


f  I  'Los 


The  69th  Sovereign,  the  Emperor  Go-Shujaku. ,..;"/...".  "V,  ^.A.D.  1037-1045 


n. 


70th 

71st 

72d 

73d 

74th 

75th 

76th 

77th 


Go-Reizei . 

Go-Sanjo  . . . ;  ii.ruL  ad*.  10' 

L>  noj  wijso  Toba  Tl»i'->; 

>i.|'  r<.  Sutoku ....j,-Q}j.--kj<?;tu..->  "i 

"r  -,.  ,,,',-  Konoe .._. .,._,  '.^.i .  .-.!!• 

.^01  ^»f  '  Go-Shirakawa.r^'.V.^:':' '  .vf)1 

DECADENCE  OF  FUJIWARA  AUTOCRACY 


1046-1068 
1069-1072 
1073-1086 
1087-1107 
1108-1123 
1124-1141 
1142-1155 
1156-1158 
co  iDsrofi 


UcUW 

3ilJ  ^ 
-.'oiTJiui 
.^Ji.'joij 

.vviij/l 

/tfviw 


DURING  two  centuries  the  administrative  power  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
Fujiwara.  They  lost  it  by  their  own  timidity  rather  than  through  the  machina- 
tions'of  their  enemies.  When  the  Emperor  Go-Shujaku  was  mortally  ill,  he 
appointed  his  eldest  son,.  Go-Reizei,  to  be  his  successor,  and  signified  his  desire 
that  the  latter 's  half-brother,  Takahito,  should  be  nominated  Crown  Prince. 
Fujiwara  Yorimichi  was  then  regent  (kwampaku).  To  him,  also,  the  dying 
sovereign  made  known  his  wishes.  Now  Takahito  had  not  been  born  of  a  Fuji- 
wara mother.  The  regent,  therefore,  while  complying  at  once  in  Go-Reizei 's 
case,  said  that  the  matter  of  the  Crown  Prince  might  be  deferred,  his  purpose 
being  to  wait  until  a  Fujiwara  lady  should  bear  a  son  to  Go-Reizei. 

In  thus  acting,  Yorimichi  obeyed  the  policy  from  which  his  family  had  never 
swerved  through  many  generations,  and  which  had  now  become  an  unwritten 
law  of  the  State.  But  his  brother,  Yoshinobu,  read  the  signs  of  the  times  in  a 
sinister  light.  He  argued  that  the  real  power  had  passed  to  the  military  mag- 
nates, and  that  by  attempting  to  stem  the  current  the  Fujiwara  might  be  swept 
away  altogether.  He  therefore  repaired  to  the  palace,  and  simulating  ignorance 
of  what  had  passed  between  the  late  sovereign  and  the  kwampaku,  inquired 
whether  it  was  intended  that  Prince  Takahito  should  enter  a  monastery.  Go- 
Reizei  replied  emphatically  in  the  negative  and  related  the  facts,  whereupon 
Yoshinobu  declared  that  the  prince  should  be  nominated  forthwith.  It  was 
done,  and  thus  for  the  first  time  in  a  long  series  of  years  a  successor  to  the  throne 
was  proclaimed  who  had  not  the  qualification  of  a  Fujiwara  mother. 

269 


270  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

There  remained  to  the  kwampaku  only  one  way  of  expressing  his  dissent. 
During  many  years  it  had  been  customary  that  the  Prince  Imperial,  on  his 
nomination,  should  receive  from  the  Fujiwara  regent  a  famous  sword  called 
Tsvbo-kiri  (Jar-cutter).  Yorimichi  declined  to  make  the  presentation  in  the 
case  of  Prince  Takahito  on  the  ground  that  he  was  not  of  Fujiwara  lineage.  The 
prince  —  afterwards  Go-Sanjo  —  had  the  courage  to  deride  this  omission. 
"  Of  what  service  is  the  sword  to  me?"  he  said.  "  I  have  no  need  of  it." 

Such  an  attitude  was  very  significant  of  the  changing  times.  During  more 
than  twenty  years  of  probation  as  Crown  Prince,  this  sovereign,  Go-Sanjo,  had 
ample  opportunity  of  observing  the  arbitrary  conduct  cf  the  Fujiwara,  and 
when  he  held  the  sceptre  he  neglected  no  means  of  asserting  the  authority  of  the 
Crown,  one  conspicuous  step  being  to  take  a  daughter  of  Go-Ichijo  into  the 
palace  as  chugu,  a  position  created  for  a  Fujiwara  and  never  previously  occupied 
by  any  save  a  Fujiwara. 

Altogether,  Go-Sanjo  stands  an  imposing  figure  in  the  annals  of  his  country. 
Erudition  he  possessed  in  no  small  degree,  and  it  was  supplemented  by  diligence, 
high  moral  courage  and  a  sincere  love  of  justice.  He  also  set  to  his  people  an 
example  of  frugality.  It  is  related  that,  observing  as  he  passed  through  the 
streets  one  day,  an  ox-carriage  with  gold  mountings,  he  stopped  his  cortege  and 
caused  the  gold  to  be  stripped  off.  Side  by  side  with  this  record  may  be  placed 
his  solicitude  about  the  system  of  measures,  which  had  fallen  into  disorder. 
With  his  own  hands  he  fashioned  a  standard  which  was  known  to  later  generations 
as  the  senshi-masu  of  the  Enkyu  era  (1069-1074).  The  question  of  tax-free 
manors  (shoen)  also  received  much  attention.  During  the  reign  of  Go-Shujaku, 
decrees  were  frequently  issued  forbidding  the  creation  of  these  estates.  The 
Fujiwara  shoen  were  conspicuous.  Michinaga  possessed  wide  manors  every- 
where, and  Yorimichi,  his  son,  was  not  less  insatiable.  Neither  Go-Shujaku 
nor  Go-Reizei  could  check  the  abuse.  But  Go-Sanjo  resorted  to  a  really 
practical  measure.  He  established  a  legislative  office  where  all  titles  to  shoen 
had  to  be  examined  and  recorded,  the  Daiho  system  of  State  ownership  being 
restored,  so  that  all  rights  of  private  property  required  official  sanction,  the 
Court  also  becoming  the  judge  in  all  disputes  as  to  validity  of  tenure. 

These  orders  came  like  a  clap  of  thunder  in  a  blue  sky.  Many  great  person- 
ages had  acquired  vast  manorial  tracts  by  processes  that  could  not  endure  the 
scrutiny  of  the  Kiroku-jo  (registrar's  office).  Yorimichi,  the  kwampaku,  was  a 
conspicuous  example.  On  receipt  of  the  order  to  register,  he  could  only  reply 
that  he  had  succeeded  to  his  estates  as  they  stood  and  that  no  documentary 
evidence  was  available.  Nevertheless,  he  frankly  added  that,  if  his  titles  were 
found  invalid,  he  was  prepared  to  surrender  his  estates,  since  the  position  he 
occupied  required  him  to  be  an  administrator  of  law,  not  an  obstacle  to  its 
administration.  This  was  the  same  noble  who  had  refused  to  present  the 
sword,  Tsubo-kiri,  to  Go-Sanjo  when  the  latter  was  nominated  Crown  Prince. 
The  Emperor  might  now  have  exacted  heavy  reparation.  But  his  Majesty 
shrank  from  anything  like  spoliation.  A  special  decree  was  issued  exempting 
from  proof  of  title  all  manors  held  by  chancellors,  regents,  or  their  descendants. 

liupiti  ,vr,\rim«iy.ji",\    i:;;   bar-  ^Tul  9('~ 

SALE  OF  OFFICES  AND  RANKS 

Another  abuse  with  which  Go-Sanjo  sought  to  deal  drastically  was  the  sale 
of  offices  and  ranks.  This  was  an  evil  of  old  standing.  Whenever  special 
funds  were  required  for  temple  building  or  palace  construction,  it  had  become 


RECOVERY  OF  AUTHORITY  BY  THE  THRONE  271 

customary  to  invite  contributions  from  local  magnates,  who,  in  return,  received, 
or  were  renewed  in  their  tenure  of,  the  post  of  provincial  governor.  Official 
ranks  were  similarly  disposed  of.  At  what  time  this  practice  had  its  origin  the 
records  do  not  show,  but  during  the  reign  of  Kwammu  (782-805,)  the  bestowal 
of  rank  in  return  for  a  money  payment  was  interdicted,  and  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura, 
in  his  celebrated  memorial  to  Daigo  (898-930),  urged  that  the  important  office 
of  kebiishi  should  never  be  conferred  in  consideration  of  money.  But  in  the 
days  of  Ichijo,  the  acquisition  of  tax-free  manors  increased  rapidly  and  the 
treasury's  income  diminished  correspondingly,  so  that  it  became  inevitable, 
in  times  of  State  need,  that  recourse  should  be  had  to  private  contributions,  the 
contributors  being  held  to  have  shown  "merit"  entitling  them  to  rank  or  office 
or  both. 

Go-Sanjo  strictly  interdicted  all  such  transactions.  But  this  action  brought 
him  into  sharp  collision  with  the  then  kwampaku,  Fujiwara  Norimichi.  The 
latter  built  within  the  enclosure  of  Kofuku-ji  at  Nara  an  octagonal  edifice 
containing  two  colossal  images  of  Kwannon.  On  this  nanen-do  the  regent 
spent  a  large  sum,  part  of  which  was  contributed  by  the  governor  of  the  province. 
Norimichi  therefore  applied  to  the  Emperor  for  an  extension  of  the  governor  's 
term  of  office.  Go-Sanjo  refused  his  assent.  But  Norimichi  insisted.  Finally 
the  Emperor,  growing  indignant,  declared  that  the  kwampaku'  s  sole  title  to 
respect  being  derived  from  his  maternal  relationship  to  the  sovereign,  he  deserved 
no  consideration  at  the  hands  of  an  Emperor  whose  mother  was  not  a  Fujiwara. 
It  was  a  supreme  moment  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Fujiwara.  Norimichi  angrily 
swept  out  of  the  presence,  crying  aloud:  "The  divine  influence  of  Kasuga 
Daimyojin  l  ceases  from  to-day.  Let  every  Fujiwara  official  follow  me." 
Thereat  all  the  Fujiwara  courtiers  flocked  out  of  the  palace,  and  the  Emperor 
had  no  choice  but  to  yield.  Victory  rested  with  the  Fujiwara,  but  it  was 
purchased  at  the  loss  of  some  prestige. 

CAMERA  SOVEREIGNTY 

Their  obviously  selfish  device  of  seating  a  minor  on  the  throne  and  replacing 
him  as  soon  as  he  reached  years  of  discretion,  had  been  gradually  invested  by  the 
Fujiwara  with  an  element  of  spurious  altruism.  They  had  suggested  the  princi- 
ple that  the  tenure  of  sovereign  power  should  not  be  exercised  exclusively. 
Go-Sanjo  held,  however,  that  such  a  system  not  only  impaired  the  Imperial 
authority  but  also  was  unnatural.  No  father,  he  argued,  could  be  content  to 
divest  himself  of  all  practical  interest  in  the  affairs  of  his  family,  and  to  condemn 
the  occupant  of  the  throne  to  sit  with  folded  hands  was  to  reduce  him  to  the 
rank  of  a  puppet.  Therefore,  even  though  a  sovereign  abdicated,  he  should 
continue  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  administration  of  State  affairs.  This 
was,  in  short,  Go-Sanjo  's  plan  for  rendering  the  regent  a  superfluity.  He 
proposed  to  substitute  camera  government  (Insei)  for  control  by  a  kwampaku. 
But  fate  willed  that  he  should  not  carry  his  project  into  practice.  He  abdicated, 
owing  to  ill  health,  in  1073,  and  died  the  following  year. 
. 

l>& 


CTTTTJ  A  IT  A  W  A 

SHIRAKAWA 

-fi.oT  ^rf*  fwifrtms  sH   •-.{.» 


Go-Sanjo  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  Shirakawa.     He  had  taken  for 
consort  the  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Yorimichi.     This  lady,  Kenko,  had  been 
p  Titulary  deity  of  the  Fujiwara-wji.] 


272 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


adopted  into  the  family  of  Fujiwara  Morozane,  and  it  is  recorded  that  Yorimichi 
and  Morozane  shed  tears  of  delight  when  they  heard  of  her  selection  by  the 
Crown  Prince  —  so  greatly  had  the  influence  of  the  Fujiwara  declined.  Shira- 
kawa  modelled  himself  on  his  father.  He  personally  administered  affairs  of 
State,  displaying  assiduity  and  ability  but  not  justice.  Unlike  his  father  he 
allowed  himself  to  be  swayed  by  favour  and  affection,  arbitrarily  ignored  time- 
honoured  rules,  and  was  guilty  of  great  extravagance  in  matters  of  religion. 
But  he  carried  into  full  effect  the  camera  (or  cloistered)  system  of  government, 
thereafter  known  as  Insei.  For,  in  1086,  after  thirteen  years'  reign,  he  resigned 
the  sceptre  to  an  eight-year-old  boy,  Horikawa,  his  son  by  the  chugu,  Kenko.  The 
untimely  death  of  the  latter,  for  whom  he  entertained  a  strong  affection,  was 
the  proximate  cause  of  Shirakawa's  abdication,  but  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  he  had  always  contemplated  such  a  step.  He  took  the  tonsure  and  the 
religious  title  of  Ho-o  (pontiff),  but  in  the  Toba  palace,  his  new  residence,  he 
organized  an  administrative  machine  on  the  exact  lines  of  that  of  the  Court. 

Thenceforth  the  functions  of  Imperialism  were  limited  to  matters  of  etiquette 
and  ceremony,  all  important  State  business  being  transacted  by  the  Ho-o  and 


f  \ 

KO-NO-MA  (ROOM)  NISHI  (WEST)  HONGWAN-JI  TEMPLE,  AT  KYOTO 
(An  example  of  "  Shoinzukuri "  building) 

his  camera  entourage.  If  the  decrees  of  the  Court  clashed  with  those  of  the 
cloister,  as  was  occasionally  inevitable,  the  former  had  to  give  way.  Thus,  it 
can  scarcely  be  said  that  there  was  any  division  of  authority.  But  neither  was 
there  any  progress.  The  earnest  efforts  made  by  Go-Sanjo  to  check  the  abuse 
of  sales  of  rank  and  office  as  well  as  the  alienation  of  State  lands  into  private 
manors,  were  rendered  wholly  abortive  under  the  sway  of  Shirakawa.  The 
cloistered  Emperor  was  a  slave  of  superstition.  He  caused  no  less  than  six  tem- 
ples l  to  be  built  of  special  grandeur,  and  to  the  principal  of  these  (Hosho-ji) 
he  made  frequent  visits  in  state,  on  which  occasions  gorgeous  ceremonies  were 
performed.  He  erected  the  Temple  of  the  33,333  Images  of  Kwannon  (the 
Sanjusangen-do)  in  Kyoto;  he  made  four  progresses  to  the  monastery  at  K5ya 
and  eight  to  that  at  Kumano;  he  commissioned  artists  to  paint  5470  Buddhist 
P  These  were  designated  Roku-sho-ji,  or  "six  excellsnt  temples."] 


273 

pictures,  sculptors  to  cast  127  statues  each  sixteen  feet  high;  3150  life-size,  and 
2930  of  three  feet  or  less,  and  he  raised  twenty-one  large  pagodas  and  446,630 
small  ones.  '.  ^InrBiieo  bluow  i 

His  respect  for  Buddhism  was  so  extreme  that  he  strictly  interdicted  the  tak- 
ing of  life  in  any  form,  a  veto  which  involved  the  destruction  of  eight  thousand 
fishing  nets  and  the  loss  of  their  means  of  sustenance  to  innumerable  fishermen, 
as  well  as  the  release  of  all  falcons  kept  for  hawking.  It  has  even  been  suggested 
that  Shirakawa  's  piety  amounted  to  a  species  of  insanity,  for,  on  one  occasion, 
when  rain  prevented  a  contemplated  progress  to  Hosho-ji,  he  sentenced  the  rain 
to  imprisonment  and  caused  a  quantity  to  be  confined  in  a  vessel.-1  To  the 
nation,  however,  all  this  meant  something  very  much  more  than  a  mere  freak. 
It  meant  that  the  treasury  was  depleted  and  that  revenue  had  to  be  obtained 
by  recourse  to  the  abuses  which  Go-San  jo  had  struggled  so  earnestly  to  check, 
the  sale  of  offices  and  ranks,  even  in  perpetuity,  and  the  inclusion  of  great  tracts 
of  State  land  in  private  manors. 

TOBA 

Horikawa  died  in  1107,  after  a  reign  of  twenty  years,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Toba,  a  child  of  five.  Affairs  of  State  continued  to  be  directed  by  the 
cloistered  sovereign,  and  he  chose  for  his  grandson's  consort  Taiken-mon-in, 
who  bore  to  him  a  son,  the  future  Emperor  Sutoku.  Toba  abdicated,  after  a 
reign  of  fifteen  years,  on  the  very  day  of  Sutoku 's  nomination  as  heir  apparent, 
and,  six  years  later,  Shirakawa  died  (1128),  having  administered  the  empire  from 
the  cloister  during  a  space  of  forty-three  years. 

As  a  device  to  wrest  the  governing  power  from  the  grasp  of  the  Fujiwara, 
Go-Sanjo  's  plan  was  certainly  successful,  and  had  he  lived  to  put  it  into  operation 
himself,  the  results  must  have  been  different.  But  in  the  greatly  inferior  hands 
of  Shirakawa  this  new  division  of  Imperial  authority  and  the  segregation  of  its 
source  undoubtedly  conspired  to  prepare  the  path  for  military  feudalism  and 
for  curtained  Emperors. 

Toba,  with  the  title  of  Ho-o,  took  the  tonsure  and  administered  from  the 
cloister  after  Shirakawa 's  death.  One  of  his  first  acts  after  abdication  was  to 
take  another  consort,  a  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Tadazane,  whom  he  made  Empress 
under  the  name  of  Kaya-no-in;  but  as  she  bore  him  no  offspring,  he  placed  in  the 
Toba  palace  a  second  Fujiwara  lady,  Bifuku-mon-in,  daughter  of  Nagazane. 
By  her  he  had  (1139)  a  son  whom  he  caused  to  be  adopted  by  the  Empress, 
preparatory  to  placing  him  on  the  throne  as  Emperor  Konoe,  at  the  age  of  three. 
Thus,  the  cloistered  sovereigns  followed  faithfully  in  the  footsteps  of  the  Fuji- 
wara. 

SOLDIER-PRIESTS 

A  phenomenon  which  became  conspicuous  during  the  reign  of  Shirakawa 
was  recourse  to  violence  by  Buddhist  priests.  This  abuse  had  its  origin  in  the 
acquisition  of  large  manors  by  temples  and  the  consequent  employment  of 
soldiers  to  act  as  guards.  Ultimately,  great  monasteries  like  Kofuku-ji,  Onjo-ji, 
and  Enryaku-ji  came  to  possess  thousands  of  these  armed  men,  and  consequently 
wielded  temporal  power.  Shirakawa 's  absorbing  belief  in  Buddhism  created 
opportunities  for  the  exercise  of  this  influence.  Keenly  anxious  that  a  son 
should  be  born  of  his  union  with  Kenko,  the  daughter  of  Fujiwara  Yorimichi, 
his  Majesty  bespoke  the  prayers  of  Raigo,  lord-abbot  of  Onjo-ji.  It  happened 
[l  This  silliness  was  spoken  of  by  the  people  as  ame-kingoku  (the  incarceration  of  the  rain).] 


274  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

that  unsuccessful  application  had  frequently  been  made  by  the  OnjS-ji  monks 
for  an  important  religious  privilege.  RaigO  informed  the  Emperor  that,  if  this 
favour  were  promised,  the  prayer  for  a  prince  would  certainly  be  heard.  Shira- 
kawa  made  the  promise,  and  Kenko  gave  birth  to  Prince  Atsubumi.  But  when 
the  Emperor  would  have  fulfilled  his  pledge,  the  priests  of  Enryaku-ji  (Hiei-zan), 
jealous  that  a  privilege  which  they  alone  possessed  should  be  granted  to  priests 
of  another  monastery,  repaired  to  the  Court_en  masse  to  protest.  Shirakuwu 
yielded  to  this  representation  and  despatched  Oye  no  Masafusa  to  placate  Raigo. 
But  the  abbot  refused  to  listen.  He  starved  himself  to  death,  passing  day  and 
night  in  devotion,  and  shortly  after  his  demise  the  little  prince,  born  in  answer 
to  his  prayers,  died  of  small-pox. 

In  an  age  when  superstition  prevailed  widely  the  death  of  the  child  was,  of 
course,  attributed  to  the  incantations  of  the  abbot.  From  that  time  a  fierce 
feud  raged  between  Onjo-ji  and  Enryaku-ji.  In  the  year  1081,  the  priest-soldiers 
of  the  latter  set  the  torch  to  the  former,  and,  flocking  to  Kyoto  in  thousands, 
threw  the  capital  into  disorder.  Order  was  with  difficulty  restored  through  the 
exertions  of  the  kebiishi  and  the  two  Minamoto  magnates,  Yoshiiye  and  Yoshi- 
tsuna,  but  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  guard  the  palace  and  the  person  of  the 
Emperor  with  bushi.  Twelve  years  later  (1093),  thousands  of  cenobites,  carry- 
ing the  sacred  tree  of  the  Kasuga  shrine,  marched  from  Nara  to  Kyoto,  clamour- 
ing for  vengeance  on  the  governor  of  Omi,  whom  they  charged  with  arresting  and 
killing  the  officials  of  the  shrine.  This  became  a  precedent.  Thereafter,  when- 
ever the  priests  had  a  grievance,  they  flocked  to  the  palace  carrying  the  sacred 
tree  of  some  temple  or  shrine.  The  soldier  cenobites  of  Enryaku-ji — yama- 
hoshi,  as  they  were  called — showed  themselves  notably  turbulent.  They 
inaugurated  the  device  of  replacing  the  sacred  tree  with  the  "divine  car," 
against  which  none  dare  raise  a  hand  or  shoot  an  arrow.  If  their  petition  were 
rejected,  they  would  abandon  the  car  in  the  streets  of  the  capital,  thus  placing 
the  city  under  a  curse. 

A  notable  instance  occurred,  in  1095,  when  these  yama-hoshi  of  Hiyoshi 
preferred  a  charge  of  blood-guiltiness  against  Minamoto  Yoshitsuna,  governor 
of  Mino.  They  flocked  to  the  palace  in  a  truculent  mob,  but  the  bushi  on  duty, 
being  under  the  command  of  a  Minamoto,  did  not  hesitate  to  use  their  bows. 
Thereupon  the  yama-hoshi  discarded  the  divine  car,  hastened  back  to  the  temple, 
and  assembling  all  the  priests,  held  a  solemn  service  invoking  the  wrath  of 
heaven  on  the  State.  In  an  age  of  profound  superstition  such  action  threw  the 
Court  into  consternation,  and  infinite  pains  were  taken  to  persuade  Shinto 
officials  of  an  independent  shrine  to  carry  the  divine  car  back  to  Hiei-zan. 

Instances  of  such  turbulence  were  not  infrequent,  ancf  they  account  in  part 
for  the  reckless  prodigality  shown  by  Shirakawa  in  building  and  furnishing 
temples.  The  cenobites  did  not  confine  themselves  to  demonstrations  at  the 
palace ;  they  had  their  own  quarrels  also.  Kof  uku-j  i  's  hand  was  against  Kimbu- 
senandTodai-ji,  and  not  a  few  priests  doffed  the  stole  and  cassock  to  engage  in 
temporary  brigandage.  The  great  Taira  leader,  Tadamori,  and  his  son,  Kiyo- 
mori  —  one  of  the  most  prominent  figures  on  the  stage  of  medieval  Japan  — 
dealt  strongly  with  the  Shinto  communities  at  Hiyoshi  and  Gion,  and  drove  the 
Kofuku-ji  priests  out  of  the  streets  of  Kyoto,  the  result  being  that  this  great 
military  family  became  an  object  of  execration  at  Kofuku-ji  and  Enryaku-ji 
alike.  With  difficulty  the  Court  kept  peace  between  them.  It  is  related  of 
Shirakawa  Ho-o  that  the  three  things  which  he  declared  to  defy  his  control  were 
the  waters  of  the  Kamo  River,  the  fall  of  the  dice,  and  the  yama-hoshi. 


•j  \;N\\3U:aC>:;L'i  v 


YflTBIH 


/ 


;.'.;    ,  ;.;  ••;  v-j'fj 


h-4 


;bloo  dog  • 
oS  ban 


PLAYING  BATTLEDORE  AND  SHUTTLECOCK 
(From  a  painting) 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 

GENERAL  SUMMARY 

THE  period  we  are  considering  is  a  long  one  which  owes  its  unity  to  the 
sole  fact  that  the  capitol  was  at  Kyoto.  It  is,  therefore,  unsafe  to  generalize 
on  its  manners  and  customs.  But  we  may  say  with  a  degree  of  accuracy  that 
the  epoch  was  marked  by  an  increasing  luxury  and  artificiality,  due  largely  to 
the  adoption  of  Chinese  customs.  The  capital  city  was  built  on  a  Chinese 
pattern  and  the  salient  characteristics  of  the  Court  during  the  period  named 
from  the  new  capital  are  on  the  Chinese  pattern  too.  The  Chinese  idea  of  a 
civil  service  in  which  worth  was  tested  by  examinations  was  carried  to  a  pedantic 
extreme  both  in  administration  and  in  society.  In  these  examinations  the 
important  paper  was  in  Chinese  prose  composition,  which  was  much  as  if  Latin 
prose  were  the  main  subject  to  prove  the  fitness  of  a  candidate  for  an  English 
or  American  administrative  post!  And  the  tests  of  social  standing  and  the 
means  of  gaining  fame  at  Court  were  skill  in  verse-writing,  in  music  and  dan- 
cing, in  calligraphy  and  other  forms  of  drawing,  and  in  taste  in  landscape  gar- 
dening. 

Ichijo  was  famed  as  a  musician  and  a  prose  writer,  and  Saga  as  a  calligra- 
phist.  The  Ako  incident  (see  p.  240)  illustrates  the  lengths  to  which  pedantry 
was  carried  in  matters  of  administration.  And  the  story  of  the  ill-success  at 
the  capital  of  the  young  soldier  Taira  Masakado,  contrasted  with  the  popularity 
of  his  showily  vicious  kinsman  Sadabumi  (see  p.  253),  illustrate  what  Murdoch 
means  when  he  says  that  the  early  emperors  of  the  Heian  epoch  had  an  "un- 

275 


276 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


balanced  craze  for  Chinese  fashions,  for  Chinese  manners,  and  above  all  for 
Chinese  literature."  Remarkable  though  the  power  of  the  Japanese  people 
always  seems  to  have  been  to  assimilate  foreign  culture  in  large  doses  and 
speedily,  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that  at  this  period,  any  more  than  at  a  later 
one  when  there  came  in  a  sudden  flood  of  European  civilization,  the  nation  should 
not  have  suffered  somewhat  —  that  it  should  not  have  had  the  defects  of  its 
qualities. 


LUXURY  OF  THE  COURT 


Of  Nimmyo's  luxury  and  architectural  extravagance  we  have  already  spoken, 
and  of  the  arraignment  of  prodigality  in  dress,  banquets,  and  funerals  in  the 
famous  report  of  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura  (see  p.  246).  Indeed,  we  might  almost 
cite  the  madness  of  the  Emperor  Yozei  as  being  a  typical,  though  extreme,  case 
of  the  hysteria  of  the  young  and  affected  court  nobles.  Two  of  the  Fujiwara 
have  been  pilloried  in  native  records  for  ostentation:  one  for  carrying  inside 
his  clothes  hot  rice-dumplings  to  keep  himself  warm,  and,  more  important,  to 
fling  them  away  one  after  another  as  they  got  cold;  and  the  other  fpr  carrying  a 
fan  decorated  with  a  painting  of  a  cuckoo  and  for  imitating  the  cuckoo's  cry 
whenever  he  opened  the  fan. 


CONVENTION  AND  MORALITY 

If  the  men  of  the  period  were  effeminate  and  emotional,  the  women  seem 
to  have  sunk  to  a  lower  stage  of  morals  than  in  any  other  era,  and  sexual  moral- 


oJ 


sriiT 


£• 


bm$  tio*rrw  3*?™**.  ^^-jKuai  &  es  bscnr^  &.<• 
Xiineboq  rioiriv/  ol  ari^nsl  orft  ea^  m<fi?  .rj  9»e)  fcrabbm  S>IA  ^:" 

ity  and  wifely  fidelity  to  have  been  abnormally  bad  and  lightly  esteemed.  The 
story  of  Ariwara  Narihira,  prince,  poet,  painter  and  Don  Juan,  and  of  Taka  and 
her  rise  to  power  (see  p.  238)  has  already  been  told;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
the  Fujiwara  working  for  the  control  of  the  Throne  through  Imperial  consorts 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  277 

induced,  even  forced,  the  Emperors  to  set  a  bad  example  in  such  matters.  But 
over  all  this  vice  there  was  a  veneer  of  elaborate  etiquette.  Even  in  the  field 
a  breach  of  etiquette  was  a  deadly  insult :  as  we  have  seen  (p.  254)  Taira  Masa- 
kado  lost  the  aid  of  a  great  lieutenant  in  his  revolt  because  he  forgot  to  bind  up 
his  hair  properly  before  he  received  a  visitor.  At  Court,  etiquette  and  ceremony 
became  the  only  functions  of  the  nominal  monarch  after  the  camera  govern- 
ment of  the  cloistered  ex-Emperors  had  begun.  And  aristocratic  women, 
though  they  might  be  notoriously  unfaithful,  kept  up  a  show  of  modesty,  cover- 
ing their  faces  in  public,  refusing  to  speak  to  a  stranger,  going  abroad  in  closed 
carriages  or  heavily  veiled  with  hoods,  and  talking  to  men  with  their  faces  hid 
by  a  fan,  a  screen,  or  a  sliding  door,  these  degrees  of  intimacy  being  nicely 
adjusted  to  the  rank  and  station  of  the  person  addressed.  Love-making  and 
wooing  were  governed  by  strict  and  conventional  etiquette,  and  an  interchange 
of  letters  of  a  very  literary  and  artificial  type  and  of  poems  usually  took  the 
place  of  personal  meetings.  Indeed,  literary  skill  and  appreciation  of  Chinese 
poetry  and  art  were  the  main  things  sought  for  in  a  wife. 

AMUSEMENTS 


The  pastimes  of  Court  society  in  these  years  differed  not  so  much  in  kind 
as  in  degree  from  those  of  the  Nara  epoch.  In  amusement,  as  in  all  else,  there 
was  extravagance  and  elaboration.  What  has  already  been  said  of  the  pas- 
sion for  literature  would  lead  us  to  expect  to  find  in  the  period  an  extreme 
development  of  the  couplet-tournament  (uta  awase)  which  had  had  a  certain 
vogue  in  the  Nara  epoch  and  was-  now  a  furore  at  Court.  The  Emperor  Koko 
and  other  Emperors  in  the  first  half  of  the  Heian  epoch  gave  splendid  verse- 
making  parties,  when  the  palace  was  richly  decorated,  often  with  beautiful  flowers. 
In  this  earlier  part  of  the  period  the  gentlemen  and  ladies  of  the  Court  were 
separated,  sitting  on  opposite  sides  of  the  room  in  which  the  party  was  held. 
Later  in  the  Heian  epoch  the  composition  of  love  letters  was  a  favorite  competi- 
tive amusement,  and  although  canons  of  elegant  phraseology  were  implicitly 
followed,  the  actual  contents  of  these  fictitious  letters  were  frankly  indecent. 

Other  literary  pastimes  were:  "incense-comparing,"  a  combination  of 
poetical  dilletantism  and  skill  in  recognizing  the  fragrance  of  different  kinds  of 
incense  burned  separately  or  in  different  combinations;  supplying  famous 
stanzas  of  which  only  a  word  or  so  was  given;  making  riddles  in  verse;  writing 
verse  or  drawing  pictures  on  fans,— testing  literary  and  artistic  skill;  and  making 
up  lists  of  related  ideographs.  The  love  of  flowers  was  carried  to  extravagant 
lengths.  The  camera  Court  in  particular  organized  magnificent  picnics  to  see 
the  cherry-trees  of  Hosho-ji  and  the  snowy  forest  at  Koya.  There  were  spring 
festivals  of  sunrise  at  Sagano  and  autumn  moonlight  excursions  to  the  Oi  River. 
The  taste  of  the  time  was  typified  in  such  vagaries  as  covering  trees  with 
artificial  flowers  in  winter  and  in  piling  up  snow  so  that  some  traces  of  snowy 
landscapes  might  still  be  seen  in  spring  or  summer.  Such  excess  reminds  the 
student  of  decadent  Rome  as  portrayed  by  the  great  Latin  satirists. 

Other  favorite  amusements  at  Court  were:  gathering  sweet-flag  in  summer 
and  comparing  the  length  of  its  roots,  hawking,  fan-lotteries,  a  kind  of  back- 
gammon called  sugoroku,  and  different  forms  of  gambling.  Football  was  played, 
a  Chinese  game  in  which  the  winner  was  he  who  kicked  the  ball  highest  and  kept 
it  longest  from 'touching  the  ground. 

Another  rage  was  keeping  animals  as  pets,  especially  cats  and  dogs,  which 


278 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


received  human  names  and  official  titles  and,  when  they  died,  elaborate  funerals. 
Kittens  born  at  the  palace  at  the  close  of  the  tenth  century  were  treated  with 
consideration  comparable  to  that  bestowed  on  Imperial  infants.  To  the  cat- 


SKETCH  OP  "SHINDENZUKUBI" 
(Style  of  Dwelling  House  of  Nobles  in  the  Heian  Epoch) 


[fflOg  -Hit   boil'jq  O.JT    ''  )    ; 

mother  the  courtiers  sent  the  ceremonial  presents  after  childbirth,  and  one  of 
the  ladies-in-waiting  was  honoured  by  an  appointment  as  guardian  to  the 
young  kittens. 

MUSIC  AND  DANCING 

With  the  growth  of  luxury  in  the  Heian  epoch  and  the  increase  of  extravagant 
entertainment  and  amusement,  there  was  a  remarkable  development  of  music 
and  the  dance.  Besides  the  six-stringed  harp  or  wagon,  much  more  complex 
harps  or  lutes  of  thirteen  or  twenty-five  strings  were  used,  and  in  general  there 
was  a  great  increase  in  the  number  and  variety  of  instruments.  Indeed,  we  may 
list  as  many  as  twenty  kinds  of  musical  instruments  and  three  or  four  times  as 
many  varieties  of  dance  in  the  Heian  epoch.  Most  of  the  dances  were  foreign 
in  their  origin,  some  being  Hindu,  more  Korean,  and  still  more  Chinese,  accord- 
ing to  the  usual  classification.  But  imported  dances,  adaptations  of  foreign 
dances,  and  the  older  native  styles  were  all  more  or  less  pantomimic. 


ARCHITECTURE  AND  LANDSCAPE  GARDENING 


Except  in  the  new  capital  city  with  its  formal  plan  there  were  no  great 
innovations  in  architecture.  Parks  around  large  houses  and  willows  and 
cherry-trees  planted  along  the  streets  of  Kyoto  relieved  this  stiffness  of  the  great 
city.  Landscape-gardening  became  an  art.  Gardens  were  laid  out  in  front  of 
the  row  of  buildings  that  made  up  the  home  of  each  noble  or  Court  official. 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  279 

Convention  was  nearly  as  rigid  here  as  it  was  in  Court  etiquette.  In  the  centre 
of  this  formal  garden  was  a  miniature  lake  with  bridges  leading  to  an  island; 
there  was  a  waterfall  feeding  the  lake,  usually  at  its  southern  end;  and  at  the 
eastern  and  western  limits  of  the  garden,  respectively,  a  grotto  for  angling  and 
a  "hermitage  of  spring  water"  —  a  sort  of  picnic  ground  frequented  on  summer 
evenings.  The  great  artist,  Kanaoka,  of  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  worked 
at  laying  out  these  rockeries  and  tiny  parks.  A  native  school  of  architects, 
or  more  correctly  carpenters,  had  arisen  in  the  province  of  Hida.  There  was  less 
temple  building  than  in  the  Nara  epoch  and  more  attention  was  given  to  the 
construction  of  elegant  palaces  for  court  officials  and  nobles.  But  these  were 
built  of  wood  and  were  far  from  being  massive  or  imposing.  As  in  other 
periods  of  Japanese  architecture,  the  exterior  was  sacrificed  to  the  interior 
where  there  were  choice  woodworking  .and  joinery  in  beautiful  woods,  and 
occasionally  screen-  or  wall-painting  as  decoration.  There  was  still  little 
house-furnishing.  Mats  (tatami),  fitted  together  so  as  to  cover  the  floor 
evenly,  were  not  used  until  the  very  close  of  the  period;  and  then,  too,  sliding 
doors  began  to  be  used  as  partitions.  The  coverings  of  these  doors,  silk 
or  paper,  were  the  "walls"  for  Japanese  mural  paintings  of  the  period. 
As  the  tatami  came  into  more  general  use,  the  bedstead  of  the  earlier  period, 
wrhich  was  itself  a  low  dais  covered  with  mats  and  with  posts  on  which  curtains 
and  nets  might  be  hung,  went  out  of  use,  being  replaced  by  silken  quilts 
spread  on  the  floor-mats.  Cushions  and  arm-rests  were  the  only  other  impor- 
tant pieces  of  furniture. 

COSTUME 

In  the  Heian  epoch,  Court  costume  was  marked  by  the  two  characteristics 
that  we  have  seen  elsewhere  in  the  period  —  extravagance  and  convention. 
Indeed,  it  may  be  said  that  Chinese  dress  and  etiquette,  introduced  after  the 
time  of  Kwammu  were  the  main  source  of  the  luxury  of  the  period.  Costume 
was  extreme,  not  alone  in  being  rich  and  costly,  but  in  amount  of  material  used. 
Princely  and  military  head-dresses  were  costly,  jewelled,  and  enormously  tall, 
and  women  wore  their  hair,  if  possible,  so  that  it  trailed  below  their  elaborate 
skirts.  Men's  sleeves  and  trousers  were  cut  absurdly  large  and  full ;  and  women's 
dress  was  not  merely  baggy  but  voluminous.  At  a  palace  fete  in  1117  the  ex- 
treme of  elegance  was  reached  by  ladies  each  wearing  a  score  or  so  of  different 
coloured  robes.  In  this  period  the  use  of  costly  and  gorgeous  brocades  and 
silks  with  beautiful  patterns  and  splendid  embroideries  began. 

Women  at  Court,  and  the  Court  dandies  who  imitated  them,  painted  arti- 
ficial eye-brows  high  on  the  forehead,  shaving  or  plucking  out  the  real  brows, 
powdered  and  rouged  their  faces  and  stained  their  teeth  black. 

ART 

Ceramics  did  not  advance  in  the  Heian  epoch,  but  in  all  other  branches  of 
art  there  were  rapid  strides  forward.  The  development  of  interior  decoration 
in  temples,  monasteries,  and  palaces  was  due  to  progress  on  the  part  of  lacquerers 
and  painters.  Gold  lacquer,  lacquer  with  a  gold-dust  surface  (called  nashi-ji), 
and  lacquer  inlaid  with  mother-of-pearl  were  increasingly  used.  Thanks  in 
part  to  the  painters'  bureau  (E-dokoro)  in  the  palace,  Japanese  painters  began 
to  be  ranked  with  their  Chinese  teachers.  Koze  Kanaoka  was  the  first  to  be 
thus  honored,  and  it  is  on  record  that  he  was  engaged  to  paint  figures  of  arhats 


280 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE:    AM 


on  the  sliding  doors  of  the  palace.  The  epoch  also  boasted  Fujiwara  Tameuji, 
founder  of  the  Takuma  family  of  artists,  and  Fujiwara  Motomitsu,  founder  of 
the  Tosa  academy.  The  sculpture  of  the  time  showed  greater  skill,  but  less 
grandeur  of  conception,  than  the  work  of  the  Nara  masters.  Sculpture  in  wood 

was  important,  dating  especially  from  the 
llth  century.  Jocho,  possibly  the  greatest  of 
the  workers  in  this  medium,  followed  Chinese 
models,  and  carved  a  famous  Buddha  for 
Michinaga's  temple  of  Hosho-ji  (1022).  Jo- 
cho's  descendant  Unkei  was  the  ancestor  of 
many  busshi  or  sculptors  of  Buddhist  statues; 
and  Kwaikei,  a  pupil  of  Unkei's  brother  Joka- 
ku,  is  supposed  to  have  collaborated  with 
Unkei  on  the  great  gate-guardians  of  the 
Todai-ji  temple.  It  is  important  to  note  that, 
especially  in  the  latter  half  of  the  Heian  epoch, 
painters  and  sculptors  were  usually  men  of 
good  family.  Art  had  become  fashionable. 

Two  minor   forms   of  sculpture  call  for 
special  attention.     The  decoration  of  armour 
reached  a  high  pitch  of  elaboration;  and  the 
beautiful  armour  of  Minamoto  Yoshitsune  is 
And  masks  to  be  used  in  mimetic  dances, 


RAKAN  (BUDDHIST  DISCIPLE) 
(Carving  in  Stone  at  Horiuji) 

hllipp  oimGa  ^' 

-T  -unit  lorfro  vl/ro  yrft  '.nev. 

still  preserved  at  Kasuga,  Nara. 

such  as  the  No,  received  attention  from  many  great  glyptic  artists. 


AGRICULTURE 

•ri;>  T>afi;« KVi'.'i.t/8*  --   boiT>q  ent   rr;   o'lodvr'v-r-  n< .••••- 

In  the  year  799,  cotton-seed,  carried  by  an  Indian  junk  which  drifted  to  the 
coast  of  Mikawa,  was  sown  in  the  provinces  of  Nankai-do  and  Saikai-do,  and 
fifteen  years  later,  when  Saga  reigned,  tea  plants  were  brought  from  overseas 
and  were  set  out  in  several  provinces.  The  Emperor  Nimmyo  (834-850) 
had  buckwheat  sown  in  the  home  provinces  (Kinai),  and  the  same  sovereign 
encouraged  the  cultivation  of  sorghum,  panic-grass,  barley,  wheat,  large  white 
beans,  small  red  beans,  and  sesame.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  ina-hata 
(paddy-loom)  was  devised  for  drying  sheaves  of  rice  before  winnowing.  Al- 
though it  was  a  very  simple  implement,  it  nevertheless  proved  of  such  great 
value  that  an  Imperial  command  was  issued  urging  its  wide  use.  In  short,  in 
the  early  years  of  the  Heian  epoch,  the  Throne  took  an  active  part  in  promoting 
agriculture,  but  this  wholesome  interest  gradually  declined  in  proportion  to  the 
extension  of  tax-free  manors  (shoeri). 


TRADE 

The  story  of  trade  resembled  that  of  agriculture  —  prosperous  development 
at  the  beginning  of  the  era,  followed  by  stagnation  and  decline.  Under  Kwum- 
mu  (782-805)  and  his  immediate  successors,  canals  and  roads  vyere  opened, 
irrigation  works  were  undertaken,  and  coins  were  frequently  cast.  But  coins 
were  slow  in  finding  their  way  into  circulation,  and  taxes  were  generally  paid 
in  kind.  Nevertheless,  for  purposes  of  trade,  prices  of  staples  were  fixed  in 
terms  of  coin.  Thus  in  the  year  996,  a  koku  (about  5  bushels)  of  rice  was  the 
equivalent  of  1000  cash  (ik-kan^mon) ;  a  koku  of  barley  was  valued  at  2500  cash, 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  HEIAN  EPOCH  281 

and  a  hiki  (25  yards)  of  silk  at  2000  cash.  Yet  in  actual  practice,  commod- 
ities were  often  assessed  in  terms  of  silk  or  rice.  Goods  were  packed  in  stores 
(kurd)  or  disposed  on  shelves  in  shops  (machi-ya) ,  and  at  ports  where  merchant- 
men assembled  there  were  houses  called  tsuya  (afterwards  toiyd)  where  wholesale 
transactions  were  conducted  on  the  commission  system. 

The  city  of  Kyoto  was  divided  into  two  parts,  an  eastern  capital  (Tokyo) 
and  a  western  capital  (Saikyo).  During  the  first  half  of  every  month  all  com- 
mercial transactions  were  conducted  in  the  eastern  capital,  where  fifty-one 
kinds  of  commodities  were  sold  in  fifty-one  shops;  and  during  the  second  half 
the  western  capital  alone  was  frequented,  with  its  thirty-three  shops  and  thirty- 
three  classes  of  goods.  After  the  abolition  of  embassies  to  China,  at  the  close 
of  the  ninth  century,  oversea  trade  declined  for  a  time.  But  the  inhabitants  of 
Tsukushi  and  Naniwa,  which  were  favourably  located  for  voyages,  continued  to 
visit  China  and  Korea,  whence  they  are  reported  to  have  obtained  articles  of 
value.  Other  ports  frequented  by  foreign-going  ships  were  Kanzaki,  Eguchi, 
Kaya,  Otsu,  and  Hakata. 

I  1^^—  SUPERSTITION 

Turning  to  the  inner  life  of  the  people  in  the  Heian  epoch,  we  may  say  with 
little  fear  of  exaggeration  that  the  most  notable  thing  was  the  increase  of  super- 
stition. This  was  due  in  part  at  least  to  the  growth  in  Japan  of  the  power  of 
Buddhism,  and,  be  it  understood,  of  Buddhism  of  a  degraded  and  debased  form. 
The  effort  to  combine  Buddhism  and  Shinto  probably  robbed  the  latter  of  any 
power  it  might  otherwise  have  had  to  withstand  superstition.  Although  men 
of  the  greatest  ability  went  into  the  Buddhist  monasteries,  including  many 
Imperial  princes,  their  eminence  did  not  make  them  better  leaders  and  guides 
of  the  people,  but  rather  aided  them  in  misleading  and  befooling  the  laity. 
Murdoch  in  speaking  of  the  beginning  of  the  12th  century  says:  "At  this  date, 
Buddhism  in  Japan  from  a  moral  point  of  view  was  in  not  a  whit  better  case 
than  was  the  Church  of  Rome  between  the  death  of  Sylvester  II  and  the  election 
of  Leo  IX."  An  interesting  parallel  might  be  drawn  between  Japanese  and 
European  superstition,  as  each  was  consequent  on  the  low  standards  of  the  clergy 
of  the  times.  The  famous  report  of  Miyoshi  Kiyotsura,  to  which  we  have  so 
often  alluded,  spoke  in  no  measured  terms  of  the  greed  and  vice  of  the  Buddhist 
priests.  And  the  character  of  these  hireling  shepherds  goes  far  to  explain  the 
gross  superstition  of  the  tune.  We  have  told  (p.  274)  the  story  of  the  abbot 
Raigo  and  how  the  Court  was  forced  to  purchase  from  him  intercessory  prayers 
for  the  birth  of  an  heir,—  and  of  the  death  of  the  heir  in  apparent  consequence 
of  Raigo's  displeasure.  Near  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  one  Emperor  made 
a  gift  of  500,000  yen  for  prayers  that  seemed  to  have  saved  the  life  of  a  favourite 
minister.  Prayers  for  rain,  for  prolonged  life,  for  victory  over  an  enemy,  were 
implicitly  believed  to  be  efficient,  and  priests  received  large  bribes  to  make  these 
prayers.  Or  they  received  other  rewards:  the  privilege  of  coming  to  Court 
in  a  carriage  was  granted  to  one  priest  for  bringing  rain  after  a  long  drought  and 
to  another  for  saving  the  life  of  a  sick  prince  in  981.  As  men  got  along  in  years 
they  had  masses  said  for  the  prolongation  of  their  lives, —  with  an  increase  in 
the  premium  each  year  for  such  life  insurance.  Thus,  at  forty,  a  man  had 
masses  said  in  forty  shrines,  but  ten  years  later  at  fifty  shrines  in  all. 

In  this  matter,  as  in  others,  the  influence  of  the  Fujiwara  was  great.  They 
were  in  a  close  alliance  with  the  priests,  and  they  controlled  the  Throne  through 
consorts  and  kept  the  people  hi  check  through  priests  and  superstitious. 


2S2 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


With  the  widespread  belief  in  the  power  of  priestly  prayer  there  was  prev- 
alent a  fear  of  spirits  and  demons.  Oda  received  a  promise  in  a  dream  that 
he  would  become  Emperor.  In  the  next  generation  the  Emperor  Daigo  exiled 
Sugawara  Michizane  to  Kyusml,  where  the  exile  died  in  two  years.  Soon  after- 
wards the  Emperor  fell  sick;  and  this,  the  disaster  of  930  when  a  thunderstorm 
killed  many  nobles  in  the  Imperial  palace,  and  the  sudden  death  of  Michizane's 
accusers  and  of  the  Crown  Prince  were  explained  as  due  to  the  ill-will  of  the 
injured  man's  spirit.  His  titles  were  restored  and  everything  possible  was  done 
to  placate  the  ghost  (see  p.  244).  To  an  earlier  period  belongs  the  similar  story 
f~i'  -vniftj  h'ti  ritiv;  .b^jij  <>.•;/:  ••  •  -ur.v  (:< 

!.-ofr) 


rfti;>b  euit        '  ifevfeei  viuihio: 


M'J.   Of   >;":".'.•    V7?,!V    :  )    , 

EABTHEN-WABE  HOUSE  FOB  ORNAMENT 

of  Kwammu  and  his  efforts  to  placate  the  spirit  of  his  younger  brother  whom  he 
had  exiled  and  killed.  Kwammu,  fearing  that  death  was  coming  upon  him, 
built  a  temple  to  the  shade  of  this  brother.  A  cloud  over  the  palace  of  another 
Emperor  was  interpreted  as  a  portentous  monster,  half  monkey  and  half  snake, 
and  one  of  the  Minamoto  warriors  won  fame  for  his  daring  in  shooting  an  arrow 
at  the  cloud,  which  then  vanished.  Equally  foolhardy  and  marvellous  was 
the  deed  of  Fujiwara  Michinaga,  who  alone  of  a  band  of  courtiers  in  the  palace 
dared  one  dark  night  to  go  unattended  and  without  lights  from  one  end  of  the 
palace  to  the  other. 

When  the  new  city  of  Kyoto  was  built,  a  Buddhist  temple  was  put  near  the 
northeast  gate  to  protect  the  capital  from  demons,  since  the  northeast  quarter 
of  the  sky  belonged  to  the  demons;  and  on  a  hill  a  clay  statue  was  erected,  eight 
feet  high  and  armed  with  bow,  arrows  and  cuirass,  to  guard  the  city.  So 
implicit  was  the  belief  in  the  power  of  this  colossal  charm  that  it  was  said  that 
it  moved  and  shouted  to  warn  the  city  of  danger. 


EDUCATION 

There  was,  of  course,  no  organized  system  of  schools  in  this  period,  but 
education  was  not  neglected.  A  university  was  established  in  the  newly  built 
capital,  and  there  were  five  family  schools  or  academies  for  the  youth  of  the 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  HEIAN  EPOCH 


283 


separate  uji.  A  school  and  hospital,  founded  by  Fujiwara  Fuyutsugu  in  825, 
received  an  Imperial  endowment.  At  almost  exactly  the  same  time  (823)  the 
Bunsho-in  was  founded  by  Sugawara.  The  Sogaku-in  was  founded  in  831  by 
Arihara  Yukihara.  In  850  the  consort  of  the  emperor  Saga  built  the  Gakkwan-in 
for  the  Tachibana  family;  and  in  841  the  palace  of  Junna  became  a  school. 
And  there  was  one  quasi-public  school,  opened  in  828,  in  the  Toji  monastery 
south  of  the  capital,  which  was  not  limited  to  any  family  and  was  open  to 

commoners. 

a 

• 


NETSUKB 
(Hand-carvings  in  Ivory) 


'ft 


•rfhui 


<.,ib 


v/I 


1o  'y>nb:<j  ari(t :II-8  ni  ban  : 
91  It  nr  ,  I 

r 


ARCHERT  IN  OLD  JAPAN 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

THE   EPOCH   OF  THE    GEN    (MINAMOTO)    AND    THE   HEI 

(TAIRA) 

' 


SUPREMACY  OF  THE  MILITARY  CLASS 

DESCRIBED  superficially,  the  salient  distinction  between  the  epochs  of  the 
Fujiwara  and  the  Gen-pei  was  that  during  the  former  the  administrative  power 
lay  in  the  hands  of  the  Court  nobles  in  Kyoto,  whereas,  during  the  latter,  it  lay 
in  the  hands  of  the  military  magnates  in  the  provinces.  The  processes  by  which 
this  change  was  evolved  have  already  been  explained  in  part  and  will  be 
further  elucidated  as  we  advance.  Here,  however,  it  is  advisable  to  note 
that  this  transfer  of  authority  was,  in  one  sense,  a  substitution  of  native  civili- 
zation for  foreign,  and,  in  another,  a  reversion  to  the  conditions  that  had  existed 
at  the  time  of  the  Yamato  conquest.  It  was  a  substitution  of  native  civilization 
for  foreign,  because  the  exotic  culture  imported  from  China  and  Korea  had 
found  its  chief  field  of  growth  in  the  capital  and  had  never  extended  largely  to 
the  provinces;  and  it  was  a  reversion  to  the  conditions  existing  at  the  time  of  the 
Yamato  conquest,  because  at_that  time  the  sword  and  the  sceptre  had  been  one. 

The  Mononobe  and  the  Otomo  families  constituted  the  pillars  of  the  State 
under  the  early  Emperors.  Their  respective  ancestors  were  Umashimade  no 
Mikoto  and  Michi  no  Omi  no  Mikoto.  The  Japanese  term  monobe  (or  monono- 
fu)  was  expressed  by  Chinese  ideographs  having  the  sound,  bushi.  Thus,  though 
it  is  not  possible  to  fix  the  exact  date  when  the  expression,  bushi,  came  into 
general  use,  it  is  possible  to  be  sure  that  the  thing  itself  existed  from  time 
immemorial.  When  the  Yamato  sovereign  undertook  his  eastward  expedition, 
Umashimade  with  h\s_monobe  subdued  the  central  districts,  and  Michi  no  Omi 
with  his  otomo  and  Okume-be  consolidated  these  conquests.  Thereafter  the 
monobe  were  organized  into  the  konoe-fu  (palace  guards)  and  the  otomo  into 
the  emon-fu  (gate  guards).  Not  military  matters  alone,  but  also  criminal 
jurisdiction,  belonged  to  the  functions  of  these  two/w. 

284 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HE!  285 

THE  BUSH  I 

'  .'.••_>  u -:•!;•' -t  'i  10  fcinujji'il; -usfliflrpt  ILi  6tj8  op.o/t; 

The  earliest  type  of  the  Yamato  race  having  thus  been  military,  it  becomes 
important  to  inquire  what  tenets  constituted  the  soldier's  code  in  old  Japan. 
Our  first  guide  is  the  celebrated  anthology,  Manyo-shu,  compiled  in  the  ninth 
century  and  containing  some  poems  that  date  from  the  sixth.  From  this  we 
learn  that  the  Yamato  monono-fu  believed  himself  to  have  inherited  the  duty  of 
dying  for  his  sovereign  if  occasion  required.  In  that  cause  he  must  be  prepared 
at  all  times  to  find  a  grave,  whether  upon  the  desolate  moor  or  in  the  stormy  sea. 
The  dictates  of  filial  piety  ranked  next  in  the  ethical  scale.  The  soldier  was 
required  to  remember  that  his  body  had  been  given  to  him  by  his  parents,  and 
that  he  must  never  bring  disgrace  upon  his  family  name  or  ever  disregard  the 
dictates  of  honour.  Loyalty  to  the  Throne,  however,  took  precedence  among 
moral  obligations.  Parent,  wife,  and  child  must  all  be  abandoned  at  the  call  of 
patriotism.  Such,  as  revealed  in  the  pages  of  the  Myriad  Leaves,  were  the  simple 
ethics_of  the  early  Japanese  soldier.  And  it  was  largely  from  the  Mononobe 
and  Otomo  families  that  high  officials  and  responsible  administrators  were 
chosen  at  the  outset. 

When  Buddhism  arrived  in  the  sixth  century,  we  have  seen  that  it  encountered 
resolute  opposition  at  the  hands  of  Moriya,  the  o-muraji  of  the  Mononobe  fami- 
ly. That  was  natural.  The  elevation  of  an  alien  deity  to  a  pedestal  above  the 
head  of  the  ancestral  Kami  seemed  specially  shocking  to  the  soldier  class.  But 
the  tendency  of  the  time  was  against  conservatism.  The  Mononobe  and  the 
Otomo  forfeited  their  position,  and  the  Soga  stepped  into  their  place,  only  to  be 
succeeded  in  turn  by  the  Fujiwara.  These  last,  earnest  disciples  of  Chinese 
civilization,  looked  down  on  the  soldier,  and  delegated  to  him  alone  the  use  of 
brute  force  and  control  of  the  criminal  classes,  reserving  for  themselves  the 
management  of  civil  government  and  the  pursuit  of  literature,  and  even  leaving 
politics  and  law  in  the  hands  of  the  schoolmen. 

In  these  circumstances  the  military  families  of  Minamoto  (Gen)  and  Taira 
(Hei),  performing  the  duties  of  guards  and  of  police,  gradually  acquired  influence; 
were  trusted  by  the  Court  on  all  occasions  demanding  an  appeal  to  force,  and 
spared  no  pains  to  develop  the  qualities  that  distinguished  them — the  qualities 
of  the  bushi.  Thus,  as  we  turn  the  pages  of  history,  we  find  the  ethics  of  the 
soldier  developing  into  a  recognized  code.  His  sword  becomes  an  object  of 
profound  veneration  from  the  days  of  Minamoto  Mitsunaka,  who  summons  a 
skilled  swordsmith  to  the  capital  and  entrusts  to  him  the  task  of  forging  two 
blades,  which,  after  seven  days  of  fasting  and  prayer  and  sixty  days  of  tempering, 
emerge  so  trenchant  that  they  are  thereafter  handed  down  from  generation  to 
generation  of  the  Minamoto  as  treasured  heirlooms.1 

That  the  bushi' s  word  must  be  sacred  and  irrevocable  is  established  by  the 
conduct  of  Minamoto  Yorinobu  who,  having  promised  to  save  the  life  of  a  bandit 
if  the  latter  restore  a  child  taken  as  a  hostage,  refuses  subsequently  to  inflict  any 
punishment  whatever  on  the  robber.  That  a  bushi  must  prefer  death  to  surren- 
der is  a  principle  observed  in  thousands  of  cases,  and  that  his  family  name  must 
be  carefully  guarded  against  every  shadow  of  reproach  is  proved  by  his  habit  of 
prefacing  a  duel  on  the  battle-field  with  a  recitation  of  the  titles  and  deeds  of 
his  ancestors.  To  hold  to  his  purpose  in  spite  of  evil  report ;  to  rise  superior  to 
poverty  and  hardship;  not  to  rest  until  vengeance  is  exacted  for  wrong  done  to 

I1  The  swords  were  named  "Knee-cutter"  and  "Beard-cutter,"  because  when  tested  for 
decapitating  criminals,  they  severed  not  only  the  necks  but  also  the  beard  and  the  knees.] 


286  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

a  benefactor  or  a  relation;  never  to  draw  his  sword  except  in  deadly  earnest  — 
these  are  all  familiar  features  of  the  bushi  's  practice,  though  the  order  and  times 
of  their  evolution  cannot  be  precisely  traced. 

Even  more  characteristic  is  the  quality  called  fudoshin,  or  immobility  of 
heart.  That  this  existed  in  practice  from  an  early  era  cannot  be  doubted,  but 
its  cultivation  by  a  recognized  system  of  training  dates  from  the  beginning  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  when  the  introspective  tenet  (kwanshin-ho)  of  the  Zen 
sect  of  Buddhism  taught  believers  to  divest  themselves  wholly  of  passion  and 
emotion  and  to  educate  a  mind  unmoved  by  its  environment,  so  that,  in  the  storm 
and  stress  of  battle,  the  bushi  remains  as  calm  and  as  self-possessed  as  in  the 
quietude  of  the  council  chamber  or  the  sacred  stillness  of  the  cloister.  The 
crown  of  all  bis  qualities  was  self-respect.  He  rated  himself  too  high  to 
descend  to  petty  quarrels,  or  to  make  the  acquisition  of  rank  his  purpose, 
or  to  have  any  regard  for  money. 

•«]?{)  i  si?,  'jilt  orr//  ,?,-VMV»A  VivA-tv/H  -'*rit  10  -.-iSBq  i:»fi$  ru  00BWfBi  -:; 
9fl<)ru>£tol/L  o.'ii  rrunt  vbjriBl  *-«w  -fi  I^iA      .rjibloa  'wruqjj!. 

THE    MILITARY    ART 

As  for  tactics,  individual  prowess  was  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  all 
contests,  and  strategy  consisted  mainly  of  deceptions,  surprises,  and  ambushes. 
There  were,  indeed,  certain  recognized  principles  derived  from  treatises  compiled 
by  Sung  and  'Ng,1  two  Chinese  generals  of  the  third  century  A.D.  These  laid 
down  that  troops  for  offensive  operations  in  the  field  must  be  twice  as  numerous 
as  the  enemy;  those  for  investing  a  fortress  should  be  to  the  garrison  as  ten  to 
one,  and  those  for  escalade  as  five  to  one.  Outflanking  methods  were  always 
to  be  pursued  against  an  adversary  holding  high  ground,  and  the  aim  should  be 
to  sever  the  communications  of  an  army  having  a  mountain  or  a  river  on  its 
rear.  When  the  enemy  selected  a  position  involving  victory  or  death,  he  was  to 
be  held,  not  attacked,  and  when  it  was  possible  to  surround  a  foe,  one  avenue  of 
escape  should  always  be  left  to  him,  since  desperate  men  fight  fiercely.  In 
crossing  a  river,  much  space  should  separate  the  van  from  the  rear  of  the  crossing 
army,  and  an  enemy  crossing  was  not  to  be  attacked  until  his  forces  had  become 
well  engaged  in  the  operation.  Birds  soaring  in  alarm  should  suggest  an  ambush , 
and  beasts  breaking  cover,  an  approaching  attack.  There  was  much  spying.  A 
soldier  who  could  win  the  trust  of  the  enemy,  sojourn  in  his  midst,  and  create 
dissensions  in  his  camp,  was  called  a  hero. 

Judged  by  this  code  of  precepts,  the  old-time  soldier  of  the  East  has  been 
denounced  by  some  critics  as  representing  the  lowest  type  of'  military  ethics. 
But  such  a  criticism  is  romantic.  The  secret-intelligence  department  of  a 
twentieth-century  army  employs  and  creates  opportunities  just  as  zealously  as 
did  the  disciples  of  Sung  and  'Ng.  It  is  not  here  that  the  defects  in  the  bushi' s 
ethics  must  be  sought.  The  most  prominent  of  those  defects  was  indifference 
to  the  rights  of  the  individual.  Bushido  taught  a  vassal  to  sacrifice  his  own 
interest  and  his  own  life  on  the  altar  of  loyalty,  but  it  did  not  teach  a  ruler  to 
recognize  and  respect  the  rights  of  the  ruled.  It  taught  a  wife  to  efface  herself 
for  her  husband's  sake,  but  it  did  not  teach  a  husband  any  corresponding 
obligation  towards  a  wife.  In  a  word,  it  expounded  the  relation  of  the  whole 
to  its  parts,  but  left  unexpounded  the  relation  of  the  parts  to  one  another. 

A  correlated  fault  was  excessive  reverence  for  rank  and  rigid  exclusiveness  of 
class.  There  was  practically  no  ladder  for  the  commoner  —  the  farmer,  the 

[l  See  Captain  Calthrop's  The  Book  of  War.] 


287 

artisan,  and  the  merchant  —  to  ascend  into  the  circle  of  the  samurai.  It  resulted 
that,  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  gifted  men  of  the  despised 
grades  sought  in  the  cloister  an  arena  for  the  exercise  of  their  talents,  and  thus, 
while  the  bushi  received  no  recruits,  the  commoners  lost  their  better  elements, 
and  Buddhism  became  a  stage  for  secular  ambition.  It  can  not  be  doubted 
that  by  closing  the  door  of  rank  in  the  face  of  merit,  bushido  checked  the  develop- 
ment of  the  nation.  Another  defect  in  the  bushido  was  indiff erence  to  intellectual 
investigation.  The  schoolmen  of  Kyoto,  who  alone  received  honour  for  their 
moral  attainments,  were  not  investigators  but  imitators,  not  scientists  but 
classicists.  Had  not  Chinese  conservatism  been  imported  into  Japan  and  had 
it  not  received  the  homage  of  the  bushi,  independent  development  of  original 
Japanese  thought  and  of  intellectual  investigation  might  have  distinguished  the 
Yamato  race.  By  a  learned  Japanese  philosopher  (Dr.  Inouye  Tetsujiro)  the 
ethics  of  the  bushi  are  charged  with  inculcating  the  principles  of  private  morality 
only  and  ignoring  those  of  public  morality. 

MILITARY  FAMILES  AND  THEIR  RETAINERS 

It  has  been  noticed  that  the  disposition  of  the  Central  Government  was  to 
leave  the  provincial  nobles  severely  alone,  treating  their  feuds  and  conflicts  as 
wholly  private  affairs.  Thus,  these  nobles  being  cast  upon  their  own  resources 
for  the  protection  of  their  lives  and  properties,  retained  the  services  of  bushi, 
arming  them  well  and  drilling  them  assiduously,  to  serve  as  guards  in  time  of 
peace  and  as  soldiers  in  war.  One  result  of  this  demand  for  military  material 
was  that  the  helots  of  former  days  were  relieved  from  the  badge  of  slavery  and 
became  hereditary  retainers  of  provincial  nobles,  nothing  of  their  old  bondage 
remaining  except  that  their  lives  were  at  the  mercy  of  their  masters. 

FIEFS  AND  TERRITORIAL  NAMES 

As  the  provincial  families  grew  in  numbers  and  influence  they  naturally 
extended  their  estates,  so  that  the  landed  property  of  a  great  sept  sometimes 
stretched  over  parts,  or  even  the  whole,  of  several  provinces.  In  these  circum- 
stances it  became  convenient  to  distinguish  branches  of  a  sept  by  the  names  of 
.their  respective  localities  and  thus,  in  addition  to  the  sept  name  (uji  or  sei),  there 
came  into  existence  a  territorial  name  (mydji  or  shi).  For  example,  when  the 
descendants  of  Minamoto  no  Yoshiiye  acquired  great  properties  at  Nitta  and 
Ashikaga  in  the  provinces  of  Kotsuke  and  Shimotsuke,  they  took  the  territorial 
names  of  Nitta  and  Ashikaga,  remaining  always  Minamoto;  and  when  the 
descendants  of  Yoshimitsu,  younger  brother  of  Yoshiiye,  acquired  estates  in  the 
province  of  Kai,  they  began  to  call  themselves  Takeda. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  pursue  the  subject  further  than  to  note  that,  while  the 
names  of  the  great  septs  (uji)  were  few,  the  territorial  cognomens  were  very 
numerous;  and  that  while  the  use  of  mydji  (or  shi)  was  common  in  the  case  of 
the  Fujiwara,  the  Taira,  and  the  Minamoto  septs,  the  uji  alone  was  employed 
by  the  Abe,  the  Ono,  the  Takahashi,  the  Kusakabe,  the  Ban,  the  Hata,  and 
certain  others.  It  will  readily  be  conceived  that  although  the  territorial  sections 
of  the  same  sept  sometimes  quarrelled  among  themselves,  the  general  practice 
was  that  all  claiming  common  descent  supported  each  other  in  war.  The  Mina- 
moto (Gen)  bushi  recognized  as  the  principal  family  line  that  of  Tsunemoto  from 
whom  were  descended  the  following  illustrious  chiefs : — 


288  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Minamoto  (Gen)  no  Tsunemoto,  commander-in-chief  of  local  Governments 

1  Mitsunaka 
ariitt  bn/t  Rln-'iJsl  ii'»i' i  •     I 

tfa&b  Wjucb ;  •  '7"  v    •'  K 

Iwiduob  6d  JonX?Fimit8U          Y0"!10^ 

Yoriyoshi 

I&ui  Y    [.. 

ifcdt  ~ol  wonod  by/1  y 


(,;.;{ Yoshimune    Yoshichika    Yoshikuni     Yoshitada    Yoshitoki    Yoshitaka 
Tameyoshi 


orit  (o-ij  (  I  i  ar\a 

^ti|fYQshitomo    Yoshikata    Tametomo    Twenty  otheifl  b^iarf1: 
Yoshinaka  (of  Kiso) 

Yoritomo    Noriyori    Yoshitsune    Six  others 
A  similar  table  for  the  Taira  (Hei)  runs  thus:—  f> 

j     ^,t~' 

Taira  (Hei)  no  Sadamori  (quelled  the  Masakado  revolt). 
Korehira  (of  Ise  province) 

to  dcofc  M  a$nu2      |  •       Dfws  i 


m  irrt-t—  rrft  lo  itluasT  onO      .•?&-//  ru  r.; 

lo  og'bfi'.f'ati-t  mrot^  hwarlsi  91  9W  avjsb  'igrniOj  1o  - 

bio  i        'i<  )|  gfrid  Jon  ,RO 

Masamori  (g9verned  Ise,  Inaba,  Sanuki,  etc.;  quelled  the  rebellion 
_  '•    [  of  Minamoto  Yoshichika). 

Tadamasa    Tadamori  (served  the  Emperors  Shirakawa,  Horikawa,  and  Toba;  l 
subdued  the  pirates  of  Sany5-do  and  Nankai-do) 

Kiyomori  (crushed  the  Minamoto  and  temporarily  established  the 
supremacy  of  the  Taira)'. 

-rnuo  o,  •  ' 

bhigemon 
to  zimaa  edJ  v 

•-In  its  attitude  towards  these  two  families  the  Court  showed  short-sighted- 
shrewdness.  It  pitted  one  against  the  other;  If  the  Taira  showed  turbulence, 
the  aid  of  the  Minamoto  was  enlisted;  and  when  a  Minamoto  rebelled,  a  Taira 
received  a  commission  to  deal  with  him.  Thus,  the  Throne  purchased  peace  for 
a  time  at  the  cost  of  sowing,  between  the  two  great  military  clans,  seeds  of 
discord  destined  to  shake  even  the  Crown.  In  the  capital  the  bushi  served  as 
palace  guards;  in  the  provinces  they  were  practically  independent.  Such  was 
the  state  of  affairs  on  the  eve  of  a  fierce  struggle  known  in  history  as  the  tumult 

of  the  Hogen  and  Heiji  eras  (1150-1160). 

,'j  'ji\\  in 

[«  It  is  of  this  noble  that  history  records  an  incident  illustrative  of  the  superstitions  of  the 
eleventh  century.  The  cloistered  Emperor  Shirakawa  kept  Tadamori  constantly  by  his  side. 
One  rught,  Shirakawa,  accompanied  by  Tadamori,  went  to  visit  a  lady  favourite  inadetached 
palace  near  the  shrine  of  Gion.  Suddenly  the  two  men  saw  an  apparition  of  a  demon  covered 
with  wirehke  hair  and  having  a  luminous  body.  The  Emperor  ordered  Tadamori  to  use  his 
bow.  But  Tadamori  advanced  boldly  and,  seizing  the  demon,  found  that  it  was  an  old  man 
wearing  straw  headgear  as  a  protection  against  the  rain,  and  carrying  a  lamp  to  kindle  the  light 
at  the  shrine.  This  valiant  deed  on  Tadamori  's  part  elicited  universal  applause,  as  indeed  it 
might  in  an  era  of  such  faith  in  the  supernatural.] 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  289 

aid  ;*£il>  .vli/iTOffi  foae 


r/uv;  o    '.)-..  -t<    •- 

THE  HOGEN  INSURRECTION 


It  has  been  related  in  Chapter  XXII  that  Taiken-mon-in,  consort  of  the 
Emperor  Toba,  was  chosen  for  the  latter  by  his  grandfather,  the  cloistered 
Emperor  Shirakawa,  and  that  she  bore  to  Toba  a  son  who  ultimately  ascended 
the  throne  as  Sutoku.  But,  rightly  or  wrongly,  Toba  learned  to  suspect  that 
before  she  became  his  wife,  the  lady  's  relations  with'  Shirakawa  had  been  over- 
intimate  and  that  Sutoku  was  illegitimate.  Therefore,  immediately  after 
Shirakawa  's  demise,  Toba  took  to  himself  an  Empress,  Kaya-no-in,  daughter  of 
Fujiwara  Tadazane;  and  failing  offspring  by  her,  chose  another  Fujiwara  lady, 
Bif  uku-mon-in,  daughter  of  Nagazane.  For  this,  his  third  consort,  he  conceived 
a  strong  affection,  and  when  she  bore  to  him  a  prince,  Toba  placed  the  latter  on 
the  throne  at  the  age  of  three,  compelling  Sutoku  to  resign.  This  happened  in 
the  year  1141,  and  there  were  thenceforth  two  cloistered  Emperors,  Toba  and 
Sutoku,  standing  to  each  other  in  the  relation  of  grandfather  and  grandson. 
The  baby  sovereign  was  called  Konoe,  and  Fujiwara  Tadamichi,  brother  of  Bifu- 
ku-mon-in,  became  kwampaku. 

Between  this  Tadamichi  and  his  younger  brother,  Yorinaga,  who  held  the 
post  of  sa-daijin,  there  existed  acute  rivalry.  The  kwampaku  had  the  knack  of 
composing  a  deft  couplet  and  tracing  a  graceful  ideograph.  The  sa-daijin,  a 
profound  scholar  and  an  able  economist,  ridiculed  penmanship  and  poetry  as 
mere  ornament.  Their  father's  sympathies  were  wholly  with  Yorinaga,  and  he 
ultimately  went  so  far  as  to  depose  Tadamichi  from  his  hereditary  position  as 
o-uji  of  the  Fujiwara.  Thus,  the  enmity  between  Tadamichi  and  Yorinaga 
needed  only  an  opportunity  to  burst  into  flame,  and  that  opportunity  was  soon 
furnished. 

The  Emperor  Konoe  died  (1155)  at  the  early  age  of  seventeen,  and  the 
cloistered  sovereign,  Sutoku,  sought  to  secure  the  throne  for  his  son  Shigehito, 
whom  Toba's  suspicions  had  disqualified.  But  Bifuku-mon-in,  believing,  or 
pretending  to  believe,  that  the  premature  death  of  her  son  had  been  caused  by 
Sutoku  V  incantations,  persuaded  the  cloistered  Emperor,  Toba,  in  that  sense, 
and  having  secured  the  co-operation  of  the  kwampaku,  Tadamichi,  she  set  upon 
the  throne  Toba's  fourth  son,  under  the  name  of  Go-Shirakawa  (1156-1158), 
the  latter  's  son,  Morihito,  being  nominated  Crown  Prince,  to  the  complete  exclu- 
sion of  Sutoku  's  offspring.  So  long  as  Toba  lived  the  arrangement  remained 
undisturbed,  but  on  his  death  in  the  following  year  (1156),  Sutoku,  supported 
by  the  sa-daijin,  Yorinaga,  planned  to  ascend  the  throne  again,  and  there  ensued 
a  desperate  struggle.  Stated  thus  briefly,  the  complication  suggests  merely  a 
quarrel  for  the  succession,  but,  regarded  more  closely,  it  is  seen  to  derive  rancour 
chiefly  from  the  jealousies  of  the  Fujiwara  brothers,  Yorinaga  and  Tadamichi, 
and  importance  from  the  association  of  the  Minamoto  and  the  Taira  families. 
For  when  Sutoku  appealed  to  arms  against  the  Go-Shirakawa  faction,  he  was 
incited  by  Fujiwara  Yorinaga  and  his  father  Tadazane,  and  supported  by  Taira 
Tadamasa  as  well  as  by  jthe  two  Minamoto,  Tameyoshi  and  Tametomo;  while 
Go-Shirakawa  's  cause  was  espoused  by  Fujiwara  Tadamichi,  by  Taira  no 
Kiyomori,  and  by  Minamoto  Yoshitomo. 

Among  this  group  of  notables  the  most  memorable  in  a  historical  sense  are 
Minamoto  Tametomo  and  Taira  Kiyomori.  Of  the  latter  there  will  presently 
be  occasion  to  speak  again.  The  former  was  one  of  those  born  warriors  illustrat- 
ed by  Yamato-dake,  Saka-no-ye  no  Tamura-maro,  and  Minamoto  no  Yoshiiye. 
Eighth  son  of  Minamoto  Tameyoshi,  he  showed  himself  so  masterful,  physically 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  morally,  that  his  father  deemed  it  wise  to  provide  a  distant  field  for  the 
exercise  of  his  energies  and  to  that  end  sent  him  to  Bungo  in  the  island  of 
Kyushu.  Tametomo  was  then  only  thirteen.  In  two  years  he  had  established 
his  sway  over  nearly  the  whole  island,  and  the  ceaseless  excursions  and  alarms 
caused  by  his  doings  having  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Court,  orders  for  his 
chastisement  were  issued  to  the  Dazai-fu,  hi  Chikuzen  —  futile  orders  illustrat- 
ing only  Kyoto's  ignorance.  Tameyoshi,  his  father,  was  then  removed  from 
office  as  a  punishment  for  his  son's  contumacy,  and  thereupon  Tametomo, 
esteeming  filial  piety  as  one  of  the  bushi  's  first  obligations,  hastened  to  the  capital, 
taking  with  him  only  twenty-five  of  his  principal  retainers.  His  age  was  then 
seventeen;  his  height  seven  feet;  his  muscular  development  enormous,  and  he 
could  draw  a  bow  eight  feet  nine  inches  in  length.  His  intention  was  to  purchase 
his  father 's  pardon  by  his  own  surrender,  but  on  reaching  Kyoto  he  found  the 
Hogen  tumult  just  breaking  out,  and,  of  course,  he  joined  his  father's  party. 

The  relationship  of  the  opposing  nobles  deserves  to  be  studied,  as  this  was 
probably  one  of  the  most  unnatural  struggles  on  record 

THE  CLOISTERED  EMPEROR'S  THE  REIGNING  EMPEROR'S 

SIDE  SIDE 

Sutoku  (the  Jo-o)  Go-Shirakawa,    younger     brother    of 

Sutoku. 

Fujiwara  Yorinaga  Fujiwara  Tadamicni,  son  of  Tadazane 

Fujiwara  Tadazane  and  brother  of  Yorinaga. 

Minamoto  Tameyoshi  Minamoto  Yoshitomo,  son  of  Tameyo- 

Minamoto  Tametomo  shi  and  brother  of  Tametomo. 

Taira  no  Tadamasa  Taira  no  Kiyomori,  nephew  of  Tadamasa 

Sutoku 's  party  occupied  the  Shirakawa  palace.  Unfortunately  for  the 
ex-Emperor  the  conduct  of  the  struggle  was  entrusted  to  Fujiwara  Yorinaga,  and 
he,  in  defiance  of  Tametomo 's  advice,  decided  to  remain  on  the  defensive;  an 
evil  choice,  since  it  entailed  the  tenure  of  wooden  buildings  highly  inflammable. 
Yoshitomo  and  Kiyomori  took  full  advantage  of  this  strategical  error.  They 
forced  the  Shirakawa  palace,  and  after  a  desperate  struggle,1  the  defenders  took 
to  flight.  Thus  far,  except  for  the  important  issues  involved  and  the  unnatural 
division  of  the  forces  engaged,  this  Hogen  tumult  would  not  have  differed 
materially  from  many  previous  conflicts.  But  its  sequel  acquired  terrible 
notoriety  from  the  cruel  conduct  of  the  victors.  Sutoku  was  exiled  to  Sanuki, 
and  there,  during  three  years,  he  applied  himself  continuously  to  copying  a 
Buddhist  Sutra,  using  his  own  blood  for  ink.  The  doctrine  of  the  Zen  sect  had 
not  yet  prevailed  in  Japan,  and  to  obtain  compensation  in  future  happiness  for 
the  pains  he  had  suffered  in  life,  it  was  essential  that  the  exile's  laboriously 
traced  Sutra  should  be  solemnly  offered  to  the  Buddha.  He  sent  it  to  Kyoto, 
praying  that  the  necessary  step  should  be  taken.  But  by  the  orders  of  his  own 
brother,  the  Emperor,  the  request  was  refused,  and  the  manuscript  returned. 
Superstition  ultimately  succeeded  where  natural  affection  had  failed;  for  the 
ex-Emperor,  having  inscribed  maledictions  on  each  of  the  five  volumes  of  the 

['  One  incident  of  the  fight  has  been  admiringly  handed  down  to  posterity.  The  duty  of 
holding  the  west  gate  of  the  Shirakawa  palace  fell  to  Tametomo  and  his  handful  of  followers. 
The  duty  of  attacking  it  happened  to  devolve  on  his  brother,  Yoshitomo.  To  avert  such  an 
unnatural  conflict,  Tametomo,  having  proclaimed  his  identity,  as  was  usual  among  bushi,  drew 
his  bow  with  such  unerring  aim  that  the  arrow  shore  off  an  ornament  from  Yoshitomo 's  helmet 
without  injuring  him  in  any  way.  Yoshitomo  withdrew,  and  the  Taira  took  up  the  attack.] 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  291 

Sutra  with  blood  obtained  by  biting  his  tongue,  and  having  hastened  his  demise 
by  self-inflicted  privations,  —  he  died  (1164)  eight  years  after  being  sent  into 
exile  —  the  evils  of  the  time  were  attributed  to  his  unquiet  spirit  and  a  shrine 
was  built  to  his  memory. 

Not  less  heartless  was  the  treatment  of  the  vanquished  nobles.  The  Fuj  iwara 
alone  escaped.  Yorinaga  had  the  good  fortune  to  fall  on  the  field  of  battle,  and 
his  father,  Tadazane,  was  saved  by  the  intercession  of  his  elder  son,  Tadamichi, 
of  whose  dislike  he  had  long  been  a  victim.  But  this  was  the  sole  spot  of  light 
on  the  sombre  page.  By  the  Emperor's  orders,  the  Taira  chief,  Kiyomori, 
executed  his  uncle,  Tadamasa;  by  the  Emperor's  orders,  though  not  without 
protest,  the  Minamoto  chief,  Yoshitomo,  put  to  death  his  father,  Tameyoshi; 
by  the  Emperor's  orders  all  the  relatives  of  Yorinaga  were  sent  into  exile;  by 
the  Emperor's  orders  his  nephew,  Prince  Shigehito,  was  compelled  to  take  the 
tonsure,  and  by  the  Emperor  's  orders  the  sinews  of  Tametomo  's  bow-arm  were 
cut  and  he  was  banished  to  the  Izu  island.1  In  justice  it  has  to  be  noted  that 
Go-Shirakawa  did  not  himself  conceive  these  merciless  measures.  He  was 
prompted  thereto  by  Fuj  iwara  Michinori,  commonly  known  as  Shinzei,  whose 
counsels  were  all-powerful  at  the  Court  in  those  days. 


GO-SHIRAKAWA 

• 

Go-Shirakawa,  the  seventy-seventh  sovereign,  occupied  the  throne  during 
two  years  only  (1156-1158),  but  he  made  his  influence  felt  from  the  cloister 
throughout  the  long  period  of  thirty-four  years  (1158  to  1192),  directing  the 
administration  from  his  "camera  palace"  (Inchu)  during  the  reigns  of  five 
Emperors.  Ambition  impelled  him  to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  Go-Sanjo.  He 
re-opened  the  Office  of  Records  (Kiroku-jo),  which  that  great  sovereign  had 
established  for  the  purpose  of  centralizing  the  powers  of  the  State,  and  he  sought 
to  recover  for  the  Throne  its  administrative  functions.  But  his  independence 
was  purely  nominal,  for  in  everything  he  took  counsel  of  Fuj  iwara  Michinori 
(Shinzei)  and  obeyed  that  statesman  's  guidance.  Michinori  's  character  is  not 
to  be  implicitly  inferred  from  the  cruel  courses  suggested  by  him  after  the  Hogen 
tumult.  He  was  a  man  of  keen  intelligence  and  profound  learning,  as  learning 
went  in  those  days  :  that  is  to  say,  he  knew  the  classics  by  heart,  had  an  intimate 
acquaintance  with  Buddhism  and  astrology,  and  was  able  to  act  as  interpreter  of 
the  Chinese  language.  With  his  name  is  associated  the  origin  of  the  shirabyoshi, 
or  "white  measure-markers"  —  girls  clad  in  white,  who,  by  posture  and  gesture, 
beat  time  to  music,  and,  in  after  ages,  became  the  celebrated  geisha  of  Japan. 
To  the  practice  of  such  arts  and  accomplishments  Michinori  devoted  a  great  part 
of  his  life,  and  when,  in  1140,  that  is  to  say,  sixteen  years  before  the  Hogen 
disturbance,  he  received  the  tonsure,  all  prospect  of  an  official  career  seemed  to 
be  closed  to  him.  But  the  accession  of  Go-Shirakawa  gave  him  an  opportunity. 
The  Emperor  trusted  him,  and  he  abused  the  trust  to  the  further  unhappiness  of 
the  nation. 

THE  HEIJI  TUMULT 

Go-Shirakawa  's  son,  Morihito,  ascended  the  throne  in  1159  and  is  known  in 
history  as  Nijo,  the  seventy-eighth  sovereign  of  Japan.  From  the  very  outset 

f1  The  celebrated  litterateur,  Bakin,  adduced  many  proofs  that  Tametomo  ultimately  made 
his  way  to  Ryukyu  and  that  his  descendants  ruled  the  island.  The  great  soldier  himself  died 
ultimately  by  his  own  hand  in  the  sequel  of  an  unsuccessful  engagement  with  the  forces  of  the 
vice-governor  of  Izu.] 


292  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

he  resented  the  ex-Emperor 's  attempt  to  interfere  in  the  administration  of  affairs, 
and  the  two  Courts  fell  into  a  stater  of  discord,  Fujiwara  Shinzei  inciting  the 
cloistered  Emperor  to  assert  himself,  and  two  other  Fujiwara  nobles,  Tsune- 
mune  and  Korekata,  prompting  Nijo  to  resist.  These  two,  observing  that 
another  noble  of  their  clan,  Fujiwara  Nobuyori;  was  on  bad  terms  with  Shhizei, 
approached  Nobuyori  and  proposed  a  union  against  their  common  enemy. 
Shinzei  had  committed  one  great  error;  he  had  alienated  the  Minamoto  family. 
In  the  Hogen  struggle,  Yoshitomo,  the  Minamoto  chief,  an  able  captain  and  a 
brave  soldier,  had  suggested  the  strategy  which  secured  victory  for  Go-Shiraka- 
wa's  forces.  But  in  the  subsequent  distribution  of  rewards,  Yoshitomo's 
claims  received  scant  consideration,  his  merits  being  underrated  by  Shinzei. 

This  had  been  followed  by  a  still  more  painful  slight.  To  Yoshitomo's 
formal  proposal  of  a  marriage  between  his  daughter  and  Shinzei 's  son,  not  only 
had  a  refusal  been  given,  but  also  the  nuptials  of  the  youth  with  the  daughter  of 
the  Taira  chief,  Kiyomori,  had  been  subsequently  celebrated  with  much  eclat. 
In  short,  Shinzei  chose  between  the  two  great  military  clans,  and  though  such 
discrimination  was  neither  inconsistent  with  .the  previous  practice  of  the  Fuji- 
wara nor  ill-judged  so  far  as  the  relative  strength  of  the  Minamoto  and  the 
Taira  was  concerned  for  the  moment,  it  erred  egregiously  in  failing  to  recognize 
that  the  day  had  passed  when  the  military  clans  could  be  thus  employed  as 
Fujiwara  tools.  Approached  by  Nobuyori,  Yoshitomo  joined  hands  with  the 
plotters,  and  the  Minamoto  troops,  forcing  their  way  into  the  San  jo  palace,  set 
fire  to  the  edifice  and  killed  Shinzei  ( 1 159) .  The  Taira  chief,  Kiyomori,  happened 
to  be  then  absent  in  Kumano,  and  Yoshitomo 's  plan  was  to  attack  him  on  his 
way  back  to  Kyoto  before  the  Taira  forces  had  mustered.  But  just  as  Fujiwara 
Yorinaga  had  wrecked  his  cause  in  the  Hogen  tumult  by  ignoring  Minamoto 
Tametomo's  advice,  so  in  the  Heiji  disturbance,  Fujiwara  Nobuyori  courted 
defeat  by  rejecting  Minamoto  Yoshitomo 's  strategy.  The  Taira,  thus  accorded 
leisure  to  assemble  their  troops,  won  such  a  signal  victory  that  during  many 
years  the  Minamoto  disappeared  almost  completely  from  the  political  stage,  and 
the  Taira  held  the  empire  in  the  hollow  of  their  hands. 

Japanese  historians  regard  Fujiwara  Shinzei  as  chiefly  responsible  for  these 
untoward  events.  Shinzei 's  record  shows  him  to  have  been  cruel,  jealous,  and 
self-seeking,  but  it  has  to  be  admitted  that  the  conditions  of  the  time  wen- 
calculated  to  educate  men  of  his  type,  as  is  shown  by  the  story  of  the  Hdgen 
insurrection.  For  when  Sutoku  's  partisans  assembled  at  the  palace  of  Shiraka- 
wa,  Minamoto  Tametomo  addressed  them  thus:  "I  fought  twenty  battles  and 
two  hundred  minor  engagements  to  win  Kyushu,  and  I  say  that  when  an  enemy 
is  outnumbered,  its  best  plan  is  a  night  attack.  If  we  fire  the  Takamatsu  palace 
on  three  sides  to-night  and  assault  it  from  the  fourth,  the  foe  will  surely  be  bro- 
ken. I  see  on  the  other  side  only  one  man  worthy  to  be  called  an  enemy.  It  is 
my  brother  Yoshitomo,  and  with  a  single  arrow  I  can  lay  him  low.  As  for 
Taira  Kiyomori,  he  will  fall  if  I  do  but  shake  the  sleeve  of  my  armour.  Before 
dawn  we  shall  be  victors." 

Fujiwara  Yorinaga 's  reply  to  this  counsel  was:  "Tametomo's  method  of 
fighting  is  rustic.  There  are  here  two  Emperors  competing  for  the  throne,  and 
the  combat  must  be  conducted  in  a  fair  and  dignified  manner."  To  such  silliness 
the  Minamoto  hero  made  apt  answer.  "War,"  he  said,  "is  not  an  affair  of 
official  ceremony  and  decorum.  Its  management  were  better  left  to  the  bushi 
whose  business  it  is.  My  brother  Yoshitomo  has  eyes  to  see  an  opportunity. 
To-night,  he  will  attack  us."  .It  is  true  that  Tametomo  afterwards  refrained 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  293 

from  taking  his  brother 's  life,  but  the  above  proves  that  he  would  not  have  exer- 
cised any  such  forbearance  had  victory  been  attainable  by  ruthlessness.  History 
does  not  often  repeat  itself  so  exactly  as  it  did  in  these  Hogen  and  Heiji  struggles. 
Fujiwara  Yorinaga's  refusal  to  follow  Tametomo's  advice  and  Fujiwara  Nobu- 
yori  's  rejection  of  Yoshitomo  's  counsels  were  wholly  responsible  for  the  disasters 
that  ensued,  and  were  also  illustrative  of  the  contempt  in  which  the  Fujiwara 
held  the  military  magnates,  who,  in  turn,  were  well  aware  of  the  impotence  of  the 
Court  nobles  on  the  battle-field. 

The  manner  of  Yoshitomo 's  death,  too,  reveals  something  of  the  ethics  of 
the  bushi  in  the  twelfth  century.  Accompanied  by  Kamada  Masaie  and  a  few 
others,  the  Minamoto  chief  escaped  from  the  fight  and  took  refuge  in  the  house 
of  his  concubine,  Enju,  at  Awobaka  in  Owari.  There  they  were  surrounded  and 
attacked  by  the  Taira  partisans.  The  end  seemed  inevitable.  Respite  was 
obtained,  however,  by  one  of  those  heroic  acts  of  self-sacrifice  that  stand  so 
numerously  to  the  credit  of  the  Japanese  samurai.  Minamoto  Shigenari, 
proclaiming  himself  to  be  Yoshitomo,  fought  with  desperate  valour,  killing  ten 
of  the  enemy.  Finally,  hacking  his  own  face  so  that  it  became  unrecognizable, 
he  committed  suicide.  Meanwhile,  Yoshitomo  had  ridden  away  to  the  house  of 
Osada  Tadamune,  father  of  his  comrade  Masaie 's  wife.  There  he  found  a 
hospitable  reception.  But  when  he  would  have  pushed  on  at  once  to  the  east, 
where  the  Minamoto  had  many  partisans,  Tadamune,  pointing  out  that  it  was 
New  Year 's  eve,  persuaded  him  to  remain  until  the  3d  of  the  first  month. 

Whether  this  was  done  of  fell  purpose  or  out  of  hospitality  is  not  on  record, 
but  it  is  certain  that  Tadamune  and  his  son,  Kagemune,  soon  determined  to  kill 
Yoshitomo,  thus  avoiding  a  charge  of  complicity  and  earning  favour  at  Court. 
Their  plan  was  to  conceal  three  men  in  a  bathroom,  whither  Yoshitomo  should 
be  led  after  he  had  been  plied  with  sake  at  a  banquet.  The  scheme  succeeded 
in  part,  but  as  Yoshitomo 's  squire,  Konno,  a  noted  swordsman,  accompanied 
his  chief  to  the  bath,  the  assassins  dared  not  attack.  Presently,  however,  Konno 
went  to  seek  a  bath-robe,  and  thereupon  the  three  men  leaped  out.  Yoshitomo 
hurled  one  assailant  from  the  room,  but  was  stabbed  to  death  by  the  other  two, 
who,  in  their  turn,  were  slaughtered  by  the  squire.  Meanwhile,  Masaie  was 
sitting,  unsuspicious,  at  the  wine-party  in  a  distant  chamber.  Hearing  the  tu- 
mult he  sprang  to  his  feet,  but  was  immediately  cut  down  by  Tadamune  and 
Kagemune.  At  this  juncture  Masaie 's  wife  ran  in,  and  crying,  "I  am  not 
faithless  and  evil  like  my  father  and  my  brother;  my  death  shall  show  my 
sincerity,"  seized  her  husband's  sword  and  committed  suicide,  at  which  sight 
the  dying  man  smiled  contentedly.  As  for  Konno,  after  a  futile  attempt  to  lay 
hands  on  Tadamune  and  Kagemune,  he  cut  his  way  through  their  retainers  and 
rode  off  safely.  The  heads  of  Yoshitomo  and  Masaie  were  carried  to  Kyoto  by 
Tadamune  and  Kagemune,  but  they  made  so  much  of  their  exploit  and  clamoured 
for  such  high  reward  that  Kiyomori  threatened  to  punish  them  for  the  murder 
of  a  close  connexion  —  Kiyomori,  be  it  observed,  on  whose  hands  the  blood  of 
his  uncle  was  still  wet. 

Yoshitomo  had  many  sons1  but  only  four  of  them  escaped  from  the  Heiji 
tumult.  The  eldest  of  these  was  Yoritomo,  then  only  fourteen.  After  killing 
two  men  who  attempted  to  intercept  his  flight,  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  Taira 

t1  One  of  these  sons,  Tomonaga,  fell  by  his  father's  hand.  Accompanying  Yoshitomo's 
retreat,  he  had  been  severely  wounded,  and  he  asked  his  father  to  kill  him  rather  than  leave  him 
at  Awobake  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Taira.  Yoshitomo  consented,  though  the  lad  was  only 
fifteen  years  of  age.] 


294 

Munekiyo,  who,  pitying  his  youth,  induced  Kiyomori's  step-mother  to  intercede 
for  his  life,  and  he  was  finally  banished  to  Izu,  whence,  a  few  years  later,  he 
emerged  to  the  destruction  of  the  Taira.  A  still  younger  son,  Yoshitsune,  was 
destined  to  prove  the  most  renowned  warrior  Japan  ever  produced.  His  mother, 
Tokiwa,  one  of  Yoshitomo  's  mistresses,  a  woman  of  rare  beauty,  fled  from  the 
Minamoto  mansion  during  a  snow-storm  after  the  Heiji  disaster,  and,  with  her 
three  children,  succeeded  in  reaching  a  village  in  Yamato,  where  she  might  have 
lain  concealed  had  not  her  mother  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Kiyomori  's  agents. 
Tokiwa  was  then  required  to  choose  between  giving  herself  up  and  suffering  her 
mother  to  be  executed.  Her  beauty  saved  the  situation.  Kiyomori  had  no 
sooner  seen  her  face  than  he  offered  to  have  mercy  if  she  entered  his  household 
and  if  she  consented  to  have  her  three  sons  educated  for  the  priesthood.  Thus, 
Yoshitsune  survived,  and  in  after  ages  people  were  wont  to  say  of  Kiyomori 's 
passion  and  its  result  that  his  blissful  dream  of  one  night  had  brought  ruin  on  his 
house. 

THE  TAIRA  AND  THE  FUJIWARA 

In  human  affairs  many  events  ascribed  by  onlookers  to  design  are  really  the 
outcome  of  accident  or  unforseen  opportunity.  Historians,  tracing  the  career 
of  Taira  no  Kiyomori,  ascribe  to  him  singular  astuteness  in  creating  occasions 
and  marked  promptness  in  utilizing  them.  But  Kiyomori  was  not  a  man  of 
original  or  brilliant  conceptions.  He  had  not  even  the  imperturbability  essential 
to  military  leadership.  The  most  prominent  features  of  his  character  were  un- 
bridled ambition,  intolerance  of  opposition,  and  unscrupulous  pursuit  of  visible 
ends.  He  did  not  initiate  anything  but  was  content  to  follow  in  the  footsteps 
of  the  Fujiwara.  It  has  been  recorded  that  in  1158  —  after  the  Hogen  tumult, 
but  before  that  of  Heiji  —  he  married  his  daughter  to  a  son  of  Fujiwara  Shinzoi. 
In  that  transaction,  however,  Shinzei  's  will  dominated.  Two  years  later,  the 
Minamoto 's  power  having  been  shattered,  Kiyomori  gave  another  of  his  daugh- 
ters to  be  the  mistress  of  the  kwampaku,  Fujiwara  Motozane.  There  was  no 
offspring  of  this  union,  and  when,  in  1166,  Motozane  died,  he  left  a  five-year-old 
son,  Motomichi,  born  of  his  wife,  a  Fujiwara  lady.  This  boy  was  too  young  to 
succeed  to  the  office  of  regent,  and  therefore  had  no  title  to  any  of  the  property 
accruing  to  the  holder  of  that  post,  who  had  always  been  recognized  as  de  jure 
head  of  the  Fujiwara  family.  Nevertheless,  Kiyomori,  having  contrived  that 
the  child  should  be  entrusted  to  his  daughter's  care,  asserted  its  claims  so 
strenuously  that  many  of  the  Fujiwara  manors  and  all  the  heirlooms  were 
handed  over  to  it,  the  result  being  a  visible  weakening  of  the  great  family's 
influence.1 

RESULTS  OF  THE  HOGEN  AND  HEIJI  INSURRECTIONS 

The  most  signal  result  of  the  Hogen  and  Heiji  insurrections  was  to  transfer 
the  administrative  power  from  the  Court  nobles  to  the  military  chiefs.  In  no 
country  were  class  distinctions  more  scrupulously  observed  than  in  Japan.  All 
officials  of  the  fifth  rank  and  upwards  must  belong  to  the  families  of  the  Court 
nobility,  and  no  office  carrying  with  it  rank  higher  than  the  sixth  might  be 
occupied  by  a  military  man.  In  all  the  history  of  the  empire  down  to  the 
twelfth  century  there  had  been  only  one  departure  from  this  rule,  and  that  was 
in  the  case  of  the  illustrious  General  Saka-no-ye  no  Tamura-maro,  who  had  been 
raised  to  the  third  rank  and  made  dainagon. 

P  See  Murdoch 's  History  of  Japan.] 


THE  EPOCH.  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  295 

The  social  positions  of  the  two  groups  were  even  more  rigidly  differentiated; 
those  of  the  fifth  rank  and  upwards  being  termed  tenjo-bito,  or  men  having  the 
privilege  of  entree  to  the  palace  and  to  the  Imperial  presence;  while  the  lower 
group  (from  the  sixth  downwards)  had  no  such  privilege  and  were  consequently 
termed  chige-bito,  or  groundlings.  The  three  highest  offices  (spoken  of  as  san-ko) 
could  not  be  held  by  any  save  members  of  the  Fujiwara  or  Kuga  families;  and 
for  offices  carrying  fifth  rank  upwards  (designated  taifu)  the  range  of  eligible 
families  extended  to  only  four  others,  the  Ariwara,  the  Ki,  the  Oye,  and  the 
Kiyowara.  All  this  was  changed  after  the  Heiji  commotion.  The  Fujiwara 
had  used  the  military  leaders  for  their  own  ends;  Kiyomori  supplemented  his 
military  strength  with  Fujiwara  methods.  He  caused  himself  to  be  appointed 
sangi  (councillor  of  State)  and  to  be  raised  to  the  first  grade  of  the  third  rank,  and 
he  procured  for  his  friends  and  relations  posts  as  provincial  governors,  so  that 
they  were  able  to  organize  throughout  the  empire  military  forces  devoted  to 
the  Taira  cause. 

These  steps  were  mere  preludes  to  his  ambitious  programme.  He  married 
his  wife's  elder  sister  to  the  ex-Emperor,  Go-Shirakawa,  and  the  fruit  of  this 
union  was  a  prince  who  subsequently  ascended  the  throne  as  Takakura.  The 
Emperor  Nijo  had  died  in  1166,  after  five  years  of  effort,  only  partially  successful, 
to  restrain  his  father,  Go-Shirakawa 's,  interference  in  the  administration. 
Nijo  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Rokujo,  a  baby  of  two  years;  and,  a  few  months 
later,  Takakura,  then  in  his  seventh  year,  was  proclaimed  Prince  Imperial. 
Rokujo  (the  seventy-ninth  sovereign)  was  not  given  time  to  learn  the  meaning  of 
the  title  "Emperor."  In  three  years  he  was  deposed  by  Go-Shirakawa  with 
Kiyomori 's  co-operation,  and  Takakura  (eightieth  sovereign)  ascended  the 
throne  in  1169,  occupying  it  until  1180.  Thus,  Kiyomori  found  himself  uncle  of 
an  Emperor  only  ten  years  of  age.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  Taira  leader 's 
defects,  failure  to  make  the  most  of  an  opportunity  was  not  among  them.  The 
influence  he  exercised  in  the  palace  through  his  sister-in-law  was  far  more  exact- 
ing and  imperious  than  that  exercised  by  Go-Shirakawa  himself,  and  the  latter, 
while  bitterly  resenting  this  state  of  affairs,  found  himself  powerless  to  correct 
it.  Finally,  to  evince  his  discontent,  he  entered  the  priesthood,  a  demonstration 
which  afforded  Kiyomori  more  pleasure  than  pain.  On  the  nomination  of  Taka- 
kura to  be  Crown  Prince  the  Taira  leader  was  appointed  —  appointed  himself 
would  be  a  more  accurate  form  of  speech  —  to  the  office  of  nai-daijin,  and 
within  a  very  brief  period  he  ascended  to  the  chancellorship,  overleaping  the 
two  intervening  posts  of  u-daijin  and  sa-daijin.  This  was  in  the  fiftieth  year  of 
his  life.  At  fifty-one,  he  fell  seriously  ill  and  took  the  tonsure  by  way  of  soliciting 
heaven 's  aid.  People  spoke  of  him  as  Dajo  Nyudo,  or  the  "lay-priest  chancellor." 
Recovering,  he  developed  a  mood  of  increased  arrogance.  His  residence  at 
Rokuhara  was  a  magnificent  pile  of  building,  as  architecture  then  went,  standing 
in  a  park  of  great  extent  and  beauty.  There  he  administered  State  affairs  with 
all  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  an  Imperial  court.  He  introduced  his  daugh- 
ter, Toku,  into  the  Household  and  very  soon  she  was  made  Empress,  under  the 
name  of  Kenrei-mon-in. 

Thus  completely  were  the  Fujiwara  beaten  at  their  own  game  and  the 
traditions  of  centuries  set  at  naught.  A  majority  of  the  highest  posts  were  filled 
by  Kiyomori 's  kinsmen.  Fifteen  of  his  family  were  of,  or  above,  the  third  rank, 
and  thirty  were  tenjo-bito.  "Akitsushima  (Japan)  was  divided  into  sixty-six 
provinces.  Of  these  thirty  were  governed  by  Taira  partisans.  Their  manors 
were  to  be  found  in  five  hundred  places,  and  their  fields  were  innumerable. 


296  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Their  mansions  were  full  of  splendid  garments  and  rich  robes  like  flowers,  and 
the  spaces  before  their  portals  were  so  thronged  with  ox-carriages  and  horses 
that  markets  were  often  held  there.  Not  to  be  a  Taira  was  not  to  be  a  man."1 
It  is  necessary  to  note,  too,  with  regard  to  these  manors,  that  many  of  them 
were  tax-free  lands  (koderi)  granted  in  perpetuity.  Such  grants,  as  has  been 
already  shown,  were  not  infrequent.  But  they  had  been  made,  for  the  most  part, 
to  civilian  officials,  by  whose  serfs  they  were  farmed,  the  proceeds  being  forward- 
ed to  Kyoto  for  the  support  of  their  owners;  whereas  the  koden  bestowed  on  Taira 
officers  were,  in  effect,  military  fiefs.  It  is  true  that  similar  fiefs  existed  in  the 
north  and  in  the  south,  but  their  number  was  so  greatly  increased  in  the  days  of 
Taira  ascendancy  as  almost  to  constitute  a  new  departure.  Kiyomori  was,  in 
truth,  one  of  the  most  despotic  rulers  that  ever  held  sway  in  Japan.  He  organized 
a  band  of  three  hundred  youths  whose  business  was  to  go  about  Kyoto  and 
listen  to  the  citizens'  talk.  If  anyone  was  reported  by  these  spies  as  having 
spoken  ill  of  the  Taira,  he  was  seized  and  punished.  One  day  Kiyomori 's 
grandson,  Sukemori, -met  the  regent,  Fujiwara  Motofusa,  and  failing  to  alight 
from  his  carriage,  as  etiquette  required,  was  compelled  by  the  regent 's  retinue 
to  do  so.  On  learning  of  this  incident,  Kiyomori  ordered  three  hundred  men  to 
lie  in  wait  for  the  regent,  drag  him  from  his  car  and  cut  off  his  cue. 

PLOTS   AGAINST    THE    TAIRA:     KIYOMORI 'S    LAST    YEARS 

. 

All  these  arbitrary  ,acts  provoked  indignation  among  every  class  of  the 
people.  A  conspiracy  known  in  history  as  the  "  Shishi-ga-tani  plot,"  from  the 
name  of  the  place  where  the  conspirators  met  to  consult,  was  organized  in  1177, 
having  for  object  a  general  uprising  against  the  Taira.  At  the  Court  of  the 
cloistered  Emperor  the  post  of  gon-dainagon  was  filled  by  Fujiwara  Narichika, 
who  harboured  resentment  against  Kiyomori 's  two  sons,  Shigemori  and  Mune- 
mori,  inasmuch  as  they  held  positions  for  which  he  had  striven  hi  vain,  the  Left 
and  Right  generals  of  the  guards.  There  was  also  a  bonze,  Saiko,  who  enjoyed 
the  full  confidence  of  Go-Shirakawa.  In  those  days  any  cause  was  legitimized  if 
its  advocates  could  show  an  Imperial  edict  or  point  to  the  presence  of  the 
sovereign  in  their  midst.  Thus,  in  the  Heiji  insurrection,  the  Minamoto  received 
their  severest  blow  when  Fujiwara  Korekata  contrived  that,  under  cover  of 
darkness,  the  Emperor,  disguised  as  a  maid-of-honour  in  the  household  of  the 
Empress,  should  be  transported  in  her  Majesty's  suite,  from  the  Kurodo  palace 
to  the  Taira  mansion  at  Rokuhara.  The  Minamoto  were  thus  transformed  into 
rebels,  and  the  Taira  became  the  representatives  of  Imperial  authority.  There- 
fore, in  the  Shishi-ga-tani  plot  the  part  assigned  to  the  priest  SaikO  was  to  induce 
Go-Shirakawa  to  take  active  interest  in  the  conspiracy  and  to  issue  a  mandate  to 
the  Minamoto  bushi  throughout  the  country.  No  such  mandate  was  issued, 
nor  does  it  appear  that  the  ex-Emperor  attended  any  of  the  meetings  in  Shishi- 
ga-tani,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  had  full  cognizance  of,  and  sympa- 
thized with,  what  was  in  progress. 

The  conspiracy  never  matured.  It  was  betrayed  by  Minamoto  Yukitsuna. 
Saikd  and  his  two  sons  were  beheaded;  Narichika  was  exiled  and  subsequently 
put  to  death,  and  all  the  rest  were  banished.  The  great  question  was,  how  to 
deal  with  Go-Shirakawa.  Kiyomori  was  for  leading  troops  to  arrest  his  Majesty, 
and  to  escort  him  as  a  prisoner  to  the  Toba  palace  or  the  Taira  mansion.  None 
of  the  despot's  kinsmen  or  adherents  ventured  to  gainsay  this  purpose  until 
[l  Gen-pei  Seisuiki  (Records  of  the  Vicissitudes  of  the  Minamoto  and  the  Taira}.]  aO'ff 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  297 

Kiyomori 's  eldest  son,  Shigemori,  appeared  upon  the  scene.  Shigemori  had 
contributed  much  to  the  signal  success  of  the  Taira.  Dowered  with  all  the 
strategical  skill  and  political  sagacity  which  his  father  lacked,  he  had  won 
victories  for  the  family  arms,  and  again  and  again  had  restrained  the  rash 
exercise  of  Kiyomori  7s  impetuous  arrogance.  The  Taira  chief  had  learned  to 
stand  in  awe  of  his  son 's  reproaches,  and  when  Shigemori  declared  that  he  would 
not  survive  any  violence  done  to  Go-Shirakawa,  Kiyomori  left  the  council  cham- 
ber, bidding  Shigemori  to  manage  the  matter  as  he  thought  fit.1  Thus,  Go- 
Shirakawa  escaped  all  the  consequences  of  his  association  with  the  conspirators. 
But  Kiyomori  took  care  that  a  copy  of  the  bonze  Saiko's  confession,  extracted 
under  torture  and  fully  incriminating  his  Majesty,  should  come  into  the  Imperial 
hands. 

A  final  rupture  between  the  ex-Emperor  and  the  Taira  leader  became  daily 
imminent.  Two  events  contributed  to  precipitate  it.  One  was  that  in  the 
year  following  the  Shishi-ga-tani  conspiracy,  Kiyomori 's  daughter,  Toku,  bore 
to  Takakura  a  prince  —  the  future  Emperor  Antoku  (eighty-first  sovereign). 
The  Taira  chief  thus  found  himself  grandfather  of  an  heir  to  the  throne,  a  fact 
which  did  not  tend  to  abate  his  arrogance.  The  second  was  the  death  of 
Shigemori,  which  took  place  in  1179.  >&Ur; 

Shigemori 's  record  shows  him  to  have  been  at  once  a  statesman  and  a  general. 
He  never  hesitated  to  check  his  father 's  extravagances,  and  it  has  to  be  recorded 

jfO^ 

^s^a 

cUsalx 

. 

y 


KlYOMIZU-DEKA    TEMPLE,    AT    KYOTO 


in  Kiyomori 's  favour  that,  however,  intolerant  of  advice  or  opposition  he 
habitually  showed  himself,  his  eldest  son 's  remonstrances  were  seldom  ignored. 
Yet,  though  many  untoward  issues  were  thus  averted,  there  was  no  sign  that 
growing  responsibility  brought  to  Kiyomori  any  access  of  circumspection.  From 
first  to  last  he  remained  the  same  short-sighted,  passion-driven,  impetuous  despot 
and  finally  the  evil  possibilities  of  the  situation  weighed  so  heavily  on  Shigemori 's 

f1  It  is  recorded  that,  on  this  occasion,  Kiyomori,  learning  of  his  son 's  approach,  attempted 
unsuccessfully  to  conceal  under  priestly  robes  the  armour  he  had  donned  to  go  to  the  arrest  of 
Go-Shirakawa.] 


298  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

nerves  that  he  publicly  repaired  to  a  temple  to  pray  for  release  from  life.  As 
though  in  answer  to  his  prayer  he  was  attacked  by  a  disease  which  carried  him 
off  at  the  age  of  forty-two.  There  is  a  tradition  that  he  installed  forty-eight 
images  of  Buddha  in  his  mansion,  and  for  their  services  employed  many  beautiful 
women,  so  that  sensual  excesses  contributed  to  the  semi-hysterical  condition 
into  which  he  eventually  fell.  That  is  not  impossible,  but  certainly  a  sense  of 
impotence  to  save  his  father  and  his  family  from  the  calamities  he  clearly  saw 
approaching  was  the  proximate  cause  of  his  breakdown. 

Results  soon  became  apparent.  The  ex-Emperor,  who  had  truly  estimated 
Shigemori's  value  as  a  pillar  of  Taira  power,  judged  that  an  opportunity  for 
revolt  had  now  arrived,  and  the  Taira  chief,  deprived  of  his  son's  restraining 
influence,  became  less  competent  than  ever  to  manage  the  great  machine  which 
fortune  had  entrusted  to  his  direction.  The  first  challenge  came  from  the  ex- 
Emperor's  side.  It  has  been  related  above  that  one  of  Kiyomori's  politic  acts 
after  the  Heiji  insurrection  was  to  give  his  daughter  to  the  regent;  that,  on  the 
latter 's  death,  his  child,  Motomichi,  by  a  Fujiwara,  was  entrusted  to  the  care 
of  the  Taira  lady;  that  a  large  part  of  the  Fujiwara  estates  were  diverted  from 
the  regent  and  settled  upon  Motomichi,  and  that  the  latter  was  taken  into  a 
Taira  mansion.  The  regent  who  suffered  by  this  arbitrary  procedure  was 
Fujiwara  Motofusa,  the  same  noble  whom,  a  few  years  later,  Kiyomori  caused 
to  be  dragged  from  his  car  and  docked  of  his  queue  because  Motofusa  had  insisted 
on  due  observance  of  etiquette  by  Kiyomori 's  grandson.  Naturally,  Motofusa 
was  ready  to  join  hands  with  Go-Shirakawa  in  any  anti-Taira  procedure. 

Therefore,  in  1179,  on  the  death  of  Kiyomori's  daughter,  to  whose  care 
Motomichi  had  been  entrusted  in  his  childhood,  the  ex-Emperor,  at  the  instance 
of  Motofusa,  appropriated  all  her  manors  and  those  of  Motomichi.  Moreover, 
on  the  death  of  Shigemori  shortly  afterwards,  the  same  course  was  pursued  with 
his  landed  property,  and  further,  Motomichi,  though  lawful  head  of  the  Fujiwara 
family,  son-in-law  of  Kiyomori,  and  of  full  age,  had  been  refused  the  post  of 
chunagon,  the  claim  of  a  twelve  year-old  son  of  Motofusa  being  preferred.1 
The  significance  of  these  doings  was  unmistakable.  Kiyomori  saw  that  the 
gauntlet  had  been  thrown  in  his  face.  Hastening  from  his  villa  of  Fukuhara,  in 
Settsu,  at  the  head  of  a  large  force  of  troops,  he  placed  the  ex-Emperor  in  strict 
confinement  in  the  Toba  palace,  segregating  him  completely  from  the  official 
world  and  depriving  him  of  all  administrative  functions;  he  banished  the  kwam- 
paku,  Motofusa,  and  the  chancellor,  Fujiwara  Moronaga;  he  degraded  and  de- 
prived of  their  posts  thirty-nine  high  officials  who  had  formed  the  entourage  of 
Go-Shirakawa;  he  raised  Motomichi  to  the  office  of  kwampaku,  and  he  conferred 
on  his  son,  Munemori,  the  function  of  guarding  Kyoto,  strong  bodies  of  soldiers 
being  posted  in  the  two  Taira  mansions  of  Rokuhara  on  the  north  and  south  of 
the  capital. 

THE  YORIMASA  CONSPIRACY 

In  1180,  at  the  instance  of  Kiyomori  and  partly,  no  doubt,  because  of  the 
difficult  position  in  which  he  found  himself  placed  with  regard  to  his  imprisoned 
father,  the  Emperor  Takakura,  then  in  his  twentieth  year,  resigned  the  throne 
in  favour  of  Kiyomori 's  grandson,  Antoku  (eighty-first  sovereign),  a  child  of  three. 
This  was  the  culmination  of  the  Taira 's  fortunes.  There  was  at  that  time  among 
the  KySto  officials  a  Minamoto  named  Yorimasa,  sixth  in  descent  from  Minamo- 
to  Mitsunaka,  who  flourished  in  the  tenth  century  and  by  whose  order  the 
t1  See  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.] 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  299 

heirloom  swords,  Hige-kiri  and  Hiza-kiri,  were  forged.  This  Yorimasa  was  an 
expert  bowman,  a  skilled  soldier,  and  an  adept  versifier,  accomplishments  not 
infrequently  combined  in  one  person  during  the  Heian  epoch.  Go-Shirakawa, 
appreciating  Yorimasa 's  abilities,  nominated  him  director  of  the  Imperial 
Estates  Bureau  (Kurando)  and  afterwards  made  him  governor  of  Hyogo. 

But  it  was  not  until  he  had  reached  the  age  of  seventy-five  that,  on  Kiyo- 
mori's  recommendation,  he  received  promotion,  in  1178,  to  the  second  grade  of 
the  third  rank  (ju-sammi),  thus  for  the  first  time  obtaining  the  privilege  of 
access  to  the  Imperial  presence.  The  explanation  of  this  tardy  recognition  is, 
perhaps,  to  be  sought  in  Yorimasa 's  preference  of  prudence  to  loyalty.  In  the 
year  of  Heiji,  he  held  his  little  band  of  bushi  in  the  leash  until  the  issue  of  the 
battle  could  be  clearly  forseen,  and  then  he  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  Taira. 
Such  shallow  fealty  seldom  wins  its  way  to  high  place.  Men  did  not  forget 
Yorimasa 's  record.  His  belated  admission  to  the  ranks  of  the  tenjo-bito  provoked 
some  derision  and  he  was  commonly  spoken  of  as  Gen-sammi  (the  Minamoto 
third  rank). 

But  even  for  one  constitutionally  so  cautious,  the  pretensions  of  the  Taira 
became  intolerable.  Yorimasa  determined  to  strike  a  blow  for  the  Minamoto 
cause,  and  looking  round  for  a  figure-head,  he  fixed  upon  Prince  Mochihito, 
elder  brother  of  Takakura.  This  prince,  being  the  son  of  a  concubine,  had  never 
reached  Imperial  rank,  though  he  was  thirty  years  of  age,  but  he  possessed  some 
capacity,  and  a  noted  physiognomist  had  recognized  in  him  a  future  Emperor. 
In  1170,  at  Yorimasa 's  instance,  Prince  Mochihito  secretly  sent  to  all  the 
Minamoto  families  throughout  the  empire,  especially  to  Yoritomo  at  his  place  of 
exile  in  Izu,  a  document  impeaching  the  conduct  of  the  Taira  and  exhorting  the 
Minamoto  to  muster  and  attack  them. 

Yorimasa 's  story  shows  that  he  would  not  have  embarked  upon  this  enter- 
prise had  he  not  seen  solid  hope  of  success.  But  one  of  the  aids  he  counted  on 
proved  unsound.  That  aid  was  the  Buddhist  priesthood.  Kiyomori  had  offend- 
ed the  great  monasteries  by  bestowing  special  favour  on  the  insignificant  shrine 
of  Itsukushima-Myojin.  A  revelation  received  in  a  dream  having  persuaded 
him  that  his  fortunes  were  intimately  connected  with  this  shrine,  he  not  only 
rebuilt  it  on  a  scale  of  much  magnificence,  but  also  persuaded  Go-Shirakawa  to 
make  three  solemn  progresses  thither.  This  partiality  reached  its  acme  at  the 
time  of  Takakura 's  abdication  (1180),  for  instead  of  complying  with  the  custom 
hitherto  observed  on  such  occasions  —  the  custom  of  worshipping  at  one  or  more 
shrines  of  the  three  great  monasteries  —  Enryaku  (Hiei-zan),  Kofuku  (Nara), 
or  Onjo  (Miidera)  —  Takakura,  prompted  by  Kiyomori,  proceeded  to  Itsukushi- 
ma.1 

A  monster  demonstration  on  the  part  of  the  offended  monasteries  was 
temporarily  quieted,  but  deep  umbrage  rankled  in  the  bosoms  of  the  priests,  and 
Yorimasa  counted  on  their  co-operation  with  his  insurrection.  He  forgot, 
however,  that  no  bond  could  be  trusted  to  hold  them  permanently  together  in 
the  face  of  their  habitual  rivalry,  and  it  was  here  that  his  scheme  ultimately 
broke  down.  At  an  early  stage,  some  vague  news  of  the  plot  reached  Kiyomori 's 
ears  and  he  hastened  from  his  Fukuhara  villa  to  Kyoto.  But  it  soon  became 
evident  that  his  information  was  incomplete.  He  knew,  indeed,  that  Prince 
Mochihito  was  involved,  but  he  suspected  Go-Shirakawa  also,  and  he  entertained 
no  conception  of  Yorimasa 's  complicity.  Thus,  while  removing  Go-Shirakawa 
to  Rokuhara  and  despatching  a  force  to  seize  Mochihito,  he  entrusted  the 
f1  See  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.] 


300  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

direction  of  the  latter  measure  to  Yorimasa  's  son,  Kanetsuna,  who,  it  need 
scarcely  be  said,  failed  to  apprehend  the  prince  or  to  elicit  any  information  from 
his  followers. 

Presently  Kiyomori  learned  that  the  prince  had  escaped  to  Onjo-ji  (Miidera). 
Thereupon  secret  negotiations  were  opened  between  Rokuhara  and  Enryaku-j  i 
(Hiei-zan),  not  that  the  Taira  chief  suspected  the  latter,  but  because  he  appreci- 
ated that  if  Hiei-zan  joined  Miidera,  the  situation  would  become  formidable. 
Meanwhile,  his  trust  in  Yorimasa  remaining  still  unshaken,  he  sent  him  to  attack 
Onjo-ji,  which  mission  the  old  Minamoto  warrior  fulfilled  by  entering  the 
monastery  and  joining  forces  with  the  prince.  Yorimasa  took  this  step  in  the 
belief  that  immediate  aid  would  be  furnished  from  Hiei-zan.  But  before  his 
appeal  reached  the  latter,  Kiyomori  's  overtures  had  been  accepted.  Nothing 
now  remained  for  Yorimasa  and  Mochihito  except  to  make  a  desperate  rush  on 
Kyoto  or  to  ride  away  south  to  Nara,  where  temporary  refuge  offered.  The 
latter  course  was  chosen,  in  spite  of  Yorimasa  's  advice.  On  the  banks  of  the 
Uji  River  in  a  dense  fog  they  were  overtaken  by  the  Taira  force,  the  latter  num- 
bering twenty  thousand,  the  fugitives  three  or  four  hundred.  The  Minamoto 
made  a  gallant  and  skilful  resistance,  and  finally  Yorimasa  rode  off  with  a 
handful  of  followers,  hoping  to  carry  Mochihito  to  a  place  of  safety.  Before 
they  passed  out  of  range  an  arrow  struck  the  old  warrior.  Struggling  back  to 
Byodo-in,  where  the  fight  was  still  in  progress,  he  seated  himself  on  his  iron  war- 
fan  and,  having  calmly  composed  his  death-song,  committed  suicide. 


'io  ' 

!xti  CHANGE  OF  CAPITAL  AND  DEATH  OF  KIYOMORI 

These  things  happened  in  May,  1180,  and  in  the  following  month  Kiyomori 
carried  out  a  design  entertained  by  him  for  some  time.  He  transferred  the 
capital  from  Kyoto  to  Fukuhara,  in  Settsu,  where  the  modern  town  of  Kobe 
stands.  Originally  the  Taira  mansions  were  at  the  two  Fukuhara,  one  on  the 
north  of  Kyoto,  the  other  on  the  south,  the  city  being  dominated  from  these 
positions.  But  Kiyomori  seems  to  have  thought  that  as  the  centres  of  Taira 
strength  lay  in  the  south  and  west  of  the  empire,  the  province  of  Settsu  would 
be  a  more  convenient  citadel  than  Kyoto.  Hence  he  built  at  Fukuhara  a 
spacious  villa  and  took  various  steps  to  improve  the  harbour  —  then  called 
Muko  —  as  well  as  to  provide  maritime  facilities,  among  which  may  be  mentioned 
the  opening  of  the  strait,  Ondo  no  Seto.  But  Fukuhara  is  fifty  miles  from 
Kyoto,  and  to  reach  the  latter  quickly  from  the  former  in  an  emergency  was  a 
serious  task  in  the  twelfth  century.  Moreover,  Kyoto  was  devastated  in  1177 
by  a  conflagration  which  reduced  one-third  of  the  city  to  ashes,  and  in  April  of 
1180  by  a  tornado  of  most  destructive  force,  so  that  superstitious  folk,  who 
abounded  in  that  age,  began  to  speak  ominously  of  the  city  's  doom. 

What  weighed  most  with  the  Taira  leader,  however,  was  the  propinquity 
of  the  three  great  monasteries;  Hiei-zan  on  the  north,  Miidera  on  the  east,  and 
Nara  on  the  south.  In  fact,  the  city  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  soldier-priests. 
At  any  moment  they  might  combine,  descend  upon  the  capital,  and  burn  it 
before  adequate  succour  could  be  marshalled.  That  such  a  peril  should  have 
been  dreaded  from  such  a  source  seems  strange;  but  the  Buddhist  priests  had 
shown  a  very  dangerous  temper  more  than  once,  and  from  Kiyomori  's  point  of 
view  the  possibility  of  their  rising  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  the  Fujiwara  was 
never  remote. 

Kiyomori  carried  with  him  to  Fukuhara  the  boy-Emperor  (Antoku),  the 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  301 

ex-Emperor  (Takakura),  the  cloistered  Emperor  (Go-Shirakawa),  the  kwampaku 
(Motomichi),  and  all  the  high  Court  officials  with  rare  exceptions.  The  work 
of  construction  at  Fukuhara  not  being  yet  complete,  Go-Shirakawa  had  to  be 
lodged  in  a  building  thirty  feet  square,  to  which  men  gave  the  name  of  the  "jail 
palace."  Kyoto,  of  course,  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  consternation.  Remon- 
strances, petitions,  and  complaints  poured  into  the  Fukuhara  mansion.  Mean- 
while the  Minamoto  rose.  In  August  of  1180,  their  white  flag  was  hoisted,  and 
though  it  looked  very  insignificant  on  the  wide  horizon  of  Taira  power,  Kiyomori 
did  not  underrate  its  meaning.  At  the  close  of  the  year,  he  decided  to  abandon 
the  Fukuhara  scheme  and  carry  the  Court  back  to  Kyoto.  On  the  eve  of  his 
return  he  found  an  opportunity  of  dealing  a  heavy  blow  to  the  monasteries  of 
Miidera  and  Nara.  For,  it  having  been  discovered  that  they  were  in  collusion 
with  the  newly  risen  Minamoto,  Kiyomori  sent  his  sons,  Tomomori  and  Shigehi- 
ra,  at  the  head  of  a  force  which  sacked  and  burned  Onjo-ji,  Todai-ji,andKofuku-ji. 
Thereafter  a  terrible  time  ensued  for  Kyoto,  for  the  home  provinces  (Kinai), 
and  for  the  west  of  the  empire.  During  the  greater  part  of  three  years,  from 
1180  to  1182  inclusive,  the  people  suffered,  first  from  famine  and  afterwards 
from  pestilence.  Pitiful  accounts  are  given  by  contemporary  writers.  Men 
were  reduced  to  the  direst  straits.  Hundreds  perished  of  starvation  in  the 
streets  of  Kyoto,  and  as,  in  many  cases,  the  corpses  lay  unburied,  pestilence  of 
course  ensued.  It  is  stated  that  in  Kyoto  alone  during  two  months  there  were 
forty-two  thousand  deaths.  The  eastern  and  western  regions,  however,  enjoyed 
comparative  immunity.  By  the  priests  and  the  political  enemies  of  the  Taira 
these  cruel  calamities  were  attributed  to  the  evil  deeds  of  Kiyomori  and  his  fellow 
clansmen,  so  that  the  once  omnipotent  family  gradually  became  an  object  of 
popular  execration.  Kiyomori,  however,  did  not  live  to  witness  the  ruin  of  his 
house.  He  expired  at  the  age  of  sixty  in  March,  1181,  just  three  months  after 
the  restoration  of  Kyoto  to  metropolitan  rank.  Since  August  of  the  preceding 
year,  the  Minamoto  had  shown  signs  of  troublesome  activity,  but  as  yet  it  seemed 
hardly  possible  that  their  puny  onsets  should  shake,  still  less  pull  down,  the  im- 
posing edifice  of  power  raised  by  the  Taira  during  twenty  years  of  unprecedented 
success.  Nevertheless,  Kiyomori,  impatient  of  all  reverses,  bitterly  upbraided 
his  sons  and  his  officers  for  incompetence,  and  when,  after  seven  days '  sickness, 
he  saw  the  end  approaching,  his  last  commission  was  that  neither  tomb  nor  tem- 
ple should  be  raised  to  his  memory  until  Yoritomo  's  head  had  been  placed  on  his 
grave. 


rkbofbftfif ..frucr.v  ;Dl  lo jilmo  >ura  KHY; 

I  r  /x  I  ^^^5 

"X  I  ^1 

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Wfci^»fc*«BHHi 

ARTIST'S  SEAL 

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; 

£08 


SWORD-GUABDS  (Tsuba)  HAND-CABVED  IN  BRONZE 


THE   EPOCH   OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE   HEI   (Continued) 

Vfoil'jl  ^n'  I'iiii  riOJiJU  /l/i  lo  slr>jj.>  UVJ  Ort4  of  O9JUdnjJJ 

OPENING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 
I  ;  {•'-.•  nun  juJ  •srsjii-tr/,'  o-i  9vu  K>n  bin  , 

WHEN,  after  the  great  struggle  of  1160,  Yoritomo,  the  eldest  of  Yoshitomo's 
surviving  sons,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Taira  Munekiyo  and  was  carried  by  the 
latter  to  Kyoto,  for  execution,  as  all  supposed,  and  as  would  have  been  in  strict 
accord  with  the  canons  of  the  time,  the  lad,  then  in  his  fourteenth  year,  won  the 
sympathy  of  Munekiyo  by  his  nobly  calm  demeanour  in  the  presence  of  death, 
and  still  more  by  answering,  when  asked  whether  he  did  not  wish  to  live,  "Yes, 
since  I  alone  remain  to  pray  for  the  memories  of  my  father  and  my  elder  broth- 
ers." Munekiyo  then  determined  to  save  the  boy  if  possible,  and  he  succeeded 
through  the  co-operation  of  Kiyomori  's  step-mother,  whom  he  persuaded  that 
her  own  son,  lost  in  his  infancy,  would  have  grown  up  to  resemble  closely 
Yoritomo. 

It  was  much  to  the  credit  of  Kiyomori 's  heart  but  little  to  that  of  his  head 
that  he  listened  to  such  a  plea,  and  historians  have  further  censured  his  want  of 
sagacity  in  choosing  Izu  for  Yoritomo 's  place  of  exile,  seeing  that  the  eastern 
regions  were  infested  by  Minamoto  kinsmen  and  partisans.  But  Kiyomori  did 
not  act  blindly.  He  placed  Yoritomo  in  the  keeping  of  two  trusted  wardens 
whose  manors  were  practically  conterminous  in  the  valley  of  the  Kano  stream  on 
the  immediate  west  of  Hakone  Pass.  These  .wardens  were  a  Fujiwara,  Ito 
Sukechika,  and  a  Taira,  who,  taking  the  name  Hojo  from  the  locality  of  his 
manor,  called  himself  Hojo  Tokimasa.  The  dispositions  of  these  two  men  did 
not  agree  with  the  suggestions  of  their  lineage.  Sukechika  might  have  been 
expected  to  sympathize  with  his  ward  in  consideration  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
Fujiwara  at  Kiyomori 's  hands.  Tokimasa,  as  a  Taira,  should  have  been  wholly 
antipathetic.  Yet  had  Tokimasa  shared  Sukechika 's  mood,  the  Minamoto 's 
sun  would  never  have  risen  over  the  Kwanto. 

302 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  303 

The  explanation  is  that  Tokimasa  belonged  to  a  large  group  of  provincial 
Taira  who  were  at  once  discontented  because  their  claims  to  promotion  had  been 
ignored,  and  deeply  resentful  of  indignities  and  ridicule  to  which  their  rustic  man- 
ners and  customs  had  exposed  them  at  the  hands  of  their  upstart  kinsmen  in 
Kyoto.  Moreover,  it  is  not  extravagant  to  suppose,  in  view  of  the  extraordinary 
abilities  subsequently  shown  by  Tokimasa,  that  he  presaged  the  instability  of 
the  Taira  edifice  long  before  any  ominous  symptoms  became  outwardly  visible. 
At  any  rate,  while  remaining  Yoritomo's  ostensible  warden,  he  became  his 
confidant  and  abettor. 

This  did  not  happen  immediately,  however.  Yoritomo  was  placed  originally 
under  Sukechika  's  care,  and  during  the  latter 's  absence  in  Kyoto  a  liaison  was 
established  between  his  daughter  and  the  Minamoto  captive,  with  the  result  that 
a  son  was  born.  Sukechika,  on  his  return,  caused  the  child  to  be  thrown  into  a 
cataract,  married  its  mother  to  Ema  Kotaro,  and  swore  to  have  the  life  of  his 
ward.  But  Yoritomo,  warned  of  what  was  pending,  effected  his  escape  to  Toki- 
masa 's  manor.  It  is  recorded  that  on  the  way  thither  he  prayed  at  the  shrine 
of  Hachiman,  the  tutelary  deity  of  his  family:  "Grant  me  to  become  sei-i- 
shogun  and  to  guard  the  Imperial  Court.  Or,  if  I  may  not  achieve  so  much, 
grant  me  to  become  governor  of  Izu,  so  that  I  may  be  revenged  on  Sukechika. 
Or,  if  that  may  not  be,  grant  me  death."  With  Tokimasa  he  found  security. 
But  here  again,  though  now  a  man  over  thirty,  he  established  relations  with 
Masa,  his  warden 's  eldest  daughter.  In  all  Yoritomo 's  career  there  is  not  one 
instance  of  a  sacrifice  of  expediency  or  ambition  on  the  altar  of  sentiment  or 
affection.  He  was  a  cold,  calculating  man.  No  cruelty  shocked  him  nor  did 
he  shrink  from  any  severity  dictated  by  policy.  It  is  in  the  last  degree  improb- 
able that  he  risked  his  political  hopes  for  the  sake  of  a  trivial  amour.  At  any  rate 
the  event  suggests  crafty  deliberation  rather  than  a  passing  passion.  For  though 
Tokimasa  simulated  ignorance  of  the  liaison  and  publicly  proceeded  with  his 
previous  engagement  to  wed  Masa  to  Taira  Kanetaka,  lieutenant-governor  of 
Izu,  he  privately  connived  at  her  flight  and  subsequent  concealment. 

This  incident  is  said  to  have  determined  Yoritomo.  He  disclosed  all  his 
ambitions  to  Ho  jo  Tokimasa,  and  found  in  him  an  able  coadjutor.  Yoritomo 
now  began  to  open  secret  communications  with  several  of  the  military  families 
in  Izu  and  the  neighbouring  provinces.  In  making  these  selections  and  ap- 
proaches, the  Minamoto  exile  was  guided  and  assisted  by  Tokimasa.  Confi- 
dences were  not  by  any  means  confined  to  men  of  Minamoto  lineage.  The 
kith  and  kin  of  the  Fujiwara,  and  even  of  the  Taira  themselves,  were  drawn  into 
the  conspiracy,  and  although  the  struggle  finally  resolved  itself  into  a  duel  d 
I'outrance  between  the  Taira  and  the  Minamoto,  it  had  no  such  exclusive 
character  at  the  outset. 

In  May,  or  June,  1180,  the  mandate  of  Prince  Mochihito  reached  Yoritomo, 
carried  by  his  uncle,  Minamoto  Yukiiye, whose  figure  thenceforth  appears  frequent- 
ly upon  the  scene.  Yoritomo  showed  the  mandate  to  Tokimasa,  and  the  two 
men  were  taking  measures  to  obey  when  they  received  intelligence  of  the  deaths 
of  Mochihito  and  Yorimasa  and  of  the  fatal  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Uji. 

Yoritomo  would  probably  have  deferred  conclusive  action  in  such  circum- 
stances had  there  not  reached  him  from  Miyoshi  Yasunobu  in  Kyoto  a  warning 
that  the  Taira  were  planning  to  exterminate  the  remnant  of  the  Minamoto  and 
that  Yoritomo's  name  stood  first  on  the  black-list.  Moreover,  the  advisability 
of  taking  the  field  at  once  was  strongly  and  incessantly  urged  by  a  priest, 
Mongaku,  who,  after  a  brief  acquaintance,  had  impressed  Yoritomo  favourably. 


304  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

This  bonze  had  been  the  leading  figure  in  an  extraordinary  romance  of  real  life. 
Originally  Ends  Morito,  an  officer  of  the  guards  in  Kyoto,  he  fell  in  love  with 
his  cousin,  Kesa,1  the  wife  of  a  comrade  called  Minamoto  Wataru.  His 
addresses  being  resolutely  rejected,  he  swore  that  if  Kesa  remained  obdurate, 
he  would  kill  her  mother.  From  this  dilemma  the  brave  woman  determined  that 
self-sacrifice  offered  the  only  effective  exit.  She  promised  to  marry  Morito 
after  he  had  killed  her  husband,  Wataru;  to  which  end  she  engaged  to  ply 
Wataru  with  wine  until  he  fell  asleep.  She  would  then  wet  his  head,  so  that 
Morito,  entering  by  an  unfastened  door  and  feeling  for  the  damp  hair,  might 
consummate  his  purpose  surely.  Morito  readily  agreed,  but  Kesa,  having 
dressed  her  own  hair  in  male  fashion  and  wet  her  head,  lay  down  in  her  husband  's 
place. 

When  Morito  found  that  he  had  killed  the  object  of  his  passionate  affection, 
he  hastened  to  confess  his  crime  and  invited  Wataru  to  slay  him.  But  Wataru, 
sympathizing  with  his  remorse,  proposed  that  they  should  both  enter  religion 
and  pray  for  the  rest  of  Kesa  's  spirit.  It  is  related  that  one  of  the  acts  of  penance 
performed  by  Mongaku  —  the  monastic  name  taken  by  Morito  —  was  to  stand 
for  twenty-one  days  under  a  waterfall  in  the  depth  of  winter.  Subsequently 
he  devoted  himself  to  collecting  funds  for  reconstructing  the  temple  of  Takao, 
but  his  zeal  having  betrayed  him  into  a  breach  of  etiquette  at  the  palace  of 
Go-Shirakawa,  he  was  banished  to  Izu,  where  he  obtained  access  to  Yoritomo 
and  counselled  him  to  put  his  fortune  to  the  test.2 
10  jjrj.mijfi*.  to  ifctltf  »fl.t  no  Jioijidiiu;  'io  YOAsibygxo  1 


. 

THE  FIRST  STAGE  OF  THE  STRUGGLE  8 
-doiu.'iu  •'  i  .KiTm  ii  3  <><[  vn  b  •  rnovr-  "• 

The  campaign  was  opened  by  Ho  jo  Tokimasa  on  the  8th  of  September,  1180. 
He  attacked  the  residence  of  the  lieutenant-governor  of  Izu,  Taira  Kanetaka, 
burned  the  mansion,  and  killed  Kanetaka,  whose  abortive  nuptials  with  tin- 
lady  Masa  had  been  celebrated  a  few  months  previously.  Yoritomo  himself  at 
the  head  of  a  force  of  three  hundred  men,  crossed  the  Hakone  Pass  three  days 
later  en  route  for  Sagami,  and  encamped  at  Ishibashi-yama.  This  first  essay  of 
the  Minamoto  showed  no  military  caution  whatever.  It  was  a  march  into  space. 
Yoritomo  left  in  his  rear  Its  Sukechika,  who  had  slain  his  infant  son  and  sworn 
his  own  destruction,  and  he  had  in  his  front  a  Taira  force  of  three  thousand  under 
Oba  Kagechika.  It  is  true  that  many  Taira  magnates  of  the  Kwanto  were 
pledged  to  draw  the  sword  in  the  Minamoto  cause.  They  had  found  the  selfish 
tyranny  of  Kiyomori  not  at  all  to  their  taste  or  their  profit.  It  is  also  true  that 
the  Oba  brothers  had  fought  staunchly  on  the  side  of  Yoritomo  's  father,  Yoshi- 
tomo,  in  the  Heiji  war.  Yoritomo  may  possibly  have  entertained  some  hope 
that  the  Oba  army  would  not  prove  a  serious  menace. 

Whatever  the  explanation  may  be,  the  little  Minamoto  band  were  attacked 
in  front  and  rear  simultaneously  during  a  stormy  night.  They  suffered  a  crush- 
ing defeat.  It  seemed  as  though  the  white  flag  3  was  to  be  lowered  permanent- 
ly, ere  it  had  been  fully  shaken  out  to  the  wind.  The  remnants  of  the  Minamoto 
sought  shelter  hi  a  cryptomeria  grove,  where  Yoritomo  proved  himself  a  powerful 
bowman.  But  when  he  had  tune  to  take  stock  of  his  followers,  he  found  them 
reduced  to  six  men.  These,  at  the  suggestion  of  Doi  Sanehira,  he  ordered  to 


P  Generally  spoken  of  as  "  Kesa  Gozen, "  but  the  latter  word  signifies  "lady."] 
[2  Tradition  says  that  among  the  means  employed  by  Mongaku  to  move  Yoritomo  was  (he 
exhibition  of  Yoshitomo's  bones.] 

P  The  Taira  flew  a  red  ensign;  the  Minamoto,  a  white.] 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  305 

scatter  and  seek  safety  in  flight,  while  he  himself  with  Sanehira  hid  in  a  hollow 
tree._  Their  hiding-place  was  discovered  by  Kajiwara  Kagetoki,  a  member  of 
the  Oba  family,  whose  sympathies  were  with  the  Minamoto.  He  placed  himself 
before  the  tree  and  signalled  that  the  fugitives  had  taken  another  direction. 
Presently,  Oba  Kagechika,  riding  up,  thrust  his  bow  into  the  hollow  tree,  and 
as  two  pigeons  flew  out,  he  concluded  that  there  was  no  human  being  within. 

From  the  time  of  this  hairbreadth  escape,  Yoritomo's  fortunes  rose  rapidly. 
After  some  days  of  concealment  among  the  Hakone  mountains,  he  reached  the 
shore  of  Yedo  Bay,  and  crossing  from  Izu  to  Awa,  was  joined  by  Tokimasa  and 

' 
*yi  tiyrf.taid 

— 


v 

:l  &11& 


\  Is  aavr  Jl 

j  JLJOtlfi  dll'ff 


1 

-'•'"  r.iilT .-.;-.'Li-i.-;i  • '• ' ' : ''HVUl.';  Mitj  V  f  JmS  8' 

rbotjjteivhflo'iL&afi  ,orff  8FH    .omcxJJiiao'f"  i  "n'ov  sit* 

aid  JO   V    .;-...-:.-:  ,      . ; ,  gilt 

MINAMOTO  YORITOMO 

others.  Manifestoes  were  then  despatched  in  all  directions,  and  sympathizers 
began  to  flock  in.  Entering  Kazusa,  the  Minamoto  leader  secured  the  co- 
operation of  Taira  Hirotsune  and  Chiba  Tsunetane,  while  Tokimasa  went  to 
canvass  in  Kai.  In  short,  eight  provinces  of  the  Kwanto  responded  like  an  echo 
to  Yoritomo's  call,  and,  by  the  time  he  had  made  his  circuit  of  Yedo  Bay,  some 
twenty-five  thousand  men  were  marshalled  under  his  standard.  Kamakura,  on 
the  seacoast  a  few  miles  south  of  the  present  Yokohama,  was  chosen  for  head- 
quarters, and  one  of  the  first  steps  taken  was  to  establish  there,  on  the  hill  of 
Tsurugaoka,  a  grand  shrine  to  Hachiman,  the  god  of  War  and  tutelary  deity  of 
the  Minamoto.  frawtecf  babr/ib  nosd  avj; 

Meanwhile,  Tokimasa  had  secured  the  allegiance  of  the  Takeda  family  of 
Kai,  and  was  about  to  send  a  strong  force  to  join  Yoritomo's  army.  But  by 
this  time  the  Taira  were  in  motion.  Kiyomori  had  despatched  a  body  of  fifty 


306  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

thousand  men  under  Koremori,  and  Yoritomo  had  decided  to  meet  this  army 
on  the  banks  of  the  Fuji  river.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to  remove  all 
potential  foes  from  the  Minamoto  rear,  and  accordingly  Hojo  Tokimasa  received 
orders  to  overrun  Suruga  and  then  to  direct  his  movements  with  a  view  to 
concentration  on  the  Fuji.  Thither  Yoritomo  marched  from  Kamakura,  and 
by  the  beginning  of  November,  1180,  fifty  thousand  Taira  troops  were  encamped 
on  the  south  bank  of  the  river  and  twenty-seven  thousand  Minamoto  on  the 
north.  A  decisive  battle  must  be  fought  in  the  space  of  a  few  days.  In  fact, 
the  13th  of  November  had  been  indicated  as  the  probable  date.  But  the  battle 
was  never  fought.  The  officer  in  command  of  the  Taira  van,  Fujiwara  no  Tada- 
kiyo,  laboured  under  the  disadvantage  of  being  a  coward,  and  the  Taira  generals, 
Koremori  and  Tadamori,  grandson  and  youngest  brother,  respectively,  of 
Kiyomori,  seem  to  have  been  thrown  into  a  state  of  nervous  prostration  by  the 
unexpected  magnitude  of  the  Minamoto 's  uprising.  They  were  debating,  and 
had  nearly  recognized  the  propriety  of  falling  back  without  challenging  a 
combat  or  venturing  their  heads  further  into  the  tiger 's  mouth,  when  something 
—  a  flight  of  water-birds,  a  reconnaissance  in  force,  a  rumour,  or  what  not  — 
produced  a  panic,  and  before  a  blow  had  been  struck,  the  Taira  army  was  in  full 
retreat  for  Kyoto. 

^_^J  YOSHITSUNE 

In  the  Minamoto  camp  there  was  some  talk  of  pursuing  the  fugitive  Taira, 
and  possibly  the  most  rapid  results  would  thus  have  been  attained.  But  it  was 
ultimately  decided  that  the  allegiance  of  the  whole  Kwanto  must  be  definitely 
secured  before  denuding  it  of  troops  for  the  purpose  of  a  western  campaign.  This 
attitude  of  caution  pointed  specially  to  the  provinces  of  Hitachi  and  Shimotsuke, 
where  the  powerful  Minamoto  families  of  Satake  and  Nitta,  respectively,  looked 
coldly  upon  the  cause  of  their  kinsman,  Yoritomo.  Therefore  the  army  was 
withdrawn  to  a  more  convenient  position  on  the  Kiso  River,  and  steps,  ultimately 
successful,  were  taken  to  win  over  the  Nitta  and  the  Satake. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  there  arrived  in  Yoritomo 's  camp  a  youth  of  twenty- 
one  with  about  a  score  of  followers.  Of  medium  stature  and  of  frame  more  re- 
markable for  grace  than  for  thews,  he  attracted  attention  chiefly  by  his  piercing 
eyes  and  by  the  dignified  intelligence  of  his  countenance.  This  was  Yoshitsune, 
the  youngest  son  of  Yoshitomo.  His  life,  as  already  stated,  had  been  saved  in 
the  Heiji  disturbance,  first,  by  the  intrepidity  of  his  mother,  Tokiwa,  and, 
afterwards,  by  the  impression  her  dazzling  beauty  produced  upon  the  Taira 
leader.  Placed  in  the  monastery  of  Kurama,  as  stipulated  by  Kiyomori, 
Yoshitsune  had  no  sooner  learned  to  think  than  he  became  inspired  with  an 
absorbing  desire  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  his  family.  Tradition  has  surrounded 
the  early  days  of  this,  the  future  Bayard  of  Japan,  with  many  romantic  legends, 
among  which  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  the  true  from  the  false.  What  is  cer- 
tain, however,  is  that  at  the  age  of  fifteen  he  managed  to  effect  his  escape  to  the 
north  of  Japan.  The  agent  of  his  flight  was  an  iron-merchant  who  habitually 
visited  the  monastery  on  matters  of  business,  and  whose  dealings  took  him 
occasionally  to  Mutsu. 

At  the  time  of  Yoshitsune 's  novitiate  .in  the  Kurama  temple,  the  political 
power  in  Japan  may  be  said  to  have  been  divided  between  the  Taira,  the  provin- 
cial Minamoto,  the  Buddhist  priests,  and  the  Fujiwara,  and  of  the  last  the  only 
branch  that  had  suffered  no  eclipse  during  the  storms  of  Hogen  and  Heiji  had 
been  the  Fujiwara  of  Mutsu.  It  has  been  shown  in  the  story  of  the  Three  Years ' 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  307 

War,  and  specially  in  the  paragraph  entitled  "The  Fujiwara  of  the  North,"  that 
the  troops  of  Fujiwara  Kiyohira  and  Minamoto  Yoshiiye  had  fought  side  by  side, 
and  that,  after  the  war,  Kiyohira  succeeded  to  the  six  districts  of  Mutsu,  which 
constituted  the  largest  estate  in  the  hands  of  any  one  Japanese  noble.  That 
estate  was  in  the  possession  of  Hidehira,  grandson  of  Kiyohira,  at  the  time  when 
the  Minamoto  family  suffered  its  heavy  reverses.  Yoshitsune  expected, 
therefore,  that  at  least  an  asylum  would  be  assured,  could  he  find  his  way  to 
Mutsu.  He  was  not  mistaken.  Hidehira  received  him  with  all  hospitality,  and 
as  Mutsu  was  practically  beyond  the  control  of  Kyoto,  the  Minamoto  fugitive 
could  lead  there  the  life  of  a  bushi,  and  openly  study  everything  pertaining  to 
military  art.  He  made  such  excellent  use  of  these  opportunities  that,  by  the 
time  the  Minamoto  standard  was  raised  anew  in  Izu,  Yoshitsune  had  earned  the 
reputation  of  being  the  best  swordsman  in  the  whole  of  northern  Japan. 

This  was  the  stripling  who  rode  into  Yoritomo  's  camp  on  a  November  day 
in  the  year  1180.  The  brothers  had  never  previously  seen  each  other's  faces, 
and  their  meeting  in  such  circumstances  was  a  dramatic  event.  Among  Yoshit- 
sune's  score  of  followers  there  were  several  who  subsequently  earned  undying 
fame,  but  one  deserves  special  mention  here.  Benkei,  the  giant  halberdier,  had 
turned  his  back  upon  the  priesthood,  and,  becoming  a  free  lance,  conceived  the 
ambition  of  forcibly  collecting  a  thousand  swords  from  their  wearers.  He 
wielded  the  halberd  with  extraordinary  skill,  and  such  a  huge  weapon  in  the  hand 
of  a  man  with  seven  feet  of  stalwart  stature  constituted  a  menace  before  which  a 
solitary  wayfarer  did  not  hesitate  to  surrender  his  sword.  One  evening,  Benkei 
observed  an  armed  acolyte  approaching  the  Gojo  bridge  in  Kyoto.  The  acolyte 
was  Yoshitsune,  and  the  time,  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  Mutsu.  Benkei  made 
light  of  disarming  a  lad  of  tender  years  and  seemingly  slender  strength.  But 
already  in  his  acolyte  days  Yoshitsune  had  studied  swordsmanship,  and  he 
supplemented  his  knowledge  by  activity  almost  supernatural.  The  giant  Benkei 
soon  found  himself  praying  for  life  and  swearing  allegiance  to  his  boy  conqueror, 
an  oath  which  he  kept  so  faithfully  as  to  become  the  type  of  soldierly  fidelity  for 
all  subsequent  generations  of  his  countrymen. 


KISO  YOSHINAKA 

Looking  at  the  map  of  central  Japan,  it  is  seen  that  the  seven  provinces  of 
Suruga,  Izu,  Awa,  Kai,  Sagami,  Musashi,  and  Kazusa  are  grouped  approximately 
in  the  shape  of  a  Japanese  fan  (uchiwa),  having  Izu  for  the  handle.  Along  the 
Pacific  coast,  eastward  of  this  fan,  lie  the  provinces  of  Shimosa  and  Hitachi, 
where  the  Nitta  and  the  Satake,  respectively,  gave  employment  for  some  time 
to  the  diplomatic  and  military  resources  of  the  Minamoto.  Running  inland 
from  the  circumference  of  the  fan  are  Shinano  and  Kotsuke,  in  which  two 
provinces,  also,  a  powerful  Minamoto  resurrection  synchronized  with,  but  was 
independent  of,  the  Yoritomo  movement. 

The  hero  of  the  Shinano-Kotsuke  drama  was  Minamoto  no  Yoshinaka, 
commonly  called  Kiso  Yoshinaka,  because  his  youth  was  passed  among  the 
mountains  where  the  Kiso  River  has  its  source.  In  the  year  1155,  Yoshitomo's 
eldest  son,  Yoshihira,1  was  sent  to  Musashi  to  fight  against  his  uncle,  Yoshika- 

[l  This  Yoshihira  was  a  giant  in  stature.  He  shares  with  Tametomo  the  fame  of  having 
exhibited  the  greatest  prowess  in  the  Hogen  and  Heiji  struggles.  It  was  he  who  offered  to 
attack  Kyoto  from  Kumano  —  a  measure  which,  in  all  probability,  would  have  reversed  the 
result  of  the  Heiji  war.] 


308  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ta.  The  latter  fell,  and  hie  son,  Yoshinaka,  a  baby  of  two,  was  handed  to 
Saito  Sanemori  to  be  executed;  but  the  latter  sent  the  child  to  Shinano,  where 
it  was  brought  up  by  Nakahara  Kaneto,  the  husband  of  its  nurse.  Yoshinaka 
attained  an  immense  stature  as  well  as  signal  skill  in  archery  and  horsemanship. 
Like  Yoritomo  and  Yoshitsune,  he  brooded  miich  on  the  evil  fortunes  of  the 
Minamoto,  and  paid  frequent  visits  to  Kyoto  to  observe  the  course  of  events. 
In  the  year  1180,  the  mandate  of  Prince  Mochihito  reached  him,  and  learning 
that  Yoritomo  had  taken  the  field,  he  gathered  a  force  in  Shinano.  Between 
the  two  leaders  there  could  be  no  final  forgetf ulness  of  the  fact  that  Yoritomo 's 
brother  had  killed  Yoshinaka 's  father,  and  had  ordered  the  slaying  of  Yoshinaka 
himself.  But  this  evil  memory  did  not  obtrude  itself  at  the  outset.  They 
worked  independently.  Yoshinaka  gained  a  signal  victory  over  the  Taira  forces 
marshalled  against  him  by  the  governor  of  Shinano,  and  pushing  thence  eastward 
into  Kotsuke,  obtained  the  allegiance  of  the  Ashikaga  of  Shimotsuke  and  of  the 
Takeda  of  Kai.  Thus,  the  year  1180  closed  upon  a  disastrous  state  of  affairs 
for  the  Taira,  no  less  than  ten  provinces  in  the  east  having  fallen  practically 
under  Minamoto  sway. 
j)Bfl  .-"-ibTuJlsrf  JfiBqj  orfj  ,rv/U*sH  &&tl  noitrr-v 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

Kiyomori  expired  in  March,  1181,  as  already  related.  His  last  behest,  that 
the  head  of  Yoritomo  should  be  laid  on  his  grave,  nerved  his  successors  to  fresh 
efforts.  But  the  stars  in  their  courses  seemed  to  be  fighting  against  the  Taira. 
Kiyomori 's  son,  Munemori,  upon  whom  devolved  the  direction  of  the  great  clan 's 
affairs,  was  wholly  incompetent  for  such  a  trust.  One  gleam  of  sunshine,  how- 
ever, illumined  the  fortunes  of  the  Heike.  Two  months  after  Kiyomori 's  death, 
a  Taira  army  under  Shigehira  attacked  Yukiiye,  Yoritomo 's  uncle,  who  .had 
pushed  westward  as  far  as  Owari.  This  Yukiiye  never  showed  any  qualities  of 
generalship.  He  was  repeatedly  defeated,  the  only  redeeming  feature  of  his 
campaigns  being  that  he  himself  always  escaped  destruction.  On  this  occasion 
he  was  driven  out  of  Owari  and  forced  to  retire  within  the  confines  of  the 
Kwanto. 

But  now  the  home  provinces  and  the  west  fell  into  the  horrors  of  famine  and 
pestilence,  as  described  above;  and  in  such  circumstances  to  place  armies  in  the 
field  and  to  maintain  them  there  became  impossible.  The  Taira  had  to  desist 
from  all  warlike  enterprises  until  the  summer  of  1182,  when  a  great  effort  was 
made  to  crush  the  rapidly  growing  power  of  the  Minamoto.  Commissions  of 
provincial  governor  were  sent  to  Jo  no  Nagashige,  a  puissant  Taira  magnate  of 
Echigo;  to  Taira  no  Chikafusa,  of  Etchu,  and  to  Fujiwara  Hidehira,  of  Mutsu, 
who  were  all  ordered  to  attack  Yoritomo  and  Yoshinaka.  Hidehira  made  no 
response,  but  Nagashige  set  in  motion  against  Yoshinaka  a  strong  force,  swelled 
by  a  contingent  from  Kyoto  under  Michimori.  The  results  were  signal  defeat 
for  the  Taira  and  the  carrying  of  the  white  flag  by  Yoshinaka  into  Echigo, 
Etchu,  Noto,  and  Kaga. 

.,..,(        :•    -.  \\    viur    1 

DISSENSIONS  AMONG  THE  MINAMOTO 

-J'.dl!-">  i    ,••!  »'if»  ".:  ''•'  ' 

Meanwhile  discord  had  declared  itself  between  Yoritomo  and  Yoshinaka. 
It  has  been  shown  that  the  records  of  the  two  families  afforded  no  basis  of 
mutual  confidence,  and  it  has  also  been  shown  that  the  Takeda  clan  of  Kai 
province  were  among  the  earliest  adherents  of  the  Minamoto  cause.  In  view  of 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HET  309 

Yoshinaka  's  brilliant  successes,  Takeda  Nobumitsu  proposed  a  marriage  between 
his  daughter  and  Yoshinaka 's  son,  Yoshitaka.  This  union  was  declined  by 
Yoshinaka,  whereupon  Nobumitsu  suggested  to  Yoritomo  that  Yoshinaka 's 
real  purpose  was  to  ally  his  house  with  the  Taira  by  marriage.  Whether 
Nobumitsu  believed  this,  or  whether  his  idea  had  its  origin  in  pique,  history  does 
not  indicate.  But  there  can  be  no  hesitation  in  concluding  that  a  rupture 
between  the  two  Minamoto  chiefs  was  presaged  by  Yoritomo 's  entourage,  who 
judged  that  two  Richmonds  could  not  remain  permanently  in  the  field. 

Things  gradually  shaped  themselves  in  accordance  with  that  forecast.  The 
malcontents  in  Yoritomo 's  camp  or  his  discomfited  opponents  began  to  trans- 
fer their  allegiance  to  Yoshinaka;  a  tendency  which  culminated  when  Yoritomo 's 
uncle,  Yukiiye,  taking  umbrage  because  a  provincial  governorship  was  not  given 
to  him,  rode  off  at  the  head  of  a  thousand  cavalry  to  join  Yoshinaka.  The 
reception  given  by  Yoshinaka  to  these  deserters  was  in  itself  sufficient  to  suggest 
doubts  of  his  motives.  Early  in  the  year  1183,  Yoritomo  sent  a  force  into 
Shinano  with  orders  to  exterminate  Yoshinaka.  But  the  latter  declined  the 
combat.  Quoting  a  popular  saying  that  the  worst  enemies  of  the  Minamoto 
were  their  own  dissensions,  he  directed  his  troops  to  withdraw  into  Echigo, 
.  leaving  to  Yoritomo  a  free  hand  in  Shinano.  When  this  was  reported  to 
Yoritomo,  he  recalled  his  troops  from  Shinano,  and  asked  Yoshinaka  to  send 
a  hostage.  Yoshinaka  replied  by  sending  his  son  Yoshitaka,  the  same  youth 
to  whom  Takeda  Nobumitsu  had  proposed  to  marry  his  daughter.  He  was  now 
wedded  to  Yoritomo 's  daughter,  and  the  two  Minamoto  chiefs  seemed  to  have 
been  effectually  reconciled. 

••;•  hv.'.-j;,  i  .1)  -i.-;.;.v7ai  lo  aqin/dnfriib  $d'r     .kKiqjfo.  3ftt  gnibwi/3  to 

ADVANCE  OF  YOSHINAKA  ON  KYOTO 

Yoshinaka 's  desire  to  avoid  conflict  with  Yoritomo  had  been  partly  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  Taira  leaders  were  known  to  be  just  then  straining  every  nerve 
to  beat  back  the  westward-rolling  tide  of  Minamoto  conquest.  They  had 
massed  all  their  available  forces  in  Echizen,  and  at  that  supreme  moment 
Yoritomo 's  active  hostility  would  have  completely  marred  Yoshinaka 's  great 
opportunity.  In  May,  1183,  this  decisive  phase  of  the  contest  was  opened; 
Koremori,  Tamemori,  and  Tomonori  being  in  supreme  command  of  the  Taira 
troops,  which  are  said  to  have  mustered  one  hundred  thousand  strong.  At 
first,  things  fared  badly  with  the  Minamoto.  They  lost  an  important  fortress 
at  Hiuchi-yama,  and  Yukiiye  was  driven  from  Kaga  into  Noto.  But  when  the 
main  army  of  the  Minamoto  came  into  action,  the  complexion  of  affairs  changed 
at  once.  In  a  great  battle  fought  at  Tonami-yama  in  Echizen,  Yoshinaka  won 
a  signal  victory  by  the  manoeuvre  of  launching  at  the  Taira  a  herd  of  oxen  having 
torches  fastened  to  their  horns.  Thousands  of  the  Taira  perished,  including 
many  leaders. 

Other  victories  at  Kurikara  and  Shinowara  opened  the  road  to  Kyoto. 
Yoshinaka  pushed  on  and,  in  August,  reached  Hiei-zan;  while  Yukiiye,  the  pres- 
sure on  whose  front  in  Noto  had  been  relieved,  moved  towards  Yamato ;  Mina- 
moto no  Yukitsuna  occupied  Settsu  and  Kawachi,  and  Ashikaga  Yoshikiyo 
advanced  to  Tamba.  Thus,  the  capital  lay  at  the  mercy  of  Yoshinaka 's  armies. 
The  latter  stages  of  the  Minamoto  march  had  been  unopposed.  Munemori, 
after  a  vain  attempt  to  secure  the  alliance  of  the  Hiei-zan  monks,  had  recalled 
his  generals  and  decided  to  retire  westward,,  abandoning  Kyoto.  He  would 
have  taken  with  him  the  cloistered  Emperor,  but  Go-Shirakawa  secretly  made 


310  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

his  way  to  Hiei-zan  and  placed  himself  under  the  protection  of  Yoshinaka, 
rejoicing  at  the  opportunity  to  shake  off  the  Taira  yoke. 

RETREAT  OF  THE  TAIRA 

.:  •  :•',••'/ 

On  August  14,  1183,  the  evacuation  of  Kyoto  took  place.  Munemori, 
refusing  to  listen  to  the  counsels  of  the  more  resolute  among  his  officers,  applied 
the  torch  to  the  Taira  mansions  at  northern  and  southern  Rokuhara,  and,  taking 
with  him  the  Emperor  Antoku,  then  hi  his  sixth  year,  his  Majesty's  younger 
brother,  and  their  mother,  together  with  the  regalia  —  the  mirror,  the  sword,  and 
the  gem  —  retired  westward,  followed  by  the  whole  remnant  of  his  clan. 
Arrived  at  Fukuhara,  they  devoted  a  night  to  praying,  making  sacred  music, 
and  reading  Sutras  at  Kiyomori  's  tomb,  whereafter  they  set  fire  to  all  the  Taira 
palaces,  mansions,  and  official  buildings,  and  embarked  for  the  Dazai-fu  in  Chi- 
kuzen.  They  reckoned  on  the  allegiance  of  the  whole  of  Kyushu  and  of  at  least 
one-half  of  Shikoku. 


EIGHTY-SECOND  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  GO-TOBA  (A.D.  1184-1198) 

The  Taira  leaders  having  carried  off  the  Emperor  Antoku,  there  was  no 
actually  reigning  sovereign  in  Kyoto,  whither  the  cloistered  Emperor  now 
returned,  an  imposing  guard  of  honour  being  furnished  by  Yoshinaka.  Go- 
Shirakawa  therefore  resumed  the  administration  of  State  affairs,  Yoshinaka 
being  given  the  privilege  of  access  to  the  Presence  and  entrusted  with  the  duty 
of  guarding  the  capital.  The  distribution  of  rewards  occupied  attention  in  the 
first  place.  Out  of  the  five  hundred  manors  of  the  Taira,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
were  given  to  Yoshinaka  and  Yukiiye,  and  over  two  hundred  prominent  Taira 
officials  were  stripped  of  their  posts  and  their  Court  ranks.  Yoritomo  received 
more  gracious  treatment  than  Yoshinaka,  although  the  Kamakura  chief  could 
not  yet  venture  to  absent  himself  from  the  Kwanto  for  the  purpose  of  paying 
his  respects  at  Court.  For  the  rest,  in  spite  of  Yoshinaka 's  brilliant  success,  he 
was  granted  only  the  fifth  official  rank  and  the  governorship  of  the  province  of 
lyo. 

These  things  could  not  fail  to  engender  some  discontent,  and  presently  a 
much  graver  cause  for  dissatisfaction  presented  itself.  Fujiwara  Kanezane, 
minister  of  the  Right,  memorialized  the  Court  in  the  sense  that,  as  Antoku  had 
left  the  capital,  another  occupant  to  the  throne  should  be  appointed,  in  spite  of 
the  absence  of  the  regalia.  He  pointed  out  that  a  precedent  for  dispensing  with 
these  tokens  of  Imperialism  had  been  furnished  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor 
Keitai  (507-531).  No  valid  reason  existed  for  such  a  precipitate  step.  Antoku 
had  not  abdicated.  His  will  had  not  been  consulted  at  all  by  the  Taira  when 
they  carried  him  off;  nor  would  the  will  of  a  child  of  six  have  possessed  any 
validity  in  such  a  matter.  It  is  plain  that  the  proposal  made  by  the  minister 
of  the  Right  had  for  motive  the  convenience  of  the  Minamoto,  whose  cause  lacked 
legitimacy  so  long  as  the  sovereign  and  the  regalia  were  in  the  camp  of  the  Taira. 

But  the  minister 's  advice  had  a  disastrous  sequel.  Yoshinaka  was  resolutely 
bent  on  securing  the  succession  for  the  son  of  Prince  Mochihito,  who  had  been 
killed  in  the  Yorimasa  &meute.  It  was  practically  to  Mochihito  that  the  Court 
owed  its  rescue  from  the  Taira  tyranny,  and  his  son — now  a  youth  of  seventeen, 
known  as  Prince  Hokuriku,  because  he  had  founded  an  asylum  at  a  monastery 
in  Hokuriku-do  after  his  father's  death  — had  been  conducted  to  Kyoto  by 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HE1         311 

Yoshinaka,  under  a  promise  to  secure  the  succession  for  him.  But  Go-Shirakawa 
would  not  pay  any  attention  to  these  representations.  He  held  that  Prince 
Hokuriku  was  ineligible,  since  his  father  had  been  born  out  of  wedlock,  and 
since  the  prince  himself  had  taken  the  tonsure;  the  truth  being  that  the  ex- 
Emperor  had  determined  to  obtain  the  crown  for  one  of  his  own  grandsons, 
younger  brothers  of  Antoku.  It  is  said  that  his  Majesty's  manner  of  choosing 
between  the  two  lads  was  most  capricious.  He  had  them  brought  into  his 
presence,  whereupon  the  elder  began  to  cry,  the  younger  to  laugh,  and  Go- 
Shirakawa  at  once  selected  the  latter,  who  thenceforth  became  the  Emperor 
Go-Toba. 

FALL  OF  YOSHINAKA 

Yoshinaka 's  fortunes  began  to  ebb  from  the  time  of  his  failure  to  obtain  the 
nomination  of  Prince  Hokuriku.  A  force  despatched  to  Bitchu  with  the  object 
of  arresting  the  abduction  of  Antoku  and  recovering  possession  of  the  regalia, 
had  the  misfortune  to  be  confronted  by  Taira  no  Noritsune,  one  of  the  stoutest 
warriors  on  the  side  of  the  Heike.  Ashikaga  Yoshikiyo,  who  commanded  the 
pursuers,  was  killed,  and  his  men  were  driven  back  pele-m£le.  This  event 
impaired  the  prestige  of  Yoshinaka 's  troops,  while  he  himself  and  his  officers 
found  that  their  rustic  ways  and  illiterate  education  exposed  them  constantly 
to  the  thinly  veiled  sneers  of  the  dilettanti  and  pundits  who  gave  the  tone  to 
metropolitan  society.  The  soldiers  resented  these  insults  with  increasing 
roughness  and  recourse  to  violence,  so  that  the  coming  of  Yoritomo  began  to  be 
much  desired.  Go-Shirakawa  sent  two  messages  at  a  brief  interval  to  invite  the 
Kamakura  chief's  presence  in  the  capital.  Yoritomo  replied  with  a  memorial 
which  won  for  him  golden  opinions,  but  he  showed  no  sign  of  visiting  Kyoto. 
His  absorbing  purpose  was  to  consolidate  his  base  in  the  east,  and  he  had  already 
begun  to  appreciate  that  the  military  and  the  Imperial  capitals  should  be  distinct. 

Naturally,  when  the  fact  of  these  pressing  invitations  to  Yoritomo  reached 
Yoshinaka 's  ears,  he  felt  some  resentment,  and  this  was  reflected  in  the  demea- 
nour of  his  soldiers,  outrages  against  the  lives  and  properties  of  the  citizens  be- 
coming more  and  more  frequent.  Even  the  private  domains  of  the  cloistered 
Emperor  himself,  to  say  nothing  of  the  manors  of  the  courtiers,  were  freely 
entered  and  plundered,  so  that  public  indignation  reached  a  high  pitch.  The 
umbrage  thus  engendered  was  accentuated  by  treachery.  Driven  from  Kyushu, 
the  Taira  chiefs  had  obtained  a  footing  in  Shikoku  and  had  built  fortifications 
at  Yashima  in  Sanuki,  which  became  thenceforth  their  headquarters.  They 
had  also  collected  on  the  opposite  coast  of  the  Inland  Sea  a  following  which 
seemed  likely  to  grow  in  dimensions,  and,  with  the  idea  of  checking  that  result, 
it  was  proposed  to  send  troops  to  the  Sanyo-do  under  Minamoto  Yukiiye,  who 
had  been  named  governor  of  Bizen.  Taught,  however,  by  experience  that  dis- 
aster was  likely  to  be  the  outcome  of  Yukiiye 's  generalship,  Yoshinaka  interfered 
to  prevent  his  appointment,  and  Yukiiye,  resenting  this  slight,  became  thenceforth 
a  secret  foe  of  Yoshinaka. 

In  analyzing  the  factors  that  go  to  the  making  of  this  complicated  chapter  of 
Japanese  history,  a  place  must  be  given  to  Yukiiye.  He  seems  to  have  been  an 
unscrupulous  schemer.  Serving  originally  under  Yoritomo,  who  quickly  took 
his  measure,  he  concluded  that  nothing  substantial  was  to  be  gained  in  that  quar- 
ter. Therefore,  he  passed  over  to  Yoshinaka,  who  welcomed  him,  not  as  an 
enemy  of  Yoritomo,  but  as  a  Minamoto.  Thenceforth  Yukiiye 's  aim  was  to 
cause  a  collision  between  the  two  cousins  and  to  raise  his  own  house  on  the  ruins 


312  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  both.  He  contributed  materially  to  the  former  resuh,  but  as  to  the  latter, 
the  sixth  year  of  his  appearance  upon  the  stage  as  Prince  Mochihito's  mandate- 
bearer  saw  his  own  head  pilloried  in  Kyoto. 

Yoshinaka,  however,  had  too  frank  a  disposition  to  be  suspicious.  Ho 
believed  until  the  end  that  Yukiiye's  heart  was  in  the  Minamoto  cause.  Then, 
when  it  became  necessary  to  choose,  between  taking  stupendous  risks  in  the 
west  or  making  a  timely  withdrawal  to  the  east,  he  took  Yukiiye  into  his  confi- 
dence. That  was  the  traitor's  opportunity.  He  secretly  informed  the  ex- 
Emperor  that  Yoshinaka  had  planned  a  retreat  to  the  east,  carrying  his  Majesty 
with  him,  and  this  information,  at  a  time  when  the  excesses  committed  by 
Yoshinaka 's  troops  had  provoked  much  indignation,  induced  Go-Shirakawa  to 
obtain  from  Hiei-zan  and  Miidera  armed  monks  to  form  a  palace-guard  under 
the  command  of  the  kebiishi,  Taira  Tomoyasu,  a  declared  enemy  of  Yoshinaka. 
At  once  Yoshinaka  took  a  decisive  step.  He  despatched  a  force  to  the  palace ; 
seized  the  persons  of  Go-Shirakawa  and  Go-Toba;  removed  Motomichi  from  the 
regency,  appointing  Moroie,  a  boy  of  twelve,  in  his  place,  and  dismissed  a 
number  of  Court  officials. 

In  this  strait,  Go-Shirakawa,  whose  record  is  one  long  series  of  undignified 
manoeuvres  to  keep  his  own  head  above  water,  applied  himself  to  placate 
Yoshinaka  while  privately  relying  on  Yoritomo.  His  Majesty  granted  to  the 
former  the  control  of  all  the  domains  previously  held  by  the  Taira;  appointed 
him  to  the  high  office  of  sei-i  tai-shogun  (barbarian-subduing  generalissimo) ,  and 
commissioned  him  to  attack  Yoritomo  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  latter  was 
secretly  encouraged  to  destroy  his  cousin.  At  that  moment  (February,  1184), 
Yoritomo 's  two  younger  brothers,  Yoshitsune  and  Noriyori,  were  en  route  for 
Kyoto,  where  they  had  been  ordered  to  convey  the  Kwanto  taxes.  They  had 
a  force  of  five  hundred  men  only,  but  these  were  quickly  transformed  into  the 
van  of  an  army  of  fifty  or  sixty  thousand,  which  Yoritomo,  with  extraordinary 
expedition,  sent  from  Kamakura  to  attack  Yoshinaka. 

The '"'Morning  Sun  shogun"  (Asahi-shogun),  as  Yoshinaka  was  commonly 
called  with  reference  to  his  brilliant  career,  now  at  last  saw  himself  confronted 
by  the  peril  which  had  long  disturbed  his  thoughts.  At  a  distance  of  three 
hundred  miles  from  his  own  base,  with  powerful  foes  on  either  flank  and  in  a 
city  whose  population  was  hostile  to  him,  his  situation  seemed  almost  desperate. 
He  took  a  step  dictated  by  dire  necessity  —  made  overtures  to  the  Taira,  asking 
that  a  daughter  of  the  house  of  Kiyomori  be  given  him  for  wife.  Munemori 
refused.  The  fortunes  of  the  Taira  at  that  moment  appeared  to  be  again  in  the 
ascendant.  They  were  once  more  supreme  in  Kyushu;  the  west  of  the  main 
island  from  coast  to  coast  was  in  their  hands ;  they  had  re-established  themselves 
in  Fukuhara,  and  at  any  moment  they  might  move  against  Kyoto.  They 
could  afford,  therefore,  to  await  the  issue  of  the  conflict  pending  between  the 
Minamoto  cousins,  sure  that  it  must  end  in  disaster  for  one  side  and  temporary 
weakness  for  the  other. 

In  fact,  the  situation  was  almost  hopeless  for  Yoshinaka.  There  had  not 
been  time  to  recall  the  main  body  of  his  troops  which  were  confronting  the 
Taira.  All  that  he  could  do  was  to  arrest  momentarily  the  tide  of  onset  by  plant- 
ing handfuls  of  men  to  guard  the  chief  avenues  at  Uji  and  Seta  where,  four 
years  previously,  Yorimasa  had  died  for  the  Minamoto  cause,  and  Seta,  where 
a  long  bridge  spans  the  waters  of  Lake  Biwa  as  they  narrow  to  form  the  Seta- 
gawa.  To  the  Uji  bridge,  Nenoi  Yukichika  was  sent  with  three  hundred  men; 
to  the  Seta  bridge,  Imai  Kanehira  with  five  hundred.  The  names  of  these  men 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  313 

and  of  their  brothers,  Higuchi  Kanemitsu  and  Tate  Chikatada,  are  immortal  in 
Japanese  history.  They  were  the  four  sons  of  Nakahara  Kaneto,  by  whom 
Yoshinaka  had  been  reared,  and  their  constant  attendance  on  his  person,  their 
splendid  devotion  to  him.  and  their  military  prowess  caused  people  to  speak  of 
them  as  Yoshinaka  'sShi-tenno — the  four  guardian  deities  of  Buddhist  temples. 
Their  sister,  Tomoe,  is  even  more  famous.  Strong  and  brave  as  she  was  beauti- 
ful, she  became  the  consort  of  Yoshinaka,  with  whom  she  had  been  brought  up, 
and  she  accompanied  him  in  all  his  campaigns,  fighting  by  his  side  and  leading  a 
body  of  troops  in  all  his  battles.  She  was  with  him  when  he  made  his  final 
retreat  and  she  killed  a  gigantic  warrior,  Uchida  leyoshi,  who  attempted  to  seize 
her  on  that  occasion.  Yoshinaka  compelled  her  to  leave  him  at  the  supreme 
moment,  being  unwilling  that  she  should  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands;  and  after 
his  death  she  became  a  nun,  devoting  the  rest  of  her  days  to  prayers  for  his  spirit. 

But  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Yoshinaka  repaid  this  noble  devotion  with 
equal  sincerity.  On  the  contrary,  the  closing  scene  of  his  career  was  disfigured 
by  passion  for  another  woman,  daughter  of  the  kwampaku,  Fujiwara  Motofusa. 
Attracted  by  rumours  of  her  beauty  after  his  arrival  in  Kyoto,  he  compelled 
her  to  enter  his  household,  and  when  news  came  that  the  armies  of  Yoshitsune 
and  Noriyori  were  approaching  the  capital,  this  great  captain,  for  such  he  cer- 
tainly was,  instead  of  marshalling  his  forces  and  making  dispositions  for  defence, 
went  to  bid  farewell  to  the  beautiful  girl  who  resided  in  his  Go  jo  mansion. 
Hours  of  invaluable  time  passed,  and  still  Asahi  shogun  remained  by  the  lady's 
side.  Finally,  two  of  his  faithful  comrades,  Echigo  Chuta  and  Tsuwata  Saburo, 
seated  themselves  in  front  of  the  mansion  and  committed  suicide  to  recall  their 
leader  to  his  senses.  Yoshinaka  emerged,  but  it  was  too  late.  He  could  not 
muster  more  than  three  hundred  men,  and  in  a  short  time  Yoshitsune  rode  into 
the  city  at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of  cavalry. 

Yoshitsune  had  approached  by  way  of  Uji.  He  was  not  at  all  deterred  by 
the  fact  that  the  enemy  had  destroyed  the  bridge.  His  mounted  bowmen 
dashed  into  the  river  l  and  crossed  it  with  little  loss.  A  few  hours  brought  them 
to  Kyoto,  where  they  made  small  account  of  the  feeble  resistance  that  Yoshinaka 
was  able  to  offer.  Wounded  and  with  little  more  than  half  a  score  of  followers, 
Yoshinaka  rode  off,  and  reaching  the  plain  Of  Awazu,  met  Imai  Kanehira  with 
the  remnant  of  his  five  hundred  men  who  had  gallantly  resisted  Noriyori 's  army 
of  thirty  thousand.  Imai  counselled  instant  flight  eastward.  In  Shinano, 
Yoshinaka  would  find  safety  and  a  dominion,  while  to  cover  his  retreat,  Imai 
would  sacrifice  his  own  life.  Such  noble  deeds  were  the  normal  duty  of  every 
true  bushi.  Yoshinaka  galloped  away,  but,  riding  into  a  marsh,  disabled  his 
horse  and  was  shot  down.  Meanwhile  Imai,  in  whose  quiver  there  remained 
only  eight  arrows,  had  killed  as  many  of  the  pursuing  horsemen,  and  then  placing 
the  point  of  his  sword  in  his  mouth,  had  thrown  himself  headlong  from  his  horse. 
One  incident,  shocking  but  not  inconsistent  with  the  canons  of  the  time,  remains 
to  be  included  in  this  chapter  of  Japanese  history.  It  has  been  related  that 
Yoshinaka 's  son,  Yoshitaka,  was  sent  by  his  father  to  Kamakura  as  a  hostage, 
and  was  married  to  Yoritomo's  daughter.  After  the  events  above  related 
Yoshitaka  was  put  to  death  at  Kamakura,  apparently  without  Yoritomo's 
orders,  and  his  widow,  when  pressed  by  her  brother  to  marry  again,  committed 
suicide,  dfro 

[l  Japanese  tradition  loves  to  tell  of  a  contest  between  Sasaki  Takatsuna  and  Kajiwara 
Kagesue  as  to  which  should  cross  the  river  first.  Kagesue  was  the  son  of  that  Kajiwara  who 
had  saved.  Yoritomo  's  life  in  the  episode  of  the  hollow  tree.] 


314  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

BATTLE  OF  ICHI-NO-TANI 

The  victory  of  the  armies  led  by  Noriyori  and  Yoshitsune  brought  Kamakura 
and  Fukuhara  into  direct  conflict,  and  it  was  speedily  decided  that  these  armies 
should  at  once  move  westward  to  attack  the  Taira.  A  notable  feature  of  the 
military  operations  of  that  era  was  celerity.  Less  than  a  month  sufficed  to 
mobilize  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men  and  to  march  it  from  Kamakura  to 
Kyoto,  a  distance  of  three  hundred  miles,  and  within  ten  days  of  the  death  of 
Yoshinaka  this  same  army,  augmented  to  seventy-six  thousand,  began  to  move 
westward  from  Kyoto  (March  19,  1184).  The  explanation  of  this  rapidity  is 
furnished,  in  part,  by  simplicity  of  commisariat,  and  by  the  fact  that  neither 
artillery  nor  heavy  munitions  of  war  had  to  be  transported.  Every  man  carried 
with  him  a  supply  of  cooked  rice,  specially  prepared  so  as  to  occupy  little  space 
while  sufficing  for  several  days'  food,  and  this  supply  was  constantly  replenished 
by  requisitions  levied  upon  the  districts  traversed.  Moreover,  every  man  carried 
his  own  implements  of  war  —  bow  and  arrows,  sword,  spear,  or  halberd  —  and 
the  footgear  consisted  of  straw  sandals  which  never  hurt  the  feet,  and  in  which 
a  man  could  easily  march  twenty  miles  a  day  continuously. 

These  remarks  apply  to  all  the  fighting  men  of  whatever  part  of  Japan,  but 
as  to  the  Kwanto  bushi,  their  special  characteristics  are  thus  described  by  a  writer 
of  the  twelfth  century:  "Their  ponderous  bows  require  three  men  or  five  to 
bend  them.  Their  quivers,  which  match  these  bows,  hold  fourteen  or  fifteen 
bundles  of  arrows.  They  are  very  quick  in  releasing  their  shafts,  and  each 
arrow  kills  or  wounds  two  or  three  foemen,  the  impact  being  powerful  enough  to 
pierce  two  or  three  thicknesses  of  armour  at  a  time,  and  they  never  fail  to  hit 
the  mark.  Every  daimyo  (owner  of  a  great  estate)  has  at  least  twenty  or  thirty 
of  such  mounted  archers,  and  even  the  owner  of  a  small  barren  estate  has  two 
or  three.  Their  horses  are  very  excellent,  for  they  are  carefully  selected,  while 
as  yet  in  pasture,  and  then  trained  after  their  own  peculiar  fashion  With  five  or 
ten  such  excellent  mounts  each,  they  go  out  hunting  deer  or  foxes  and  gallop  up 
and  down  mountains  and  forests.  Trained  in  these  wild  methods,  they  are  all 
splendid  horsemen  who  know  how  to  ride  but  never  how  to  fall.  It  is  the  habit 
of  the  Kwanto  bushi  that  if  in  the  field  of  battle  a  father  be  killed,  the  son  will 
not  retreat,  or  if  a  son  be  slain  the  father  will  not  yield,  but  stepping  over  the 
dead,  they  will  fight  to  the  death."1 

The  Taira,  as  noted  above,  had  by  this  time  largely  recovered  from  the 
disasters  suffered  in  their  first  encounters  with  Yoshinaka 's  forces.  In  the 
western  provinces  of  the  main  island,  in  Shikoku,  and  in  Kyushu,  scions  of  the 
clan  had  served  as  governors  in  former  times,  so  that  ties  of  close  intimacy  had 
been  established  with  the  inhabitants.  Since  the  first  flight  to  Kyushu  in 
August,  1183,  their  generals,  Shigehira,  Michimori,  Noritsune,  and  others  had 
defeated  the  forces  of  Yoshinaka  at  Mizushima  and  those  of  Yukiiye  at  Muro- 
yama,  so  that  no  less  than  fourteen  provinces  of  the  Sanyo-dS  and  the  Nankai-do 
owned  Taira  sway,  and  by  the  beginning  of  1184  they  had  re-occupied  the  Fuku- 
hara district,  establishing  themselves  at  a  position  of  great  natural  strength  called 
Ichi-no-tani  in  the  province  of  Harima.  Their  lines  extended  several  miles, 
over  which  space  one  hundred  thousand  men  were  distributed.  They  lay 
within  a  semi-circle  of  mountains  supposed  "to  be  inaccessible  from  the  north; 
their  camp  was  washed  on  the  south  by  the  sea  where  a  thousand  war-vessels 

. 
I1  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.] 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  315 

were  assembled;  the  east  flank  rested  on  a  forest,  and  the  west  was  strongly 
fortified. 

On  March  21,  1184,  the  Kamakura  armies  delivered  their  assault  on  this 
position;  Noriyori  with  fifty-six  thousand  men  against  the  east  flank  at  Ikuta; 
Yoshitsune  's  lieutenants  with  twenty  thousand  men  against  the  west  at  Suma. 
Little  progress  was  made.  Defence  and  attack  were  equally  obstinate,  and  the 
advantage  of  position  as  well  as  of  numbers  was  with  the  former.  But  Yoshit- 
sune himself  had  foreseen  this  and  had  determined  that  the  best,  if  not  the  only, 
hope  of  victory  lay  in  delivering  an  assault  by  descending  the  northern  rampart 
of  mountains  at  Hiyodori  Pass.  Access  from  that  side  being  counted  impracti- 
cable, no  dispositions  had  been  made  by  the  Taira  to  guard  the  defile.  Yoshitsune 
selected  for  the  venture  seventy-five  men,  among  them  being  Benkei,  Hatake- 
yama  Shigetada,  and  others  of  his  most  trusted  comrades.  They  succeeded  in 
riding  down  the  steep  declivity,  and  they  rushed  at  the  Taira  position,  setting 
fire  to  everything  inflammable. 

What  ensued  is  soon  told.  Taken  completely  by  surprise,  the  Taira  weakened, 
and  the  Minamoto,  pouring  in  at  either  flank,  completed  the  rout  which  had 
already  commenced.  Munemori  was  among  the  first  of  the  fugitives.  He 
embarked  with  the  Emperor  Antoku  and  the  regalia,  and  steered  for  Yashima, 
whither  he  was  quickly  followed  by  the  remnants  of  his  force.  Shigehira, 
Kiyomori's  fifth  son,  was  taken  prisoner.  Michimori,  Tadanori,  and  Atsumori 
were  killed.  Several  illustrative  incidents  marked  this  great  fight.  Michimori 's 
wife  threw  herself  into  the  sea  when  she  heard  of  her  husband 's  death.  Tomoa- 
kira,  the  seventeen-year-old  son  of  Tomomori,  deliberately  sacrificed  himself  to 
save  his  father,  and  the  latter,  describing  the  incident  subsequently  to  his 
brother,  Munemori,  said  with  tears:  "A  son  died  to  save  his  father;  a  father 
fled,  leaving  his  son  to  die.  Were  it  done  by  another  man,  I  should  spit  in  his 
face.  But  I  have  done  it  myself.  What  will  the  world  call  me?"  This  same 
Tomomori  afterwards  proved  himself  the  greatest  general  on  the  Taira  side. 
Okabe  Tadazumi,  a  Minamoto  captain,  took  the  head  of  Tadanori  but  could  not 
identify  it.  In  the  lining  of  the  helmet,  however,  was  found  a  roll  of  poems  and 
among  them  one  signed  "Tadanori:" 

.7  ••'•'j'lfeijrf  iioV iio^j 

Twilight  upon  my  path, 

And  for  mine  inn  to-night 

The  shadow  of  a  tree, 

And  for  mine  host,  a  flower. 

This  little  gem  of  thought  has  gleamed  on  Tadanori 's  memory  through  all 
the  centuries  and  has  brought  vicarious  fame  even  to  his  slayer,  Tadazumi. 
Still  more  profoundly  is  Japanese  sympathy  moved  by  the  episode  of  Taira  no 
Atsumori  and  Kumagaye  Naozane.  Atsumori,  a  stripling  of  fifteen,  was 
seized  by  Naozane,  a  stalwart  warrior  on  the  Minamoto  side.  When  Naozane 
tore  off  the  boy 's  helmet,  preparatory  to  beheading  him,  and  saw  a  young  face 
vividly  recalling  his  own  son  who  had  perished  early  in  the  fight,  he  was  moved 
with  compassion  and  would  fain  have  stayed  his  hand.  To  have  done  so,  how- 
ever, would  merely  have  been  to  reserve  Atsumori  for  a  crueller  death.  He 
explained  his  scruples  and  his  sorrows  to  the  boy,  who  submitted  to  his  fate  with 
calm  courage.  But  Naozane  vowed  never  to  wield  weapon  again.  He  sent 
Atsumori 's  head  and  a  flute  found  on  his  person  to  the  youth's  father,  Tsune- 
mori,  and  he  himself  entered  the  priesthood,  devoting  the  remaining  years  of  his 
life  to  prayers  for  the  soul  of  the  ill-fated  lad.  Such  incidents  do  not  find  a 


316  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

usual  place  in  the  pages  of  history,  but  they  contribute  to  the  interpretation  of  a 
nation 's  character. 

BATTLE  OF  YASHIMA 

;*H;.i    ^  >irifB     *N  9/1 J  t-rtu^fi  nsut  Emm/oiTI  x< 

The  battle  of  Ichi-no-tani  was  not  by  any  means  conclusive.  It  drove  the 
Taira  out  of  Harima  and  the  four  provinces  on  the  immediate  west  of  the  latter, 
but  it  did  not  disturb  them  in  Shikoku  or  Kyushu,  nor  did  it  in  any  way  cripple 
the  great  fleet  which  gave  them  a  signal  advantage.  In  these  newly  won  prov- 
inces Yoritomo  placed  military  governors  and  nominated  to  these  posts  Doi 
Sanehira  and  Kajiwara  Kagetoki,  heroes,  respectively,  of  the  cryptomeria  forest 
and  the  hollow  tree.  But  this  contributed  little  to  the  solution  of  the  vital 
problem,  how  to  get  at  the  Taira  in  Shikoku  and  in  Kyushu.  Noriyori  returned 
to  Kamakura  to  consult  Yoritomo,  but  the  latter  and  his  military  advisers 
could  not  plan  anything  except  the  obvious  course  of  marching  an  army  from 
Harima  westward  to  the  Strait  of  Shimonoseki,  and  thereafter  collecting  boats 
to  carry  it  across  to  Kyushu.  That,  however,  was  plainly  defective  strategy. 
It  left  the  flank  of  the  westward-marching  troops  constantly  exposed  to  attack 
from  the  coast  where  the  Taira  fleet  had  full  command  of  the  sea;  it  invited 
enterprises  against  the  rear  of  the  troops  from  the  enemy 's  position  at  Yashima 
in  Shikoku,  and  it  assumed  the  possibility  of  crossing  the  Strait  of  Shimonoseki 
in  the  presence  of  a  greatly  superior  naval  force. 

Yet  no  other  plan  of  operations  suggested  itself  to  the  Kamakura  strategists. 
Yoshitsune  was  not  consulted.  He  remained  in  Kyoto  instead  of  repairing  to 
Kamakura,  and  he  thereby  roused  the  suspicion  of  Yoritomo,  who  began  to  see 
in  him  a  second  Yoshinaka.  Hence,  in  presenting  a  list  of  names  for  reward 
in  connexion  with  the  campaign  against  the  "Morning  Sun  shogun, "  Yoritomo 
made  no  mention  of  Yoshitsune,  and  the  brilliant  soldier  would  have  remained 
entirely  without  recognition  had  not  the  cloistered  Emperor  specially  appointed 
him  to  the  post  of  kebiishi.  Thus,  when  the  largely  augmented  Minamoto  force 
began  to  move  westward  from  Harima  in  October,  1184,  under  the  command  of 
Noriyori,  no  part  was  assigned  to  Yoshitsune.  He  remained  unemployed  in 
Kyoto. 

Noriyori  pushed  westward  steadily,  but  not  without  difficulty.  He  halted 
for  a  time  in  the  province  of  Suwo,  and  finally,  in  March,  1 185,  five  months  after 
moving  out  of  Harima,  he  contrived  to  transfer  the  main  part  of  his  force  across 
Shimonoseki  Strait  and  to  marshall  them  in  Bungo  in  the  north  of  Kyushu. 
The  position  then  was  this :  first,  a  Taira  army  strongly  posted  at  Yashima  in 
Sanuki  (Shikoku),  due  east  of  Noriyori 's  van  in  Bungo,  and  threatening  his  line 
of  communications  throughout  its  entire  length  from  Harima  to  the  Strait  of 
Shimonoseki ;  secondly,  another  Taira  army  strongly  posted  on  Hikoshima,  an 
island  west  of  Shimonoseki  Strait,  which  army  menaced  the  communications 
between  Noriyori 's  van  across  the  water  in  Bungo  and  his  advanced  base  in 
Suwo,  and  thirdly,  the  command  of  the  whole  Inland  Sea  in  the  hands  of  the  Taira. 

Evidently,  in  such  conditions  no  advance,  into  Kyushu  could  be  made  by 
Noriyori  without  inviting  capital  risks.  The  key  of  the  situation  for  the  Mina- 
moto was  to  wrest  the  command  of  the  sea  from  the  Taira  and  to  drive  them 
from  Shikoku  preparatory  to  the  final  assault  upon  Kyushu.  This  was  recognized 
after  a  time,  and  Kajiwara  Kagetoki  received  orders  to  collect  or  construct  a 
fleet  with  all  possible  expedition,  which  orders  he  applied  himself  to  carry  out 
at  Watanabe,  in  Settsu,  near  the  eastern  entrance  to  the  Inland  Sea.  In  justice 
to  Yoritomo 's  strategy  it  must  be  noted  that  these  orders  were  given  almost 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  317 

simultaneously  with  the  departure  of  the  Minamoto  army  westward  from  Hari- 
ma,  so  that  by  the  time  of  Noriyori  's  arrival  in  Bungo,  the  military  governor, 
Kagetoki,  had  got  together  some  four  hundred  vessels  at  Watanabe. 

Meanwhile,  Yoshitsune  had  been  chafing  in  Kyoto.  To  a  man  of  his 
temperament  enforced  passivity  on  the  eve  of  such  epoch-making  events  must 
have  been  intolerable.  He  saw  plainly  that  to  drive  the  Taira  from  Shikoku 
was  an  essential  preliminary  to  their  ultimate  defeat,  and  he  saw,  too,  that  for 
such  an  enterprise  a  larger  measure  of  resolution  and  daring  was  needed  than 
Kajiwara  Kagetoki  seemed  disposed  to  employ.  He  therefore  obtained  from 
the  cloistered  Emperor  the  commission  of  tai-shogun  (great  general)  and  hastened 
to  Settsu  to  take  command.  Complications  ensued  at  once.  Kagetoki  objected 
to  be  relegated  to  a  secondary  place,  and  Go-Shirakawa  was  induced  to  recall 
Yoshitsune.  But  the  latter  refused  to  return  to  Kyoto,  and,  of  course,  his 
relations  with  Kagetoki  were  not  cordial.  The  situation  was  complicated  by 
an  unpleasant  incident.  Kagetoki  wished  to  equip  the  war-junks  with  sakaro. 
Yoshitsune  asked  what  that  meant,  and  being  informed  that  sakaro  signified 
oars  at  the  bow  of  a  boat  for  use  in  the  event  of  going  astern,  he  said  that  such  a 
provision  could  tend  only  to  suggest  a  movement  fatal  to  success. 

"Do  you  contemplate  retiring?"  he  asked  Kagetoki.  "So  far  as  I  am  con- 
cerned, I  desire  only  to  be  equipped  for  advancing."  Kagetoki  indignantly 
replied:  "A  skilful  general  advances  at  the  right  moment  and  retires  at  the 
right  moment.  You  know  only  the  tactics  of  a  wild  boar."  Yoshitsune 
angrily  retorted,  "I  know  not  whether  I  am  a  boar  or  whether  I  am  a  deer,  but 
I  do  know  that  I  take  pleasure  in  crushing  a  foe  by  attacking  him."  From  that 
moment  the  relations  between  the  two  generals  were  distinctly  strained,  and  it 
will  presently  be  seen  that  the  consequences  of  their  estrangement  became 
historical. 

The  21st  of  March,  1185,  was  a  day  of  tempest.  Yoshitsune  saw  his  oppor- 
tunity. He  proposed  to  run  over  to  the  opposite  coast  and  attack  Yashima  under 
cover  of  the  storm.  Kagetoki  objected  that  no  vessel  could  live  in  such  weather. 
Yoshitsune  then  called  for  volunteers.  About  one  hundred  and  fifty  daring 
spirits  responded.  They  embarked  in  five  war-junks,  some  of  the  sailors  being 
ordered  to  choose  between  manning  the  vessels  or  dying  by  the  sword.  Sweeping 
over  the  Harima  Nada  with  the  storm  astern,  Yoshitsune  and  his  little  band  of 
heroic  men  landed  safely  on  the  Awa  coast,  and  dashed  at  once  to  the  assault  of 
the  Taira,  who  were  taken  wholly  by  surprise,  never  imagining  that  any  forces 
could  have  essayed  such  an  enterprise  in  such  a  tempest.  Some  fought  resolute- 
ly, but  ultimately  all  that  had  not  perished  under  the  swords  of  the  Minamoto 
obeyed  Munemori  's  orders  to  embark,  and  the  evening  of  the  23rd  of  March  saw 
the  Taira  fleet  congregated  in  Shido  Bay  and  crowded  with  fugitives.  There 
they  were  attacked  at  dawn  on  the  24th  by  Yoshitsune,  to  whom  there  had 
arrived  on  the  previous  evening  a  re-enforcement  of  thirty  war-junks,  sent,  not 
by  Kagetoki,  but  by  a  Minamoto  supporter  who  had  been  driven  from  the 
province  of  lyo  some  time  previously  by  the  Taira.  itiiitfi 

As  usual,  the  impetuosity  of  Yoshitsune 's  onset  carried  everything  before  it. 
Soon  the  Taira  fleet  was  flying  down  the  Inland  Sea,  and  when  Kajiwara  Kageto- 
ki, having  at  length  completed  his  preparations,  arrived  off  Yashima  on  the 
25th  of  March  with  some  four  hundred  war-vessels,  he  found  only  the  ashes  of 
the  Taira  palaces  and  palisades.  Munemori,  with  the  boy  Emperor  and  all 
the  survivors  of  the  Taira,  had  fled  by  sea  to  join  Tomomori  at  Hikoshima. 
This  enterprise  was  even  more  brilliant  and  much  more  conclusive  than  that  of 


318  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Ichi-no-tani.  During  three  consecutive  days,  with  a  mere  handful  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  followers,  Yoshitsune  had  engaged  a  powerful  Taira  army  on 
shore,  and  on  the  fourth  day  he  had  attacked  and  routed  them  at  sea,  where  the 
disparity  of  force  must  have  been  evident  and  where  no  adventitious  natural  aids 
were  available. 

When  every  allowance  is  made  for  the  incompetence  of  the  Taira  commander, 
Munemori,  and  for  the  crippling  necessity  of  securing  the  safety  of  the  child- 
sovereign,  Antoku,  the  battle  of  Yashima  still  remains  one  of  the  most  extraordi- 
nary military  feats  on  record.  Among  the  incidents  of  the  battle,  it  is  recorded 
that  Yoshitsune  himself  was  in  imminent  peril  at  one  time,  and  the  details 
illustrate  the  manner  of  fighting  hi  that  era.  He  dropped  his  bow  into  the  sea 
during  the  naval  engagement,  and  when  he  essayed  to  pick  it  up,  some  Taira 
soldiers  hooked  his  armour  with  a  grapnel.  Yos"hitsune  severed  the  haft  of  the 
grapnel  with  his  sword  and  deliberately  picked  up  the  bow.  Asked  why  he  had 
imperilled  his  person  for  a  mere  bow,  he  replied,  "Had  it  been  a  bow  such  as 
my  uncle  Tametomo  bent,  its  falling  into  the  enemy's  possession  would  not 
matter;  but  a  weak  bow  like  mine  would  give  them  something  to  laugh  at." 
Observing  this  incident,  Noritsune,  one  of  the  best  fighters  and  most  skilled 
archers  among  the  Taira,  made  Yoshitsune  the  target  of  his  shafts.  But 
Sato  Tsuginobu,  member  of  the  band  of  trusted  comrades  who  had  accompanied 
the  Minamoto  hero  from  Mutsu,  interposed  his  body  and  received  the  arrow 
destined  for  Yoshitsune.  Kikuo,  Noritsune 's  squire,  leaped  from  his  boat  to 
decapitate  the  wounded  Tsuginobu,  but  was  shot  down  by  the  latter 's  younger 
brother.  Yoshitsune  pillowed  Tsuginobu 's  head  on  his  knees  and  asked  the 
dying  man  whether  he  had  any  last  message.  The  answer  was:  "To  die  for 
my  lord  is  not  death.  I  have  longed  for  such  an  end  ever  since  we  took  the 
field.  My  only  regret  is  that  I  cannot  live  to  see  the  annihilation  of  the  Taira." 
Yoshitsune,  weeping,  said,  "To  annihilate  the  Taira  is  a  mere  matter  of  days, 
but  all  time  would  not  suffice  to  repay  your  devotion." 

BATTLE  OF  DAN-NO-URA 

The  fight  at  Yashima  was  followed  by  a  month 's  interval  of  comparatively 
minor  operations,  undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  Shikoku  completely 
under  Minamoto  sway.  During  that  time  the  two  clans  prepared  for  final 
action.  The  Taira  would  have  withdrawn  altogether  into  Kyushu,  but  such  a 
course  must  have  been  preceded  by  the  dislodging  of  Noriyori,  with  his  army  of 
thirty  thousand  men,  from  Bungo  province,  which  they  had  occupied  since  the 
beginning  of  March.  It  is  true  that  Noriyori  himself  was  unable  to  make  any 
further  incursion  into  Kyushu  so  long  as  his  maritime  communications  with  his 
advanced  base  in  Suwo  remained  at  the  mercy  of  the  Taira  fleet.  But  it  is 
equally  true  that  the  Taira  generals  dared  not  enter  Kyushu  so  long  as  a  strong 
Minamoto  force  was  planted  on  the  left  flank  of  their  route. 

Thus,  a  peculiar  situation  existed  at  the  beginning  of  April,  1185.  Of  the 
two  provinces  at  the  extreme  south  of  the  main  island,  one,  the  eastern  (Suwo), 
was  in  Minamoto  occupation;  the  other,  the  western  (Nagato),  was  mainly  held 
by  the  Taira;  and  of  the  three  provinces  forming  the  northern  littoral  of  Kyushu, 
two,  the  western  (Chikuzen  and  Buzen),  were  in  Taira  hands,  and  the  third, 
the  eastern  (Bungo),  was  the  camp  of  Noriyori  with  his  thirty  thousand  men. 
Finally,  the  Strait  of  Shimonoseki  between  Chikuzen  and  Buzen  was  in"  Taira 
possession.  Evidently  the  aim  of  the  Taira  must  be  to  eliminate  Noriyori  from 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  319 

the  battle  now  pending,  and  to  that  end  they  selected  for  arena  Dan-no-ura,  that 
is  to  say,  the  littoral  of  Nagato  province  immediately  east  of  the  Shimonoseki 
Strait. 

We  have  seen  that  ever  since  the  Ichi-no-tani  fight,  the  Minamoto  generals, 
especially  Kajiwara  Kagetoki,  had  been  actively  engaged  in  building,  or  other- 
wise acquiring,  war-junks.  By  April,  1185,  they  had  brought  together  a  squad- 
ron of  seven  to  eight  hundred;  whereas,  in  the  sequel  of  Yashima  and  minor 
engagements,  the  Taira  fleet  had  been  reduced  to  some  five  hundred.  The  war- 
junk  of  those  days  was  not  a  complicated  machine.  Propelled  by  oars,  it  had 
no  fighting  capacities  of  its  own,  its  main  purpose  being  to  carry  its  occupants 
within  bow-range  or  sword-reach  of  their  adversaries.  Naval  tactics  consisted 
solely  in  getting  the  wind-gage  for  archery  purposes. 

By  the  22nd  of  April,  1185,  the  whole  of  the  Minamoto  fleet  had  assembled 
at  Oshima,*an  island  lying  off  the  southeast  of  Suwo,  the  Taira  vessels,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Hikoshima  contingent,  being  anchored  at  Dan-no-ura.  On  that 
day,  a  strong  squadron,  sent  out  by  Yoshitsune  for  reconnoitring  purposes, 
marshalled  itself  at  a  distance  of  about  two  miles  from  the  Taira  array,  and  this 
fact  having  been  signalled  to  the  Taira  general,  Tomomori,  at  Hikoshima,  he 
at  once  passed  the  strait  and  joined  forces  with  the  main  fleet  at  Dan-no-ura. 
Yoshitsune 's  design  had  been  to  deliver  a  general  attack  immediately  after  the 
despatch  of  the  reconnoitring  squadron,  but  this  was  prevented  by  a  deluge  of 
blinding  rain  which  lasted  until  the  night  of  the  24th. 

Thus,  it  was  not  until  the  25th  that  the  battle  took  place.  It  commenced 
with  an  inconclusive  archery  duel  at  long  range,  whereafter  the  two  fleets  closed 
up  and  a  desperate  hand-to-hand  struggle  ensued.  Neither  side  could  claim 
any  decisive  advantage  until  Taguchi  Shigeyoshi  deserted  from  the  Taira  and 
passed  over  with  all  his  ships  to  the  Minamoto.  This  Taguchi  had  been  original- 
ly an  influential  magnate  of  lyo  in  Shikoku,  whence  he  had  accompanied  the 
Taira  retreat  to  Nagato,  leaving  his  son  with  three  thousand  men  to  defend  the 
family  manors  in  lyo.  The  son  was  so  generously  treated  by  the  Minamoto 
that  he  threw  in  his  lot  with  them  and  sent  letters  urging  his  father  to  adopt 
the  same  cause.  Taguchi  not  only  followed  his  son 's  advice  but  also  chose  the 
moment  most  disastrous  for  the  Taira. 

His  defection  was  followed  quickly  by  the  complete  rout  of  the  Heike.  ;:-A 
resolute  attempt  was  made  to  defend  the  ship  containing  the  young  Emperor, 
his  mother,  his  grandmother,  and  several  other  Taira  ladies;  but  the  vessel 
finally  passed  into  Minamoto  possession.  Not  before  she  had  been  the  scene  of 
a  terrible  tragedy,  however.  Kiyomori  's  widow,  the  Ni-i-no-ama,  grandmother 
of  Antoku,  took  the  six-year  old  child  in  her  arms  and  jumped  into  the 
sea,  followed  by  Antoku 's  mother,  the  Empress  Dowager  (Kenrei-mon-in), 
carrying  the  regalia,  and  by  other  court  ladies.  The  Empress  Dowager  was 
rescued,  as  were  also  the  sacred  mirror  and  the  gem,  but  the  sword  was 
irrevocably  lost. 

The  Taira  leader,  Munemori,  and  his  son,  Kiyomune,  were  taken  prisoner, 
but  Tomomori,  Noritsune,  and  seven  other  Taira  generals  were  drowned. 
Noritsune  distinguished  himself  conspicuously.  He  singled  out  Yoshitsune  for 
the  object  of  his  attack,  but  being  unable  to  reach  him,  he  seized  two  Minamoto 
bushi  and  sprang  into  the  sea  with  them.  Tomomori,  Munemori 's  brother, 
who  had  proved  himself  a  most  able  general,  leaped  overboard  carrying  an 
anchor.  Yoshitsune  spoke  in  strongly  laudatory  terms  of  Noritsune  and 
ascribed  to  him  much  of  the  power  hitherto  wielded  by  the  Taira.  Munemori 


320  VAHISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  his  son  were  executed  finally  at  Omi.  Shigehira,  in  response  to  a  petition 
from  the  Nara  priests  whose  fanes  he  had  destroyed  by  Kiyomori's  orders,  was 
handed  over  to  the  monks  and  put  to  death  by  them  at  Narasaka.  But  Kiyo- 
mori  's  brother,  who  had  interceded  for  the  life  of  Yoritomo  after  the  Heiji 
emeule,  was  pardoned,  his  rank  and  property  being  restored  to  him;  and  Taira 
no  Munekiyo,  who  also  had  acted  an  important  part  in  saving  Yoritomo  at  that 
time,  was  invited  to  visit  Kamakura  where  he  would  have  been  received  with 
honour;  but  he  declined  the  invitation,  declaring  that  a  change  of  allegiance  at 
such  a  moment  would  be  unworthy  of  a  bushi. 

It  may  here  be  noted  that,  although  several  of  the  Taira  leaders  who  took 
the  field  against  the  Minamoto  were  killed  in  the  campaign  or  executed  or  exiled 
after  it,  the  punitory  measures  adopted  by  Yoritomo  were  not  by  any  means 
wholesale.  To  be  a  Taira  did  not  necessarily  involve  Kamakura  's  enmity.  On 
the  contrary,  not  only  was  clemency  extended  to  several  prominent  members  of 
Kiyomori  's  kith  and  kin,  but  also  many  local  magnates  of  Taira  origin  whose 
estates  lay  in  the  Kwanto  were  from  first  to  last  staunch  supporters  and  friends 
of  the  Minamoto.  After  Dan-no-ura,  the  Heike's  sun  permanently  ceased  to 
dominate  the  political  firmament,  but  not  a  few  Heike  stars  rose  subsequently 
from  time  to  time  above  the  horizon. 
.eii*.-i9J1a  vjsteibamjni  3b£,tt«  fsra»3  a  TTn'fsb  ot  neid  bad  v. 

MUNEMORI  AND 


;,,,  ,The  record  of  Munemori,  whose  leadership  proved  fatal  to  the  Taira  cause, 
stamps  him  as  something  very  rare  among  Japanese  bushi  —  a  coward.  He 
was  the  first  to  fly  from  every  battle-field,  and  at  Dan-no-ura  he  preferred 
surrender  to  death.  Tradition  alleges  that  in  this  final  fight  Munemori  's  reputed 
mother,  Ni-i-no-ama,  before  throwing  herself  into  the  sea  with  the  Emperor  in 
her  arms,  confessed  that  Munemori  was  not  her  son.  After  she  had  borne 
Shigemori  she  became  enceinte  and  her  husband,  Kiyomori,  looked  eagerly  for 
the  birth  of  another  boy.  But  a  girl  was  born.  Just  at  that  time  the  wife  of  a 
man  who  combined  the  occupations  of  bonze  and  umbrella-maker,  bore  a  son, 
and  the  two  children  were  surreptitiously  exchanged.  This  story  does  not  rest 
upon  infallible  testimony.  Nor  does  another  narrative,  with  regard  to  the 
motives  which  induced  Kiyomori  's  widow  to  drown  the  young  Emperor.  Those 
motives  are  said  to  have  been  two.  One  was  to  fix  upon  the  Minamoto  the 
heinous  crime  of  having  done  a  sovereign  to  death,  so  that  some  avenger  might 
rise  in  future  years;  the  other  was  to  hide  the  fact  that  Antoku  was  in  reality  a 
girl  whose  sex  had  been  concealed  in  the  interest  of  the  child  's  maternal  grand- 
father, Kiyomori. 

YOSHITSUNE'S  FATE 

Yoshitsune  's  signal  victories  were  at  Ichi-no-tani  and  at  Yashima.  The 
fight  at  Dan-no-ura  could  not  have  made  him  famous,  for  its  issue  was  determined 
by  defection  in  the  enemy's  ranks,  not  by  any  strategical  device  or  opportune 
coup  on  the  side  of  the  victors.  Yet  Japan  accords  to  Yoshitsune  the  first  place 
among  her  great  captains.  Undoubtedly  this  estimate  is  influenced  by  sym- 
pathy. Pursued  by  the  relentless  anger  of  his  own  brother,  whose  cause  he  had 
so  splendidly  championed,  he  was  forced  to  fly  for  refuge  to  the  north,  and  was 
ultimately  done  to  death.  This  most  cruel  return  for  glorious  deeds  has  invested 
his  memory  with  a  mist  of  tears  tending  to  obscure  the  true  outlines  of  events, 
BO  that  while  Yoritomo  is  execrated  as  an  inhuman,  selfish  tyrant,  Yoshitsune  is 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  321 

worshipped  as  a  faultless  hero.  Yet,  when  examined  closely,  the  situation  under- 
goes some  modifications.  Yoritomo  's  keen  insight  discerned  in  his  half-brother 's 
attitude  something  more  than  mere  rivalry.  He  discovered  the  possible 
establishment  of  special  relations  between  the  Imperial  Court  and  a  section  of 
the  Minamoto. 

Yoshitsune  's  failure  to  repair  to  Kamakura  after  the  battle  of  Ichi-no-tani 
inspired  Yoritomo 's  first  doubts.  Japanese  annals  offer  no  explanation  of 
Yoshitsune 's  procedure  on  that  occasion.  It  would  have  been  in  the  reasonable 
sequence  of  events  that  the  military  genius  which  planned  and  carried  out  the 
great  coup  at  Ichi-no-tani  should  have  been  available  at  the  subsequent  council 
of  strategists  in  Kamakura,  and  it  would  have  been  natural  that  the  younger 
brother  should  have  repaired,  as  did  his  elder  brother,  Noriyori,  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  clan's  chief.  Yet  Yoshitsune  remained  at  Kyoto,  and  that  by 
so  doing  he  should  have  suggested  some  suspicions  to  Yoritomo  was  unavoidable. 
The  secret  of  the  Court  nobles'  ability  to  exclude  the  military  magnates  from 
any  share  in  State  administration  was  no  secret  in  Yoritomo 's  eyes.  He  saw 
clearly  that  this  differentiation  had  been  effected  by  playing  off  one  military 
party  against  the  other,  or  by  dividing  the  same  party  against  itself ;  and  he  saw 
clearly  that  opportunities  for  such  measures  had  been  furnished  by  subjecting 
the  military  leaders  to  constant  contact  with  the  Court  nobility. 

Therefore,  he  determined  to  keep  two  aims  always  in  view.  One  was  to 
establish  a  military  and  executive  capital  entirely  apart  from,  and  independent 
of,  the  Imperial  and  administrative  metropolis ;  the  other,  to  preserve  the  unity 
of  the  Minamoto  clan  in  all  circumstances.  Both  of  these  aims  seemed  to  be 
threatened  with  failure  when  Yoshitsune  preferred  the  Court  in  Kyoto  to  the 
camp  in  Kamakura ;  still  more  so  when  he  accepted  from  Go-Shirakawa  rank  and 
office  for  which  Yoritomo  had  not  recommended  him,  and  yet  further  when  he 
obtained  from  the  ex-Emperor  a  commission  to  lead  the  Minamoto  armies  west- 
ward without  any  reference  to,  and  in  despite  of,  the  obvious  intention  of  the 
Minamoto  chief  at  Kamakura. 

All  these  acts  could  scarcely  fail  to  be  interpreted  by  Yoritomo  as  preluding 
the  very  results  which  he  particularly  desired  to  avert,  namely,  a  house  of 
Minamoto  divided  against  itself  and  the  re-establishment  of  Court  influence  over 
a  strong  military  party  in  Kyoto.  His  apprehensions  received  confirmation 
from  reports  furnished  by  Kajiwara  Kagetoki.  Yoritomo  trusted  this  man 
implicitly.  Never  forgetting  that  Kajiwara  had  saved  his  life  in  the  affair  of 
the  hollow  tree,  he  appointed  him  to  the  post  of  military  governor  and  to  the 
command  of  the  army  destined  to  drive  the  Taira  from  Shikoku  after  the  battle 
of  Ichi-no-tani.  In  that  command  Kajiwara  had  been  superseded  by  Yoshi- 
tsune, and  had  moreover  been  brought  into  ridicule  in  connexion  not  only  with 
the  shipbuilding  incident  but  also,  and  in  a  far  more  flagrant  manner,  with  the 
great  fight  at  Yashima.  He  seems  from  the  first  to  have  entertained  doubts  of 
Yoshitsune 's  loyalty  to  Yoritomo,  and  his  own  bitter  experiences  may  well  have 
helped  to  convert  those  doubts  into  certainties.  He  warned  Kamakura  in  very 
strong  terms  against  the  brilliant  young  general  who  was  then  the  idol  of  Kyoto, 
and  thus,  when  Yoshitsune,  in  June,  1185,  repaired  to  Kamakura  to  hand  over 
the  prisoners  taken  in  the  battle  of  Dan-no-ura  and  to  pay  his  respects  to 
Yoritomo,  he  was  met  at  Koshigoe,  a  village  in  the  vicinity,  by  Hojo  Tokimasa, 
who  conveyed  to  him  Yoritomo 's  veto  against  his  entry  to  Kamakura.  A 
letter  addressed  by  Yoshitsune  to  his  brother  on  that  occasion  ran,  in  part,  as 
follows : — 


322  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Here  am  I,  weeping  crimson  tears  in  vain  at  thy  displeasure.  Well  was  it  said  that  good 
medicine  tastes  bitter  m  the  mouth,  and  true  words  ring  harsh  in  the  ear.  This  is  why  the 
slanders  that  men  speak  of  me  remain  unproved,  why  I  am  kept  out  of  Kamakura  unable  to 
lay  bare  my  heart.  These  many  days  1  have  lain  here  and  could  not  gaze  upon  my  brother 's 
face.  The  bond  of  our  blood-brotherhood  is  sundered.  . 

But  a  short  season  after  I  was  born,  my  honoured  sire  passed  to  another  world,  and  I  was 
left  fatherless.  Clasped  in  my  mother 's  bosom,  I  was  carried  down  to  Yamato,  and  since  that 
day  I  have  not  known  a  moment  free  from  care  and  danger.  Though  it  was  but  to  drag  out  a 
useless  life,  we  wandered  round  the  capital  suffering  hardship,  hid  in  all  manner  of  rustic  spots, 
dwelt  in  remote  and  distant  provinces,  whose  rough  inhabitants  did  treat  us  with  contumely. 
But  at  last  I  was  summoned  to  assist  in  overthrowing  the  Taira  house,  and  in  this  conflict  I 
first  laid  Kiso  Yoshinaka  low.  Then,  so  that  I  might  demolish  the  Taira  men,  I  spurred  my 
steed  on  frowning  precipices.  Careless  of  death  in  the  face  of  the  foe,  I  braved  the  dangers  of 
wind  and  wave,  not  recking  that  my  body  might  sink  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  and  be  devoured 
by  monsters  of  the  deep.  My  pillow  was  my  harness,  arms  my  trade.  .  .  .  [Translated 
by  W.  G.  Aston.] 

This  letter  breathes  the  spirit  of  sincerity.  .  But  its  perusal  did  not  soften 
Yoritomo,  if  it  ever  reached  his  eyes.  He  steadily  refused  to  cancel  his  veto, 
and  after  an  abortive  sojourn  of  twenty  days  at  Koshigoe,  Yoshitsune  returned 
to  Kyoto  where  his  condi,  ct  won  for  him  increasing  popularity.  Three  months 
later,  Yoritomo  appointed  him  governor  of  lyo.  It  is  possible  that  had  not  the 
situation  been  complicated  by  a  new  factor,  the  feud  between  the  brothers 
might  have  ended  there.  But  Minamoto  Yukiiye,  learning  of  these  strained 
relations,  emerged  from  hiding  and  applied  himself  to  win  the  friendship  of 
Yoshitsune,  who  received  his  advances  graciously.  Yoritomo,  much  incensed 
at  this  development,  sent  the  son  of  Kajiwara  Kagetoki  to  Yoshitsune  with  a 
mandate  for  Yukiiye 's  execution.  Such  a  choice  of  messenger  was  ill  calculated 
to  promote  concord.  Yoshitsune,  pleading  illness,  declined  to  receive  the  envoy, 
and  it  was  determined  at  Kamakura  that  extreme  measures  must  be  employed. 
Volunteers  were  called  for  to  make  away  with  Yoshitsune,  and,  in  response,  a 
Nara  bonze,  Tosabo  Shoshun,  whose  physical  endowments  had  brought  him  into 
prominence  at  Kamakura,  undertook  the  task  on  condition  that  a  substantial 
reward  be  given  him  beforehand. 

Shoshun  did  not  waste  any  time.  On  the  eighth  night  after  his  departure 
from  Kamakura,  he,  with  sixty  followers,  attacked  Yoshitsune 's  mansion  at 
Horikawa  in  Kyoto.  By  wholesale  oaths,  sworn  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  he 
had  endeavoured  to  disarm  the  suspicions  of  his  intended  victim,  and  he  so  far 
succeeded  that,  when  the  attack  was  delivered,  Yoshitsune  had  only  seven  men 
to  hold  the  mansion  against  sixty.  But  these  seven  were  the  trusty  and  stalwart 
comrades  who  had  accompanied  Yoshitsune  from  Mutsu  and  had  shared  all  the 
vicissitudes  of  his  career.  They  held  their  assailants  at  bay  until  Yukiiye,  roused 
by  the  tumult,  came  to  the  rescue,  and  the  issue  of  Shoshun 's  essay  was  that  his 
own  head  appeared  on  the  pillory  in  Kyoto.  Yoshitsune  was  awakened  and 
hastily  armed  on  this  occasion  by  his  beautiful  mistress,  Shizuka,  who,  originally 
a  danseuse  of  Kyoto,  followed  him  for  love 's  sake  in  weal  and  in  woe.  Tokiwa, 
Tomoe,  Kesa,  and  Shizuka  —  these  four  heroines  will  always  occupy  a  prominent 
place  in  Japanese  history  of  the  twelfth  century. 

After  this  event  there  could  be  no  concealments  between  the  two  brothers. 
With  difficulty  and  not  without  some  menaces,  Yoshitsune  obtained  from 
Go-Shirakawa  a  formal  commission  to  proceed  against  Yoritomo  by  force  of 
arms.  Matters  now  moved  with  great  rapidity.  Yoritomo,  always  presci- 
ent, had  fully  foreseen  the  course  of  events.  Shoshun 's  abortive  attack  on 
the  Horikawa  mansion  took  place  on  November  10,  1185,  and  before  the 
close  of  the  month  three  strong  columns  of  Kamakura  troops  were  converging 
on  KySto.  In  that  interval,  Yoshitsune,  failing  to  muster  any  considerable 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  323 

force  in  the  capital  or  its  environs,  had  decided  to  turn  his  back  on  Kyoto  and 
proceed  westward;  he  himself  to  Kyushu,  and  Yukiiye  to  Shikoku.  They  em- 
barked on  November  29th,  but  scarcely  had  they  put  to  sea  when  they  encountered 
a  gale  which  shattered  their  squadron.  Yoshitsune  and  Yukiiye  both  landed 
on  the  Izumi  coast,  each  ignorant  of  the  other 's  fate.  The  latter  was  captured 
and  beheaded  a  few  months  later,  but  the  former  made  his  way  to  Yamato  and 
found  hiding-places  among  the  valleys  and  mountains  of  Yoshino.  The  hero  of 
Ichi-no-tani  and  Yashima  was  now  a  proscribed  fugitive.  Go-Shirakawa,  whose 
fate  was  always  to  obey  circumstances  rather  than  to  control  them,  had  issued 
a  new  mandate  on  the  arrival  of  Yoritomo  's  forces  at  Kyoto,  and  Kamakura  was 
now  authorized  to  exterminate  Yoshitsune  with  all  his  partisans,  wherever  they 
could  be  found. 

Almost  simultaneously  with  the  capture  of  Yukiiye,  whose  fate  excites  no 
pity,  the  fair  girl,  Shizuka,  was  apprehended  and  brought  before  Hojo  Tokimasa, 
who  governed  Kyoto  as  Yoritomo 's  lieutenant.  Little  more  than  a  year  had 
elapsed  since  she  first  met  Yoshitsune  after  his  return  from  Dan-no-ura,  and  her 
separation  from  him  now  had  been  insisted  on  by  him  as  the  only  means  of  saving 
her  life.  Indifferent  to  her  own  fate,  she  quickly  fell  into  the  hands  of  Tokimasa 's 
emissaries  and  was  by  them  subjected  to  a  fruitless  examination,  repeated  with 
equally  abortive  results  on  her  arrival  at  Kamakura.  There,  in  spite  of  her 
vehement  resistance,  she  was  constrained  to  dance  before  Yoritomo  and  his  wife, 
Masa,  but  instead  of  confining  herself  to  stereotyped  formulae,  she  utilized  the 
occasion  to  chant  to  the  accompaniment  of  her  dance  a  stanza  of  sorrow  for 
separation  from  her  lover.  It  is  related  that  Yoritomo 's  wrath  would  have 
involved  serious  consequences  for  Shizuka  had  not  the  lady  Masa  intervened. 
The  beautiful  danseuse,  being  enceinte  at  the  time,  was  kept  in  prison  until  her 
confinement.  She  had  the  misfortune  to  give  birth  to  a  son,  and  the  child  was 
killed  by  Yoritomo 's  order,  the  mother  being  released.  The  slaughter  of  an 
innocent  baby  sounds  very  shocking  in  modern  ears,  but  it  is  just  to  remember 
that  the  Kamakura  chief  and  his  three  younger  brothers  would  all  have  been 
executed  by  Kiyomori  had  not  their  escape  been  contrived  by  special  agencies. 
The  Confucian  doctrine,  which  had  passed  into  the  bushi  's  code,  forbade  a  man 
to  live  under  the  same  sky  with  his  father's  slayer.  Deeds  like  the  killing  of 
Yoshitsune 's  son  were  the  natural  consequence  of  that  doctrine. 

Meanwhile,  Yoshitsune  had  been  passing  from  one  place  of  concealment  to 
another  in  the  three  contiguous  provinces  of  Izumi,  Yamato,  and  Kii.  He  escaped 
deadly  peril  in  the  Yoshino  region  through  the  devotion  of  Sato  Tadanobu, 
whose  brother,  Tsuginobu,  had  died  to  save  Yoshitsune 's  life  in  the  battle  of 
Yashima.  Attacked  by  the  monks  of  Zo-o-do  in  overwhelming  force,  Yoshitsune 
had  prepared  to  meet  death  when  Tadanobu  offered  to  personify  him  and  hold 
the  position  while  Yoshitsune  escaped.  With  much  difficulty  Yoshitsune  was 
induced  to  consent.  Tadanobu  not  only  succeeded  in  covering  the  retreat  of 
his  chief,  but  also  managed  himself  to  escape  to  Kyoto  where,  being  discovered, 
he  died  by  his  own  hand.  Finally,  in  the  spring  of  1187,  Yoshitsune  and  his 
followers,  disguised  as  mendicant  friars,  made  their  way  up  the  west  coast,  and, 
after  hairbreadth  escapes,  found  asylum  in  the  domain  of  Fujiwara  Hidehira,  who 
had  protected  Yoshitsune  in  his  youth.  Hidehira  owned  and  administered  the 
whole  of  the  two  provinces  of  Mutsu  and  Dewa,  which  in  those  days  covered  some 
thirty  thousand  square  miles  and  could  easily  furnish  an  army  of  a  hundred 
thousand  men. 

The  attitude  of  this  great  fief  had  always  been  an  object  of  keen  solicitude  to 


324  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Yoritomo.  At  one  time  there  were  rumours  that  Hidehira  intended  to  throw 
in  his  lot  with  Yoshinaka;  at  another,  that  he  was  about  to  join  hands  with  the 
Taira.  Yoritomo  could  never  be  certain  that  if  the  Kwanto  were  denuded  of 
troops  for  some  westward  expedition,  an  overwhelming  attack  might  not  be 
delivered  against  Kamakura  from  the  north.  Thus,  when  he  learned  that 
Yoshitsune  had  escaped  to  Mutsu,  all  his  apprehensions  were  roused.  By  that 
time  Hidehira  had  died,  in  his  ninety-first  year,  but  he  had  committed  to  his 
son,  Yasuhira,  the  duty  of  guarding  Yoshitsune.  Hence,  when,  in  the  spring 
of  1188,  Kamakura  became  aware  of  Yoshitsune 's  presence  in  Mutsu,  two  con- 
secutive messages  were  sent  thither,  one  from  Yoritomo,  the  other  from  the  Court, 
ordering  Yoshitsune 's  execution.  Yasuhira  paid  no  attention,  and  Go-Shiraka- 
wa  commissioned  Yoritomo  to  punish  the  northern  chief's  contumacy.  Yasu- 
hira now  became  alarmed.  He.  sent  a  large  force  to  attack  Yoshitsune  at 
Koromo-gawa.  Benkei  and  the  little  band  of  comrades  who  had  followed 
Yoshitsune 's  fortunes  continuously  during  eight  years,  died  to  a  man  fighting 
for  him,  and  Yoshitsune,  having  killed  his  wife  and  children,  committed  suicide. 
His  head  was  sent  to  Kamakura. 

But  this  did  not  satisfy  Yoritomo.  He  wanted  something  more  than 
Yoshitsune 's  head;  he  wanted  the  great  northern  fief,  and  he  had  no  idea  of 
losing  his  opportunity.  Three  armies  soon  marched  northward.  They  are  said 
to  have  aggregated  284,000  of  all  arms.  One  moved  up  the  western  littoral; 
another  up  the  eastern,  and  the  third,  under  Yoritomo  himself,  marched  by  the 
inland  route.  The  men  of  Mutsu  fought  stoutly,  but  after  a  campaign  of  some 
two  months,  Yasuhira,  finding  himself  in  a  hopeless  position,  opened  negotiations 
for  surrender.  His  overtures  being  incontinently  rejected,  he  appreciated  the 
truth,  namely,  that  Yoritomo  was  bent  upon  exterminating  the  Fujiwara  of  the 
north  and  taking  possession  of  their  vast  estates.  Then  Yasuhira  fled  to  Ezo, 
where,  shortly  afterwards,  one  of  his  own  soldiers  assassinated  him  and  carried 
his  head  to  Yoritomo,  who,  instead  of  rewarding  the  man,  beheaded  him  for 
treachery.  Thus,  from  1189,  Yoritomo 's  sway  may  be  said  to  have  extended 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  Japan.  In  the  storehouses  of  the  Fujiwara, 
who,  since  the  days  of  Kiyohira  had  ruled  for  a  hundred  years  in  the  north,  there 
were  found  piles  of  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stuffs  with  which  Yoritomo  recom- 
pensed his  troops. 

YORITOMO'S  SYSTEM 

The  system  of  government  established  by  Yeritomo  towards  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century  and  kept  in  continuous  operation  thereafter  until  the  middle  of 
the  nineteenth,  was  known  as  the  Bakufu,  a  word  literally  signifying  "camp 
office,"  and  intended  to  convey  the  fact  that  the  affairs  of  the  empire  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  military.  None  of  the  great  Japanese  captains  prior  to  Yoritomo 
recognized  that  if  their  authority  was  to  be  permanent,  it  must  be  exercised 
independently  of  the  Court  and  must  be  derived  from  some  source  outside  the 
Court.  The  Taira  chief,  in  the  zenith  of  his  career,  had  sufficient  strength  to  do 
as  Yoritomo  did,  and  at  one  moment,  that  is  to  say,  when  he  established  his  head- 
quarters at  Fukuhara,  he  appears  to  have  had  a  partial  inspiration.  But  he 
never  recognized  that  whatever  share  he  obtained  in  the  administration  of  State 
affairs  was  derived  solely  from  the  nature  of  the  office  conferred  on  him  by  the 
Court,  and  could  never  exceed  the  functions  of  that  office  or  survive  its  loss. 
The  Fujiwara  were  astuter  politicians.  By  their  plan  of  hereditary  offices  and 
by  their  device  of  supplying  maidens  of  their  own  blood  to  be  Imperial  consorts, 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI 


325 


they  created  a  system  having  some  elements  of  permanency  and  some  measure 
of  independence. 

But  it  was  reserved  for  Yoritomo  to  appreciate  the  problem  in  all  its  bearings 
and  to  solve  it  radically.  The  selection  of  Kamakura  for  capital  was  the  first 
step  towards  solution.  Kamakura  certainly  has  topographical  advantages. 
It  is  surrounded  by  mountains  except  on  one  face,  which  is  washed  by  the  sea. 
But  this  feature  does  not  seem  to  have  counted  so  much  in  Yoritomo 's  eyes  as 
the  fact  that  his  father,  Yoshitomo,  had  chosen  Kamakura  as  a  place  of  residence 
when  he  exercised  military  sway  in  the  Kwanto,  and  Yoritomo  wished  to  preserve 
the  tradition  of  Minamoto  power.  He  wished,  also,  to  select  a  site  so  far  from 
Kyoto  that  the  debilitating  and  demoralizing  influence  of  the  Imperial  metro- 
politan society  might  be  powerless  to  reach  the  military  capital.  Kamakura  was 
then  only  a  fishing  hamlet,  but  at  the  zenith  of  its  prosperity  it  had  grown  to  be 
a  city  of  at  least  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  inhabitants.  During  a  period  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  it  remained  the  centre  of  military  society  and  the  focus 

^5*. 

' 


,-#1190 


HACHIMAN  SHRINE  AT  KAMAKURA 


of  a  civilization  radically  different  from  that  of  Kyoto.  The  Taira  had  invited 
their  own  ruin  by  assimilating  the  ways  of  the  Fujiwara  and  of  the  courtiers;  the 
Minamoto  aimed  at  preserving  and  developing  at  Kamakura  the  special  charac- 
teristics of  the  buke. 

Porrrv  TnwAwnq  BFTTrmv  [i  ^° 

8B  brtOMJ  3d  ,  POLICY  TOWARDS  RELIGION  ^  ^ 

I  Yoritomo  seems  to  have  believed  that  the  Taira  had  owed  their  downfall 
largely  to  divine  wrath,  in  that  they  had  warred  against  the  monasteries  and 
confiscated  manors  belonging  to  shrines  and  temples.  He  himself  adopted  the 
policy  of  extending  the  utmost  consideration  to  religion,  whether  Shinto  or 
Buddhism,  and  to  its  devotees  and  their  possessions.  At  Kamakura,  though  it 


326  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

has  well-nigh  reverted  to  its  original  rank  as  a  fishing  hamlet,  there  exist  to-day 
eloquent  evidences  of  the  Minamoto  chief's  reverent  mood;  among  them  being 
the  temple  of  Hachiman;  a  colossal  bronze  image  of  Buddha  which,  in  majesty  of 
conception  and  execution,  is  not  surpassed  by  any  idol  in  the  world;1  a  temple 
of  Kwannon,  and  several  other  religious  edifices,  though  the  tomb  of  Yoritomo 
himself  is  "a  modest  little  monument  covered  with  creepers." 

9A  £:>  Y.'J  8  OCQOfttO  i     !i' 

YORITOMO'S  MEMORIAL 

-  : ;    !  '     lift 

It  has  been  stated  above  that,  after  the  retreat  of  the  Taira  from  Fukuhara, 
in  1183,  Go-Shirakawa  sent  an  envoy  to  Kamakura  inviting  Yoritomo 's  presence 
in  Kyoto.  Restrained,  however,  by  a  sense  of  insecurity,2  the  Minamoto  chief 
declined  to  leave  Kamakura,  and  sent  in  his  stead  a  memorial  to  the  Throne. 
This  document  commenced  with  a  statement  that  the  ruin  of  the  Taira  had  been 
due  not  to  human  prowess  but  to  divine  anger  against  the  plunderers  of  sacred 
lands.  Therefore,  all  manors  thus  improperly  acquired  should  be  at  once  restored 
to  their  original  owners.  Passing  on  to  the  case  of  estates  taken  by  the  Taira 
from  princes,  Court  nobles,  officials,  and  private  individuals,  Yoritomo  urged 
that  only  by  full  restitution  of  this  property  could  a  sense  of  security  be  imparted 
to  the  people.  "If  any  of  these  manors  be  now  granted  to  us,  the  indignation 
roused  by  the  Taira 's  doings  will  be  transferred  simultaneously  with  the  estates. 
To  change  men 's  misery  to  happiness  is  to  remove  their  resentment  and  repining. 
Finally,"  the  memorial  continued,  "if  there  be  any  Taira  partisans  who  desire 
to  submit,  they  should  be  liberally  treated  even  though  their  offences  deserve 
capital  punishment.  I  myself  was  formerly  an  offender,3  but  having  had  the 
good  fortune  to  be  pardoned,  I  have  been  enabled  to  subdue  the  insurgents. 
Thus,  even  men  who  have  been  disloyal  on  the  present  occasion  may  serve  a 
loyal  purpose  at  some  future  time." 

On  receipt  of  this  memorial,  Go-Shirakawa  ordered  that  the  manors  held  by 
the  Taira  in  the  Tokai-do  and  Tosan-do  should  all  be  restored  to  their  original 
owners,  the  duty  of  adjudicating  in  each  case  being  delegated  to  Yoritomo. 
How  much  of  this  admirably  conceived  document  was  inspired  by  political  acu- 
men we  may  not  venture  to  judge,  but  it  is  proper  to  note  that  the  principles 
enunciated  in  the  memorial  found  expression  in  the  practice  of  Yoritomo  himself. 
He  always  extended  clemency  to  a  defeated  enemy  if  he  deemed  the  latter 's 
submission  to  be  sincere,  and  throughout  his  whole  career  he  showed  a  strong 
respect  for  justice.  The  men  of  his  time  ultimately  gave  him  credit  for  sincerity, 
and  his  memorial  won  universal  approval  and  popularity. 


POLITY  OF  THE  KAMAKURA  BAKUFU 

Under  the  Dadka  (A.D.  645)  system,  various  administrative  organs  were 
created  in  accordance  with  Tang  models,  and  a  polity  at  once  imposing  and 
elaborate  came  into  existence.  But  when  the  capital  was  overtaken  by  an  era 
of  literary  effeminacy  and  luxurious  abandonment,  the  Imperial  exchequer  fell 
into  such  a  state  of  exhaustion  that  administrative  posts  began  to  be  treated  as 

^      • 

This  image  was  not  actually  erected  by  Yoritomo,  but  the  project  is  attributed  to  him.] 
[2  Kamakura  was  always  exposed  to  pressure  from  the  north.     It  had  long  been  proverbial 
that  white  the  eight  provinces  of  the  Kwanto  could  defy  the  whole  empire,  0-U  (Oshu  and 
Ushu-MutsQ  and  Dewa)  could  defy  the  eight  provinces.] 

(*  In  allusion  to  the  fact  that  owing  to  the  Emperor  'a  presence  in  the  camp  of  the  Taira 
during  the  6meule,  the  Minamoto  occupied  the  position  of  rebels.] 


KAMAKURA  DAIBUTSU,  OR  IMAGE  OF  BUDDHA 

(Cast   in  bronze.   1252  A.   D.;  height  47  feet) 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  327 

State  assets  and  bought  and  sold  like  commercial  chattels,  the  discharge  of  the 
functions  connected  with  them  becoming  illusory,  and  the  constant  tendency 
being  in  the  direction  of  multiplication  of  offices  with  a  corresponding  increase 
of  red  tape.  Yoritomo  and  his  councillors  appreciated  the  evils  of  such  a  system 
and  were  careful  not  to  imitate  it  at  Kamakura.  They  took  brevity  and  sim- 
pli  city  for  guiding  principles,  and  constructed  a  polity  in  marked  contrast  with 
that  of  Kyoto. 

At  the  head  of  the  whole  stood  the  shogun,  or  commander-in-chief  of  the  entire 
body  of  bushi,  and  then  followed  three  sections.  They  were,  first,  the  Samurai- 
dokoro,  which  term,  according  to  its  literal  rendering,  signified  "samurai  place/' 
and  may  be  appropriately  designated  "Central  Staff  Office."  Established  in 
1180,  its  functions  were  to  promote  or  degrade  military  men;  to  form  a  council  of 
war;  to  direct  police  duties  so  far  as  they  concerned  bushi',  to  punish  crime,  and 
to  select  men  for  guards  and  escorts.  The  president  (betto)  obviously  occupied 
a  post  of  prime  importance,  as  he  practically  controlled  all  the  retainers  (keniri) 
of  the  Minamoto  clan  and  its  allied  houses.  Its  first  occupant  was  Wada  Yoshi- 
mori,  representative  of  a  famous  family  in  the  Kwanto,  who  had  greatly  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  Gen-Hei  War.  He  held  the  post  until  the  year  1213, 
when,  taking  up  arms  against  Hojo  Yoshitoki,  he  was  defeated  and  killed. 
Thereafter,  it  being  deemed  inadvisable  that  the  functions  of  such  an  important 
office  should  be  delegated  independently,  they  were  made  supplementary  to 
those  of  the  military  regent  (shikken),  to  be  presently  spoken  of. 

!       .     .  r  :.----  :  r  ioy  la  Jt>it<":  *K>ifmi:^  lo  HOHT  '  smj-A&ria'A  o* 


i  o.l  •  wicci&'n-         '  ii  fi^no  -joii  f.-Trw  ibiiKv  KWtftf) 

MAN-DOKORO 

The  second  of  the  three  great  sections  of  the  Bakufu  polity  was  the  Man- 
dokoro  (literally,  "place  of  administration"),  which,  at  the  time  of  its  establish- 
ment in  1184,  was  designated  Kumon-jo,  the  change  of  name  to  Man-dokoro 
being  made  after  Yoritomo  's  first  visit  to  Kyoto  (1190),  when  he  was  nominated 
gon-dainagon  as  well  as  general  of  the  Right  division  of  the  guards  (u-kon-e 
taisho).  In  fact,  the  office  Man-dokoro  had  long  existed  in  the  establishment  of 
the  civil  regent  (kwampaku)  at  the  Imperial  capital,  and  a  concession  to  Kyoto 
usages  in  the  matter  of  nomenclature  appealed  to  Yoritomo  's  taste  for  simplicity. 
The  Man-dokoro  had  to  discharge  the  duties  and  general  business  of  the  Bakufu. 
Its  president  was  called  betto;  its  vice-president,  rei;  there  were  secretaries,  a 
manager  (shitsuji),  whose  functions  were  mainly  financial,  and  certain  minor 
officials.  Oye  no  Hiromoto  was  the  first  president,  and  the  office  of  shitsuji 
became  hereditary  in  the  Nikaido  family. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  betto  of  the  Man-dokoro  corresponded  to  the  regent 
in  the  Kyoto  polity,  the  only  difference  being  that  the  former  officiated  in  mili- 
tary government,  the  latter  in  civil.  The  betto  of  the  Man-dokoro  was,  in  fact, 
designated  by  the  alternative  name  of  shikken  (literally,  "holder  of  authority") 
Thus  there  were  two  regents,  one  in  Kyoto,  one  in  Kamakura.  In  succession  to 
Oye  no  Hiromoto,  the  military  regency  fell  to  Hojo  Tokimasa,  and  subsequently 
to  his  son  Yoshitoki,  who,  as  shown  above,  held  the  post  of  betto  of  the  Samurai- 
dokoro.  In  short,  both  offices  became  hereditary  in  the  Hojo  family,  who  thus 
acquired  virtually  all  the  power  of  the  Bakufu.  The  shikken,  standing  at  the 
head  of  the  Samurai-dokoro  and  the  Man-dokoro  simultaneously,  came  to  wield 
such  authority  that  even  the  appointment  of  the  shogun  depended  upon  his  will, 
and  though  a  subject  of  the  Emperor,  he  administered  functions  far  exceeding 
those  of  the  Imperial  Court.  In  the  year  1225,  a  reorganization  of  the  Man- 


328  \A«ISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

dokoro  was  effected.  An  administrative  council  was  added  (Hydjoshu),  the 
councillors,  fifteen  or  sixteen  in  number,  being  composed,  in  about  equal  parts, 
of  men  of  science  and  members  of  the  great  clans.  The  regent  (shikken)  presided 
ex-officio. 

MONJV-DOKORO 
ui  Y  Jil<>q  .Hi   buifano:)  Dfl£ 

The  third  of  the  Bakufu  offices  was  the  Monju-dokoro,  or  "  place  for  recording 
judicial  inquiries;"  in  other  words,  a  high  court  of  justice  and  State  legislature. 
Suits  at  law  were  heard  there  and  were  either  decided  finally  or  transferred  to 
other  offices  for  approval.  This  office  was  established  in  1184.  Its  president 
was  called  shitsuji  (manager),  indicating  that  he  ranked  equally  with  the 
Man-dokoro  official  having  the  same  appellation.  The  first  occupant  of  the  post 
was  Miyoshi  Yasunobu.  He  not  only  presided  over  the  Monju-dokoro  in  a 
judicial  capacity  but  also  attended  the  meetings  of  the  Man-dokoro  council 
(Hydjoshu)  ex-offirio. 

This  Miyoshi  Yasunobu,1  as  well  as  the  representative  of  the  NikaidO  who 
occupied  the  post  of  shitsuji  in  the  Man-dokoro;  the  Oye  family,  who  furnished  the 
president  of  the  latter,  and  the  Nakahara,  who  served  as  the  secretaries,  were 
all  men  of  erudition  whom  Yoritomo  invited  from  Kyoto  to  fill  posts  in  his  ad- 
ministrative system  at  Kamakura.  In  these  unquiet  and  aristocratically  exclu- 
sive times,  official  promotion  in  the  Imperial  capital  had  largely  ceased  to  be 
within  reach  of  scholastic  attainments,  and  Yoritomo  saw  an  opportunity  to 
attract  to  Kamakura  men  of  learning  and  of  competence.  He  offered  to  them 
careers  which  were  not  open  in  Kyoto,  and  their  ready  response  to  his  invitations 
was  a  principal  cause  of  the  success  and  efficacy  that  attended  the  operation  of 
the  Bakufu  system  in  the  early  days,  ^orto 

lo  omir  -3d)  •)/;  .fhirtvr  £'  notimttaaimlia  lo  'j-mlq"  <vl 


HIGH  CONSTABLES  AND  LAND-STEWARDS 

The  most  far-reaching  change  effected  by  Yoritomo  was  prompted  by  Oye  no 
Hiromoto,  at  the  close  of  1  185,  when,  Yoshitsune  and  Yukiiye  having  gone  west- 
ward from  Kyoto,  the  Kamakura  chief  entertained  an  apprehension  that  they 
might  succeed  in  raising  a  revolt  in  the  Sanyo-do,  in  Shikoku,  and  in  Kyushu. 
He  sought  advice  from  the  high  officials  of  the  Bakufu  as  to  the  best  preventive 
measures,  and  Oye  no  Hiromoto  presented  a  memorial  urging  that  the  Emperor's 
sanction  be  obtained  for  appointing  in  each  province  a  high  constable  (shugo) 
and  a  land-steward  (jito),  these  officials  being  nominated  from  Kamakura,  while 
Yoritomo  himself  became  chief  land-steward  (so-jito)  and  subsequently  lord 
high  constable  (so-tsuihoshi)  for  the  sixty-six  provinces.  The  object  of  these 
appointments  was  to  insure  that  the  control  of  local  affairs  should  be  everywhere 
in  the  hands  of  the  Bakufu,  whose  nominees  would  thus  be  in  a  position  to  check 
all  hostile  movements  or  preparations. 

Yoritomo  recognized  the  important  bearings  of  this  project.  He  at  once 
sent  Hojo  Tokimasa  to  guard  Kyoto  and  to  submit  to  the  Court  a  statement  that 
it  would  be  far  more  effective  and  economical  to  prevent  acts  of  insurrection  than 
to  deal  with  them  after  their  full  development,  and  that,  to  the  former  end, 
trustworthy  local  officials  should  be  appointed,  the  necessary  funds  being  ob- 

f1  Miyoshi  Yasunobu  held  the  office  of  chugu  no  sakan  in  Kyoto.  He  was  personally  known 
to  Yoritomo,  and  he  was  instrumental  in  securing  the  services  of  the  astute  Oye  no  Hiromoto, 
whose  younger  brother,  Chikayoshi,  was  governor  of  Aki  at  the  time  of  receiving  Yoritomo  's 
invitation.  His  descendants  received  the  uji  of  Nagai  and  M6ri  ;  those  of  Yasunobu,  the  uji 
of  Ota  and  Machine,  and  those  of  Chikayoshi,  the  uji  of  Settsu  and  Otomo.] 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  329 

tained  by  levying  from  the  twenty-six  provinces  of  the  Go-Kinai,  Sanin,  Sanyo, 
Nankai,  and  Saikai  a  tax  of  five  sho  of  rice  per  tan  (two  bushels  per  acre).  Go- 
Shirakawa  seems  to  have  perceived  the  radical  character  of  the  proposed  measure. 
He  evinced  much  reluctance  to  sanction  it.  But  Yoritomo  was  too  strong  to  be 
defied.  The  Court  agreed,  and  from  that  moment  military  feudalism  may  be 
said  to  have  been  established  in  Japan.  :{fHo 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  land  system  fixed  by  the  Daiho-ryo  had  fallen  into 
confusion.  Private  manors  existed  everywhere,  yielding  incomes  to  all  classes 
from  princes  to  soldiers.  In  the  days  of  the  Fujiwara  and  the  Taira  more  than 
one-half  of  the  arable  land  throughout  the  empire  was  absorbed  into  such  estates, 
which  paid  no  taxes  to  anyone  except  their  direct  owners.  The  provincial 
governor  appointed  by  the  Court  gradually  ceased  to  exercise  control  over  the 
shoen  in  his  district,  unless  he  happened  to  be  a  military  man  with  a  sufficient 
force  of  armed  retainers  (ken/in)  to  assert  his  authority.  Hence  it  became 
customary  for  provincial  governors  not  to  proceed  in  person  to  the  place  of  their 
function.  They  appointed  deputies  (mokudai),  and  these  limited  their  duties 
to  the  collection  of  taxes  from  manors.  Lands  constituting  the  domains  of 
great  families  were  under  the  complete  control  of  their  holders,  and  there  being 
no  one  responsible  for  the  preservation  of  general  peace  and  order,  bandits  and 
other  lawbreakers  abounded. 

This  state  of  affairs  was  remedied  by  the  appointment  of  high  constables  and 
land-stewards.  The  high  constable  had  to  arrest  insurgents,  assassins,  and 
robbers  wherever  he  found  them,  and  to  muster  the  soldiers  for  service  in  the 
Kyoto  guards.  The  land-steward  was  to  collect  taxes  from  all  private  manors. 
Soon,  however,  these  functions  were  extended,  so  that  the  high  constables  exer- 
cised judicial  and  administrative  powers,  and  the  land-stewards  not  only  col- 
lected taxes,  and,  after  deducting  their  own  salaries,  handed  the  remainder 
to  those  entitled  to  receive  it,  but  also  were  responsible  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace  and  order  within  the  manors  entrusted  to  their  charge.  High  constables 
and  land-stewards  alike  were  responsible  to  Kamakura  alone ;  they  were  beyond 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Imperial  Court.  Thus,  the  sway  of  the  Minamoto  extend- 
ed throughout  the  whole  country.  It  may  be  stated  at  once  here  that  the  land- 
steward  system  did  not  work  altogether  satisfactorily.  The  acts  of  these  officials 
created  friction  in  several  quarters,  and  they  were  soon  withdrawn  from  all  man- 
ors other  than  those  owned  or  administered  by  Taira.  The  high  constables 
remained,  however,  and  were  in  full  control  of  local  military  affairs,  the  Kama- 
kura chief  controlling  the  whole  in  his  capacity  of  lord  high  constable. 

.-.-in  "to  srriflottri 

EXEMPTION  OF  SHRINES  AND  TEMPLES  FROM  THE  SHUGO  SYSTEM 

In  pursuance  of  his  policy  of  special  benevolence  towards  religious  institu- 
tions, Yoritomo  exempted  the  manors  of  temples  and  shrines  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  high  constables.  Thus  military  men  were  not  permitted  to  make  an  arrest 
within  the  enclosure  of  a  fane,  or  to  trespass  in  any  way  on  its  domains,  these 
being  tax-free. 

//'  REFORM  OF  THE  COURT 

iToritomo  did  not  confine  himself  to  re-casting  the  system  of  provincial 
administration.  He  extended  his  reforms  to  the  Court,  also.  Thrice  within  the 
short  space  of  five  years  he  had  been  proscribed  as  a  rebel  by  Imperial  decree  — 
once  at  the  instance  of  the  Taira ;  once  at  the  instance  of  Yoshinaka,  and  once  at 


330  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  instance  of  Yoshitsune.  In  short,  the  Court,  being  entirely  without  military 
power  of  its  own,  was  constrained  to  bow  to  any  display  of  force  from  without. 
As  a  means  of  correcting  this  state  of  affairs,  Hoj5  Tokimasa  was  despatched  to 
the  Imperial  capital  at  the  close  of  1185,  to  officiate  there  as  high  constable  and 
representative  of  the  Bakufu.  A  strong  force  of  troops  was  placed  at  his  disposal, 
and  efficient  means  of  speedy  communications  between  the  east  and  the  west 
were  organized.  Moreover,  a  new  office,  that  of  scrutator  (nairari),  was  institut- 
ed, and  to  him  were  transferred  some  of  the  powers  hitherto  wielded  by  the 
regent  (kwampaku).  Fujiwara  Kanezane  was  the  first  occupant  of  this  post. 
Further,  a  body  of  twelve  councillors  (giso),  headed  by  Kanezane,  were  organized 
in  the  cloistered  Emperor's  Court  (Inchu),  and  to  this  council  was  entrusted  the 
duty  of  discussing  and  deciding  all  State  affairs.  These  important  steps  were 
taken  early  in  1186. 

Simultaneously,  a  number  of  Court  officials,  including  all  that  had  been 
connected  with  Yoshitsune  and  Yukiie,  lost  their  posts,  and,  shortly  afterwards, 
Kanezane,  becoming  regent  (kwampaku)  in  place  of  Fujiwara  Motomichi, 
co-operated  with  Oye  no  Hiromoto  in  effecting  many  important  changes,  the 
latter  operating  at  Kamakura,  the  former  at  Kyoto.  It  may  be  noted  here  that 
Kanezane 's  descendants  received  the  name  of  Kujo,  those  of  Motomichi  being 
called  Konoe,  and  the  custom  of  appointing  the  kwampaku  alternately  from 
these  two  families  came  into  vogue  from  that  time.  All  the  above  reforms  having 
been  effected  during  the  year  1186,  the  Bakufu  recalled  Hojo  Tokimasa  and 
appointed  Nakahara  Chikayoshi  to  succeed  him.  But,  as  the  latter  was  not  a 
scion  of  a  military  family,  the  Court  desired  to  have  a  Hojo  appointed,  and 
Yoritomo  acceded  by  sending  Hojo  Tokisada. 

-i'>O    VJ'JfO    )Oft  tifalffff^te-^Fitil  SfKfr  f¥£U>  , .'".'I •37/O<J    ">'i 

'•'ib'TLBin'tt  ifii  lv»fofiji/I  .s'Mialaa  nv/o  ifod&  2/iit    ;     !>    . 

PALACES  AND  FANES 

Yoritomo  maintained  from  first  to  last  a  reverential  attitude  towards  the 
Throne  and  towards  religion.  It  has  already  been  shown  how  generously  he 
legislated  in  the  matter  of  estates  belonging  to  temples  and  shrines,  and  we  may 
add  that  his  munificence  in  that  respect  was  stimulated  by  a  terrible  earthquake 
which  visited  Kyoto  in  the  autumn  of  1185.  While  the  city  trembled  under 
repeated  shocks,  the  citizens  told  each  other  that  this  was  the  work  of  vengeful 
spirits  of  the  Taira  who,  having  fallen  in  the  great  sea-fight,  were  still  without 
full  rites  of  sepulture.  The  Kamakura  chief  seems  to  have  accepted  that  view, 
for  he  not  only  gave  substantial  encouragement  to  the  burning  of  incense  and 
intoning  of  memorial  Sutras,  but  he  also  desisted  largely  from  his  pursuit  of  the 
Taira  survivors.  Two  years  later  (1187),  he  sent  Oye  no  Hiromoto  to  the 
Imperial  capital  with  authority  and  ample  competence  to  repair  the  palaces 
there.  The  city  was  then  infested  with  bandits,  a  not  unnatural  product  of  the 
warlike  era.  Chiba  Tsunetane,  specially  despatched  from  Kamakura,  dealt 
drastically  with  this  nuisance,  and  good  order  was  finally  restored. 

YORITOMO  VISTS  KYOTO 

During  the  early  years  of  his  signal  triumphs  Yoritomo  was  invited  to 
Ky6to  on  several  occasions.  Various  considerations  deterred  him.  He  wished, 
in  the  first  place,  to  dispel  the  popular  illusion  that  the  Imperial  capital  was  the 
centre  of  all  dignity  and  power.  People  must  be  taught  to  recognize  that, 
although  Kyoto  might  be  the  ultimate  source  of  authority,  Kamakura  was  its 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE  HEI  331 

place  of  practical  exercise.  He  wished,  in  the  second  place,  not  to  absent  him- 
self from  Kamakura  until  he  could  be  absolutely  assured  that  his  absence  would 
not  afford  an  opportunity  to  his  enemies;  which  sense  of  security  was 
not  fully  reached  until  the  death  of  Yoshitsune  and  Fujiwara  no  Yasuhira,  and 
the  complete  subjugation  of  the  great  northern  fief  of  Oshti  in  the  year  1189. 
Finally,  he  wished  to  appear  in  Kyoto,  not  merely  as  the  representative  of  mili- 
tary power,  but  also  as  a  benefactor  who  had  rebuilt  the  fanes  and  restored  the 
palaces. 

On  the  2nd  of  November,  in  the  year  1190,  he  set  out  from  Kamakura  and 
reached  Kyoto  on  December  5th.  His  armies  had  shown  that,  for  the  purpose 
of  a  campaign,  the  distance  would  be  traversed  in  little  more  than  half  of  that 
time.  But  Yoritomo 's  journey  was  a  kind  of  Imperial  progress.  Attended  by 
a  retinue  designed  to  surprise  even  the  citizens  of  the  Imperial  metropolis,  he 
travelled  at  a  leisurely  pace  and  made  a  pause  of  some  duration  in  Owari  to 
worship  at  his  father 's  tomb.  The  Court  received  him  with  all  consideration. 
He  had  already  been  honoured  with  the  first  grade  of  the  second  rank,  so  that  he 
enjoyed  the  right  of  access  to  the  Presence,  and  the  cloistered  Emperor  held  with 
him  long  conversations,  sometimes  lasting  a  whole  day.  But  Yoritomo  did  not 
achieve  his  purpose.  It  is  true  that  he  received  the  appointments  of  gon- 
dainagon  and  general  of  the  Right  division  of  the  guards.  These  posts,  however, 
were  more  objectionable  on  account  of  their  limitations  than  acceptable  as  marks 
of  honour.  Their  bestowal  was  a  mere  formality,  and  Yoritomo  resigned  them 
in  a  few  days,  preferring  to  be  nominated  so-tsuihoshi. 

What  he  really  desired,  however,  was  the  office  of  sei-i  tai-shogun  (barbarian- 
subduing  great  general).  This  high  title  had  been  conferred  more  than  once 
previously,  but  only  for  the  purpose  of  some  finite  and  clearly  indicated  purpose, 
on  the  attainment  of  which  the  office  had  to  be  surrendered.  The  Kamakura 
chief 's  plan  was  to  remove  these  limitations,  and  to  make  the  appointment  not 
only  for  life  but  also  general  in  the  scope  of  its  functions  and  hereditary  in  his 
own  family,  reserving  to  the  sovereign  the  formal  right  of  investiture  alone. 
Go-Shirakawa,  however,  appreciated  the  far-reaching  effects  of  such  an  arrange- 
ment and  refused  to  sanction  it.  Thus,  Yoritomo  had  to  content  himself  with 
the  post  of  lord  high  constable  of  the  empire  (so-tsuihoshi) ,  an  office  of  immense 
importance,  but  differing  radically  from  that  of  sei-i  tai-shogun  in  that,  whereas 
the  latter  had  competence  to  adopt  every  measure  he  pleased  without  reference 
to  any  superior  authority,  the  former  was  required  to  consult  the  Imperial  Court 
before  taking  any  step  of  a  serious  nature.  The  Minamoto  chief  returned  quiet- 
ly to  Kamakura,  but  he  left  many  powerful  friends  to  promote  his  interests  in 
Kyoto,  and  when  Go-Shirakawa  died,  in  1192,  his  grandson  and  successor, 
Go-Toba,  a  boy  of  thirteen,  had  not  occupied  the  throne  more  than  three  months 
before  the  commission  of  sei-i  tai-shogun  was  conveyed  to  Yoritomo  by  special 
envoys.  Thereafter  it  became  the  unwritten  law  of  the  empire  that  the  holder 
of  this  high  post  must  be  either  the  head  of  the  principal  Minamoto  family  or  an 
Imperial  prince. 

Never  before  had  there  been  such  encroachment  upon  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Crown.  We  have  seen  that,  in  the  centuries  antecedent  to  the  Daika  (A.D.  645) 
reforms,  the  sovereign's  contact  with  his  subjects  had  been  solely  through  the 
medium  of  the  o-omi  or  the  o-muraji.  By  these,  the  Imperial  commands  were 
transmitted  and  enforced,  with  such  modifications  as  circumstances  might 
suggest,  nor  did  the  prerogative  of  nominating  the  o-omi  or  the  o-muraji  belong 
practically  to  the  Throne.  The  Daika  reforms,  copying  the  Tang  polity-  called 


332  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

into  existence  a  cabinet  and  a  body  of  officials  appointable  or  removable  by  the 
sovereign  at  will,  each  entrusted  with  definite  functions.  But  almost  before 
that  centralized  system  had  time  to  take  root,  the  Fujiwara  grafted  on  it  a  modi- 
fication which,  in  effect,  substituted  their  own  family  for  the  o-omi  and  the 
o-muraji  of  previous  times.  And  now,  finally,  came  the  Minamoto  with  their 
separate  capital  and  their  sei-i  tai-shogun,  who  exercised  the  military  and 
administrative  powers  of  the  empire  with  practically  no  reference  to  the  Emperor. 
Yoritomo  himself  was  always  willing  and  even  careful  to  envelop  his  own 
personality  in  a  shadow  of  profound  reverence  to  wards  the  occupant  of  the  throne, 
but  he  was  equally  careful  to  preserve  for  Kamakura  the  substance  of  power. 

DEATH  OF  YORITOMO 
art  taii<-Kiui:  tffl  IsnoqjfiL  SIUTO  ^fl-jsino  a  -Jfenq-ma  ui  D 

Yoritomo  lived  only  seven  years  after  he  had  reached  the  summit  of  his 
ambition.  He  received  the  commission  of  sei-i  tai-shogun  in  the  spring  of  1192, 
and,  early  in  1199,  he  was  thrown  from  his  horse  and  killed,  at  the  age  of  fifty- 
three.  He  had  proceeded  to  the  pageant  of  opening  a  new  bridge  over  the 
Sagami  River,  and  it  was  popularly  rumoured  that  he  had  fallen  from  his  horse 
in  a  swoon  caused  by  the  apparition  of  Yoshitsune  and  Yukiiye  on  the  Yamato 
plain  and  that  of  the  Emperor  Antoku  at  Inamura  promontory.  Just  twenty 
years  had  elapsed  since  he  raised  the  Minamoto  standard  in  Sagami.  His 
career  was  short  but  meteoric,  and  he  ranks  among  the  three  greatest  statesmen 
Japan  has  ever  produced,  his  compeers  being  Hideyoshi  and  leyasu. 

'ioao  flsd.t  frrora  bfroorno:;)  n^-xl  lu.  .(ls'f-3  , 

YORITOMO 'S  CHARACTER 

Japanese  historians  have  written  much  about  this  illustrious  man.  Their 
views  may  be  condensed  into  the  following:  Yoritomo  was  short  in  stature  with 
a  disproportionately  large  head.  He  had  a  ringing  voice,  gentle  manners,  an 
intrepid  and  magnanimous  heart,  profound  insight,  and  extraordinary  caution. 
The  power  of  imposing  his  will  upon  others  was  one  of  his  notable  characteristics, 
as  was  also  munificence  to  those  that  served  him.  Retainers  of  the  Taira  or  of  the 
Minamoto  —  he  made  no  distinction.  All  that  swore  fealty  to  him  were  frankly 
regarded  as  go-kenin  of  the  Bakufu.  Estates  were  given  to  them,  whether  re- 
stored or  newly  bestowed,  and  they  were  treated  much  as  were  the  hatamotoof  the 
Yedo  shogunate  hi  later  times.  He  spared  no  pains  to  preserve  Kamakura 
against  the  taint  of  Kyoto's  demoralizing  influences.  The  bushi  of  the  Kwanto 
were  made  the  centre  of  society;  were  encouraged  to  observe  the  canons  of  their 
caste — frugality,  loyalty,  truth,  valour,  and  generosity — canons  daily  becoming 
crystallized  into  inflexible  laws.  When  Toshikane,  lord  of  Chikugo,  appeared  at 
the  Kamakura  Court  in  a  magnificent  costume,  Yoritomo  evinced  his  displeasure 
by  slashing  the  sleeves  of  the  nobleman 's  surcoat.  Skill  in  archery  or  equestrian- 
ism was  so  much  valued  that  it  brought  quick  preferment  and  even  secured 
pardon  for  a  criminal. 

On  the  other  hand,  neglect  of  these  arts,  or  conduct  unbecoming  a  samurai, 
was  mercilessly  punished.  When  Hayama  Muneyori  retired  to  his  province 
without  accompanying  the  army  sent  to  attack  O-U,  he  was  severely  censured 
and  deprived  of  his  estates.  Cognate  instances  might  be  multiplied.  In  the 
year  1 193,  the  first  case  of  the  vendetta  occurred  in  Japan.  Yoritomo  organized 
a  grand  hunting  party  on  the  moors  at  the  southern  base  of  Fuji-yama.  Among 
those  that  accompanied  him  was  Kudo  Suketsune,  who  had  done  to  death  Soga 


THE  EPOCH  OF  THE  GEN  AND  THE .  HEI  333 

no  Sukeyasu.  The  latter 's  sons,  Sukenari  (commonly  called  Juro)  and  Toki- 
mune  (Goro),  having  sworn  to  avenge  their  father,  broke  into  Yoritomo 's  camp 
and  took  the  head  of  their  enemy.  The  elder  was  killed  in  the  enterprise;  the 
younger,  captured  and  beheaded.  Yoritomo  would  fain  have  saved  Goro's 
life,  though  the  youth  declared  his  resolve  not  to  survive  his  brother.  But  the 
Kamakura  chief  was  constrained  to  yield  to  the  demands  of  Suketsune's  son. 
He,  however,  marked  his  appreciation  of  Juro  and  Goro 's  filial  piety  by  carefully 
observing  their  last  testament,  and  by  exonerating  the  Soga  estate  from  the  duty 
of  paying  taxes  in  order  that  funds  might  be  available  for  religious  rites  on 
account  of  the  spirits  of  the  brothers. 

This  encouragement  of  fidelity  may  well  have  been  dictated  by  selfish  policy 
rather  than  by  moral  conviction.  Yet  that  Yoritomo  took  every  conspicuous 
opportunity  of  asserting  the  principle  must  be  recorded.  Thus,  he  publicly 
declared  Yasuhira  a  traitor  for  having  done  to  death  his  guest,  Yoshitsune, 
though  in  so  doing  Yasuhira  obeyed  the  orders  of  Yoritomo  himself;  he  executed 
the  disloyal  retainer  who  took  Yasuhira 's  head,  though  the  latter  was  then  a 
fugitive  from  the  pursuit  of  the  Kamakura  armies,  and  he  pardoned  Yuri 
Hachiro,  one  of  Yasuhira 's  officers,  because  he  defended  Yasuhira 's  reputation 
in  defiance  of  Yoritomo 's  anger. 

Gratitude  Yoritomo  never  failed  to  practise  within  the  limit  of  policy. 
Rumour  said  that  he  had  fallen  in  his  first  battle  at  Ishibashi-yama.  Thereupon, 
Miura  Yoshiaki,  a  man  of  eighty-nine,  sent  out  all  his  sons  to  search  for  Yorito- 
mo 's  body,  and  closing  his  castle  in  the  face  of  the  Taira  forces,  fell  fighting.  Yo- 
ritomo repaid  this  loyal  service  by  appointing  Yoshiaki 's  son,  Wada  Yoshimori, 
to  be  betid  of  the  Samurai-dokoro,  one  of  the  very  highest  posts  in  the  gift  of  the 
Kamakura  Government.  Again,  it  will  be  remembered  that  when,  as  a  boy  of 
fourteen,  Yoritomo  had  been  condemned  to  death  by  Kiyomori,  the  lad 's  life  was 
saved  through  the  intercession  of  Kiyomori 's  step-mother,  Ike,  who  had  been 
prompted  by  Taira  no  Munekiyo.  After  the  fall  of  the  Taira,  Yoritomo  prayed 
the  Court  to  release  Ike's  son,  Yorimori,  and  to  restore  his  rank  and  estates, 
while  in  Munekiyo 's  case  he  made  similar  offers  but  they  were  rejected. 

Towards  his  own  kith  and  kin,  however,  he  showed  himself  implacable.  In 
Yoshitsune 's  case  it  has  been  indicated  that  there  was  much  to  awaken  Yorito- 
mo's  suspicions.  But  his  brother  Noriyori  had  no  qualities  at  all  likely  to  be 
dangerously  exercised.  A  commonplace,  simple-hearted  man,  he  was  living 
quietly  on  his  estate  in  Izu  when  false  news  came  that  Yoritomo  had  perished 
under  the  sword  of  the  Soga  brothers.  Yoritomo 's  wife  being  prostrated  by  the 
intelligence,  Noriyori  bade  her  be  reassured  since  he,  Noriyori,  survived.  When 
this  came  to  Yoritomo 's  ears,  doubtless  in  a  very  exaggerated  form,  he  sent  a 
band  of  assassins  who  killed  Noriyori.  Assassination  was  a  device  from  which 
the  Kamakura  chief  did  not  shrink  at  all.  It  has  been  shown  how  he  sent 
Tosabo  Shoshun  to  make  away  with  Yoshitsune  in  Kyoto,  and  we  now  see  him 
employing  a  similar  instrument  against  Noriyori,  as  he  did  also  against  his  half- 
brother,  Zensei.  It  would  seem  to  have  been  his  deliberate  policy  to  remove 
every  potential  obstacle  to  the  accession  of  his  own  sons.  Many  historians 
agree  in  ascribing  these  cruelties  to  jealousy.  But  though  Yoritomo  might 
have  been  jealous  of  Yoshitsune,  he  could  not  possibly  have  experienced  any 
access  of  such  a  sentiment  with  regard  to  Noriyori  or  Zensei. 

Towards  religion,  it  would  seem  that  his  attitude  was  sincere.  Not  in  Kyoto 
and  Kamakura  alone  did  he  adopt  drastic  measures  for  the  restoration  or  erection 
of  temples  and  shrines,  but  also  throughout  the  provinces  he  exerted  his  all- 


334 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


powerful  influence  in  the  same  cause.  He  himself  contributed  large  sums  for  the 
purpose,  and  at  his  instance  the  Courts  of  the  Emperor  and  of  the  Bakufu  granted 
special  rights  and  privileges  to  bonzes  who  went  about  the  country  collecting 
subscriptions.  Thus  encouraged,  the  priests  worked  with  conspicuous  zeal, 
and  by  men  like  Mongaku,  Jugen,  Eisai,  and  their  comrades  not  only  were  many 
imposing  fanes  erected  and  many  images  cast,  but  also  roads  were  opened, 
harbours  constructed,  and  bridges  built.  Yoritomo  knew  what  an  important 
part  religion  had  contributed  in  past  ages  to  the  country's  national  development, 
and  he  did  not  neglect  to  utilize  its  services  in  the  interests,  first,  of  the  nation 's 
prosperity  and,  secondly,  of  the  Bakufu's  popularity.  Incidentally  all  this 
building  of  fanes  and  restoration  of  palaces  promoted  in  no  small  degree  the 
development  of  art,  pure  and  applied.  Experts  in  every  line  made  their  appear- 
ance, and  many  masterpieces  of  architecture  and  sculpture  enriched  the  era. 
These  reflected  the  change  which  the  spirit  of  the  nation  was  undergoing  in  its 
passage  from  the  delicacy  and  weakness  of  the  Fujiwara  type  to  the  strength, 
directness,  and  dignity  of  the  bushi  's  code. 


•'Mil  'in  nia  ori  I- 


SAMURAI'S  RESIDENCE  IN  THE  KAMAKURA  PERIOD 


THE 


KAMAKURA  BAKUFU 


.5; oil 


lo  lioimos 


IN  the  year  1198,  the  Emperor  Go-Toba  abdicated  the  throne  in  favour  of  his 
son,  who  reigned  during  twelve  years  (1199-1210)  under  the  name  of  Tsuchi- 
mikado,  eighty-third  sovereign.  Of  Go-Toba  much  will  be  said  by  and  by. 
It  will  suffice  to  note  here,  however,  that  his  abdication  was  altogether  voluntary. 
Ascending  the  throne  in  1184,  at  the  age  of  four,  he  had  passed  the  next  eight 
years  as  a  mere  puppet  manipulated  by  his  grandfather,  Go-Shirakawa,  the 
cloistered  Emperor,  and  on  the  latter 's  death  in  1192,  Go-Toba  fell  into  many  of 
the  faults  of  youth.  But  at  eighteen  he  became  ambitious  of  governing  in  fact 
as  well  as  in  name,  and  as  he  judged  that  this  could  be  accomplished  better  from 
the  Inchu  (retired  palace)  than  from  the  throne,  he  abdicated  without  consulting 
the  Kamakura  Bakufu.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  Yoritomo  would  have 
made  his  influence  felt  on  this  occasion  had  any  irregularity  furnished  a  pretext. 
But  the  advisers  of  the  Kyoto  Court  were  careful  that  everything  should  be  in 
order,  and  the  Kamakura  chief  saw  no  reason  to  depart  from  his  habitually 
reverent  attitude  towards  the  Throne. 


fe:fo 
YORIIYE,  THE  LADY  MASA,  AND  HOJO  TOKIMASA 


i   t 


On  the  demise  of  Yoritomo  (1199),  his  eldest  son,  Yoriiye,  succeeded  to  the 
compound  office  of  lord  high  constable  and  chief  land-steward  (so-shugo-jito), 
his  investiture  as  shogun  being  deferred  until  Kyoto 's  sanction  could  be  obtained. 
Yoriiye  was  then  in  his  eighteenth  year,  and  he  had  for  chief  adviser  Hatakeyama 
Shigetada,  appointed  to  the  post  by  Yoritomo 's  will.  He  inherited  nothing  of 
his  father 's  sagacity.  On  the  contrary,  he  did  not  possess  even  average  ability, 
and  his  thoughts  were  occupied  almost  uniquely  with  physical  pleasures.  His 
mother,  Masa,  astute,  crafty,  resourceful,  and  heroic,  well  understood  the  de- 

335 


336  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ficiency  of  his  moral  endowments,  but  as  her  second  son,  Sanetomo,  was  only 
seven  years  old,  Yoriiye  's  accession  presented  itself  in  the  light  of  a  necessity. 
She  therefore  determined  to  give  him  every  possible  aid.  Even  during  her 
husband's  life  she  had  wielded  immense  influence,  and  this  was  now  greatly 
augmented  by  the  situation.  She  shaved  her  head  —  after  the  manner  of  the 
cloistered  Emperors  —  and  taking  the  name  of  Ni-i-no-ama,  virtually  assumed 
charge  of  the  Bakufu  administration  in  association  with  her  father,  Hojo  Toki- 
masa. 

Exactly  what  part  this  remarkable  man  acted  in  the  episodes  of  Yoritomo  's 
career,  can  never  be  known.  He  exerted  his  influence  so  secretly  that  contempo- 
rary historians  took  little  note  of  him;  and  while,  in  view  of  his  final  record,  some 
see  in  him  the  spirit  that  prompted  Yoritomo 's  merciless  extirpation  of  his  own 
relatives,  others  decline  to  credit  him  with  such  far-seeing  cruelty,  and  hold  that 
his  ultimately  attempted  usurpations  were  inspired  solely  by  fortuitous  oppor- 
tunity which  owed  nothing  to  his  contrivance.  Wherever  the  truth  may  lie 
as  between  these  views,  it  is  certain  that  after  Yoritomo 's  death,  Hojo  Tokimasa 
conspired  to  remove  the  Minamoto  from  the  scene  and  to  replace  them  with  the 
Hojo. 

THE  DELIBERATIVE  COUNCIL 

The  whole  coterie  of  illustrious  men  —  legislators,  administrators,  and 
generals  —  whom  Yoritomo  had  assembled  at  Kamakura,  was  formed  into  a 
council  of  thirteen  members  to  discuss  the  affairs  of  the  Bakufu  after  his  death. 
This  body  of  councillors  included  Tokimasa  and  his  son,  Yoshitoki;  Oye  no  Hiro- 
moto,  Miyoshi  Yasunobu;  Nakahara  Chikayoshi,  Miura  Yoshizumi,  Wada 
Yoshimori,  Hiki  Yoshikazu,  and  five  others.  But  though  they  deliberated,  they 
did  not  decide.  All  final  decision  required  the  endorsement  of  the  lady  Masa  and 
her  father,  Hojo  Tokimasa. 
. •/  lyJii" iov  vKilgS"  -rf B  •-••'•w  noitfioifadfi  .-.hi  .tsfft  ,iwjworf  <9T,'ff  oion  o 

yd  DEATH  OF  YORIIYE^ i  [  ni  fDnoiriJ  silt  gnibr 

Yoriiye  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  Bakufu  for  three  years  before  his  commis- 
sion of  shogun  came  from  Kyoto,  and  in  the  following  year  (1203),  he  was  attacked 
by'brmalady  which  threatened  tcr  end  fatally.  The  question  of  the  succession 
thus  acquired  immediate  importance.  Yoriiye 's  eldest  son,  Ichiman,  the  natural 
heir,  was  only  three  years  old,  and  Yoritomo 's  second  son,  Sanetomo,  was  in 
his  eleventh  year.  In  this  balance  of  claims,  Hoj5  Tokimasa  saw  his  opportunity. 
He  would  divide  the  Minamoto  power  by  way  of  preliminary  to  supplanting  it. 
Marshalling  arguments  based  chiefly  on  the  advisability  of  averting  an  armed 
struggle,  he  persuaded  the  lady  Masa  to  endorse  a  compromise,  namely,  that 
to  Sanetomo  should  be  given  the  office  of  land-steward  in  thirty-eight  provinces 
of  the  Kwansai;  while  to  Ichiman  should  be  secured  the  title  of  shogun  and  the 
offices  of  lord  high  constable  and  land-steward  in  twenty-eight  provinces  of  the 
Kwanto. 

Now  the  maternal  grandfather  of  Ichiman  was  Hiki  Yoshikazu,  a  captain 
who  had  won  high  renown  in  the  days  of  Yoritomo.  Learning  of  the  projected 
partition  and  appreciating  the  grave  effect  it  must  produce  on  the  fortunes  of  his 
grandson,  Hiki  commissioned  his  daughter  to  relate  the  whole  story  to  Yoriiye, 
and  applied  himself  to  organize  a  plot  for  the  destruction  of  the  H5jo.  But  the 
facts  came  to  the  lady  Masa 's  ears,  and  she  lost  no  time  in  communicating  them 
to  Tokimasa,  who,  with  characteristic  promptitude,  invited  Hiki  to  a  conference 
and  had  him  assassinated.  Thereupon,  Hiki's  son,  Munetomo,  assembled  all 


THE  KAMAKURA  BAKUFU  337 

his  retainers  and  entrenched  himself  in  Ichiman's  mansion,  where,  being  present- 
ly besieged  by  an  overwhelming  force  of  Tokimasa  's  partisans,  he  set  fire  to  the 
house  and  perished  with  the  child,  Ichiman,  and  with  many  brave  soldiers. 
The  death  of  his  son,  of  his  father-in-law,  and  of  his  brother-in-law  profoundly 
affected  Yoriiye.  He  attempted  to  take  vengeance  upon  his  grandfather, 
Tokimasa,  but  his  emissaries  suffered  a  signal  defeat,  and  he  himself,  being  now 
completely  discredited,  was  constrained  to  follow  his  mother,  Masa's,  advice, 
namely,  to  take  the  tonsure  and  retire  to  the  monastery  Shuzen-ji  in  Izu.  There 
he  was  followed  and  murdered  by  Tokimasa 's  agents.  It  is  apparent  that 
throughout  these  intrigues  the  lady  Masa  made  no  resolute  attempt  to  support 
her  first-born.  She  recognized  in  him  a  source  of  weakness  rather  than  of 
strength  to  the  Minamoto. 

;ii  •>:•";   ,:  OAO'J  wit  ,OUK)}'Hf-fc8  b'lboS'.'OUB  WJjJ 

SANETOMO     ..^    .I0j-t£OT>i{-/v 

After  Yoriiye 's  retirement,  in  1204,  to  the  monastery  in  Izu,  Masa,  with  the 
concurrence  of  her  father,  Tokimasa,  decided  on  the  accession  of  her  second  son, 
Sanetomo,  then  in  his  twelfth  year,  and  application  for  his  appointment  to  the 
office  of  shogun  having  been  duly  made,  a  favourable  and  speedy  reply  was  re- 
ceived from  Kyoto.  The  most  important  feature  of  the  arrangement  was  that 
Hojo  Tokimasa  became  shikken,  or  military  regent,  and  thus  wielded  greater 
powers  than  ever  —  powers  which  he  quickly  proceeded  to  abuse  for  revolution- 
ary purposes.  His  policy  was  to  remove  from  his  path,  by  any  and  every  meas- 
ure, all  potential  obstacles  to  the  consummation  of  his  ambition. 

Among  these  obstacles  were  the  lady  Masa  and  the  new  shogun,  Sanetomo. 
So  long  as  these  two  lived,  the  Yoritomo  family  could  count  on  the  allegiance 
of  the  Kwanto,  and  so  long  as  that  allegiance  remained  intact,  the  elevation  of 
the  Hojo  to  the  seats  of  supreme  authority  could  not  be  compassed.  Further, 
the  substitution  of  Hojo  for  Minamoto  must  be  gradual.  Nothing  abrupt  would 
be  tolerable.  Now  the  Hojo  chief's  second  wife,  Maki,  had  borne  to  him  a 
daughter  who  married  Minamoto  Tomomasa,  governor  of  Musashi  and  lord 
constable  of  Kyoto,  in  which  city  he  was  serving  when  history  first  takes  promi- 
nent notice  of  him.  This  lady  Maki  seems  to  have  been  of  the  same  type  as 
her  step-daughter,  Masa.  Both  possessed  high  courage  and  intellectual  endow- 
ments of  an  extraordinary  order,  and  both  were  profoundly  ambitious.  Maki 
saw  no  reason  why  her  husband,  Hojo  Tokimasa,  should  lend  all  his  great 
influence  to  support  the  degenerate  scions  of  one  of  his  family  in  preference  to 
the  able  and  distinguished  representative  of  the  other  branch.  Tomomasa  was 
both  able  and  distinguished.  By  a  prompt  and  vigorous  exercise  of  military 
talent  he  had  crushed  a  Heike  rising  in  Ise,  which  had  threatened  for  a  time  to 
become  perilously  formidable.  His  mother  may  well  have  believed  herself 
justified  in  representing  to  Hojo  Tokimasa  that  such  a  man  would  make  a  much 
better  Minamoto  shogun  than  the  half-witted  libertine,  Yoriiye,  or  the  untried 
boy,  Sanetomo.  It  has  been  inferred  that  her  pleading  was  in  Tokimasa 's  ears 
when  he  sent  a  band  of  assassins  to  murder  Yoriiye  in  the  Shuzen-ji  monastery. 
However  that  may  be,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Hojo  chief,  in  the  closing 
episodes  of  his  career,  favoured  the  progeny  of  his  second  wife,  Maki,  in  prefer- 
ence to  that  of  his  daughter,  Masa. 

Having  "removed"  Yoriiye,  he  extended  the  same  fate  to  Hatakeyama 
Shigetada,  one  of  the  most  loyal  and  trusted  servants  of  Yoritomo.  Shigetada 
would  never  have  connived  at  any  measure  inimical  to  the  interests  of  his  de- 
ceased master.  Therefore,  he  was  put  out  of  the  way.  Then  the  conspirators 


338  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

fixed  their  eyes  upon  Sanetomo.  The  twelve-year-old  boy  was  to  be  invited  to 
Minamoto  Tomomasa's  mansion  and  there  destroyed.  This  was  the  lady 
Maki  's  plan.  The  lady  Masa  discovered  it,  and  hastened  to  secure  Sanetomo 's 
safety  by  carrying  him  to  the  house  of  her  brother,  Yoshitoki.  The  political 
career  of  Hojo  Tokimasa  ended  here.  He  had  to  take  the  tonsure,  surrender  his 
post  of  regent  and  go  into  exile  in  Izu,  where  he  died,  in  1215,  after  a  decade 
of  obscurity.  As  for  Minamoto  Tomomasa,  he  was  killed  in  Kyoto  by  troops 
despatched  for  the  purpose.  This  conflict  in  1205,  though  Hojo  Tokimasa  and 
Minamoto  Tomomasa  figured  so  largely  in  it,  is  by  some  historians  regarded  as 
simply  a  conflict  between  the  ladies  Maki  and  Masa.  These  two  women  certain- 
ly occupied  a  prominent  place  on  the  stage  of  events,  but  the  figure  behind  the 
scenes  was  the  white-haired  intriguer,  Tokimasa.  Had  the  lady  Maki 's  son-in- 
law  succeeded  Sanetomo,  the  former  would  have  been  the  next  victim  of  Tokima- 
sa's  ambition,  whereafter  the  field  would  have  been  open  for  the  grand 
climacteric,  the  supremacy  of  the  Hojo. 


HOJO  YOSHITOKI 

~'»1  'SlY'tf  Vup'l  "£»>• '»'{?  J>fl.fi  ftldfilirov  •  ;. •'.'    •  •  •     • 

Crafty  and  astute  as  was  Hojo  Tokimasa,  his  son  Yoshitoki  excelled  him  in 
both  of  those  attributes  as  well  as  in  prescience.  It  was  to  the  mansion  *of 
Yoshitoki  that  Sanetomo  was  carried  for  safety  when  his  life  was  menaced  by 
the  wiles  of  Tokimasa.  Yet  in  thus  espousing  the  cause  of  his  sister,  Masa,  and 
his  nephew,  Sanetomo,  against  his  father,  Tokimasa,  and  his  brother-in-law, 
Tomomasa,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Yoshitoki 's  motive  was  loyalty  to  the 
house  of  Yoritomo.  On  the  contrary,  everything  goes  to  show  that  he  would 
have  associated  himself  with  his  father's  conspiracy  had  he  not  deemed  the  time 
premature  and  the  method  clumsy.  He  waited  patiently,  and  when  the  occasion 
arrived,  he  "  covered  his  tracks  "  with  infinite  skill  while  marching  always  towards 
the  goal  of  Tokimasa 's  ambition. 

The  first  to  be  "removed"  was  Wada  Yoshimori,  whom  Yoritomo  had 
gratefully  appointed  betto  of  the  Samurai-dokoro.  Yoritomo 's  eldest  son,  Yoriiye, 
had  left  two  sons,  Kugyo  and  Senju-maru.  The  former  had  taken  the  tonsure 
after  his  father's  and  elder  brother's  deaths,  in  1204,  but  the  cause  of  the  latter 
was  espoused  with  arms  by  a  Shinano  magnate,  Izumi  Chikahira,  in  1213.  On 
Wada  Yoshimori,  as  betto  of  the  Samurai-dokoro,  devolved  the  duty  of  quelling 
this  revolt.  He  did  so  effectually,  but  in  the  disposition  of  the  insurgents' 
property,  the  shikken,  Yoshitoki,  contrived  to  drive  Wada  to  open  rebellion.  He 
attacked  the  mansion  of  the  shdgun  and  the  shikken,  captured  and  burned  the 
former,  chiefly  through  the  prowess  of  his  giant  son,  Asahina  Saburo;  but  was 
defeated  and  ultimately  killed,  Senju-maru,  though  only  thirteen  years  old,  being 
condemned  to  death  on  the  pretext  that  his  name  had  been  used  to  foment  the 
insurrection!  After  this  convenient  episode,  Yoshitoki  supplemented  his  office 
of  shikken  with  that  of  betto  of  the  Samurai-dokoro,  thus  becoming  supreme  in 
military  and  civil  affairs  alike. 

DEATH  OF  SANETOMO 

How  far  Sanetomo  appreciated  the  situation  thus  created  there  is  much 
difficulty  in  determining.  The  sentiment  of  pity  evoked  by  his  tragic  fate  has 
been  projected  too  strongly  upon  the  pages  of  his  annals  to  leave  them  quite 
legible.  He  had  seen  his  elder  brother  and  two  of  the  latter 's  three  sons  done  to 


THE  KAMAKURA  BAKUFU  339 

death.  He  had  seen  the  "removal"  of  several  of  his  father's  most  trusted  lieu- 
tenants. He  had  seen  the  gradual  upbuilding  of  the  Hojo  power  on  this  hecatomb 
of  victims.  That  he  perceived  something  of  his  own  danger  would  seem  to  be  a 
natural  inference.  Yet  if  he  entertained  such  apprehensions,  he  never  com- 
municated them  to  his  mother,  Masa,  who,  from  her  place  of  high  prestige  and 
commanding  intellect,  could  have  reshaped  the  issue. 

The  fact  would  appear  to  be  that  Hojo  Yoshitoki 's  intrigues  were  too  subtle 
for  the  perception  of  Sanetomo  or  even  of  the  lady  Masa.  Yoshitoki  had  learned 
all  the  lessons  of  craft  and  cunning  that  his  father  could  teach  and  had  supple- 
mented them  from  the  resources  of  his  own  marvellously  fertile  mind.  His 
uniformly  successful  practice-was  to  sacrifice  the  agents  of  his  crimes  in  order 
to  hide  his  own  connexion  with  them,  and  never  to  seize  an  opportunity  until 
its  possibilities  were  fully  developed.  Tokimasa  had  feigned  ignorance  of  his 
daughter's  liaison  -with  Yoritomo,  but  had  made  it  the  occasion  to  raise  an  army 
which  could  be  directed  either  against  Yoritomo  or  in  his  support,  as  events 
ordered.  There  are  strong  reasons  to  think  that  the  vendetta  of  the  Soga  broth- 
ers was  instigated  by  Tokimasa  and  Yoshitoki,  and  that  Yoritomo  was  intended 
to  be  the  ultimate  victim. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  a  long  series  of  intrigues  which  led  to  the  deaths  of 
Yoriiye  and  two  of  his  sons,  of  Hatakeyama  Shigetada,  of  Minamoto  Tomomasa, 
of  Wada  Yoshimori,  and  of  many  a  minor  partisan  of  the  Yoritomo  family.  In 
the  pursuit  of  his  sinister  design,  there  came  a  time  when  Yoshitoki  had  to  choose 
between  his  father  and  his  sister.  He  sacrificed  the  former  unhesitatingly,  and 
it  is  very  probable  that  such  a  choice  helped  materially  to  hide  from  the  lady 
Masa  the  true  purport  of  his  doings.  For  that  it  did  remain  hidden  from  her 
till  the  end  is  proved  by  her  failure  to  guard  the  life  of  Sanetomo,  her  own  son, 
and  by  her  subsequent  co-operation  with  his  slayer,  Yoshitoki,  her  brother. 
A  mother 's  heart  would  never  wittingly  have  prompted  such  a  course. 

There  is  a  tradition  that  Sanetomo  provoked  the  resentment  of  Masa  and 
Yoshitoki  by  accepting  high  offices  conferred  on  him  by  Kyoto  —  chunagon, 
and  general  of  the  Left  division  of  the  guards  —  in  defiance  of  Yoritomo 's  motto, 
"Wield  power  in  fact  but  never  in  name,"  and  contrary  to  remonstrances 
addressed  to  him  through  the  agency  of  Oye  no  Hiromoto.  There  is  also  a 
tradition  that,  under  pretense  of  visiting  China  in  the  company  of  a  Chinese 
bonze,  Chen  Hosiang,  he  planned  escape  to  the  Kinai  or  Chugoku  (central 
Japan),  there  to  organize  armed  resistance  to  the  Hojo  designs.  But  it  is  very 
doubtful  whether  these  pages  of  history,  especially  the  latter,  should  not  be 
regarded  in  the  main  as  fiction.  Sanetomo  was  too  much  of  a  litterateur  to  be 
an  astute  politician,  and  what  eluded  the  observation  of  his  lynx-eyed  mother 
might  well  escape  his  perception. 

In  1217,  Yoshitoki  invited  Kugyo  from  Kyoto  and  appointed  him  to  be 
betto  of  the  shrine  of  Hachiman  (the  god  of  War)  which  stood  on  the  hill  of 
Tsurugaoka  overlooking  the  town  of  Kamakura.  Kugyo  was  the  second  and 
only  remaining  legitimate  son  of  Yoriiye.  He  had  seen  his  father  and  his  two 
brothers  done  to  death,  and  he  himself  had  been  obliged  to  enter  religion,  all  of 
which  misfortunes  he  had  been  taught  by  Yoshitoki 's  agents  to  ascribe  to  the 
partisans  of  his  uncle,  Sanetomo.  Longing  for  revenge,  the  young  friar  waited. 
His  opportunity  came  early  in  1219.  Sanetomo,  having  been  nominated  minis- 
ter of  the  Left  by  the  Kyoto  Court,  had  to  repair  to  the  Tsurugaoka  shrine  to 
render  thanks  to  the  patron  deity  of  his_  family.  The  time  was  fixed  for  ten 
o  'clock  on  the  night  of  February  12th.  Oye  no  Hiromoto,  who  had  cognizance 


340  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  the  plot,  hid  his  guilty  knowledge  by  offering  counsels  of  caution.  He  advised 
that  the  function  should  be  deferred  until  daylight,  or,  at  any  rate,  that  the 
shogun  should  wear  armour.  Minamoto  Nakaakira  combatted  both  proposals 
and  they  were  rejected.  Sanetomo  had  a  vague  presentiment  of  peril.  He 
gave  a  lock  of  his  hair  to  one  of  his  squires  and  composed  a  couplet : — 

Though  I  am  forth  and  gone, 

And  tenantless  my  home; 

Forget  not  thou  the  Spring, 

Oh!  plum  tree  by  the  eaves. 

Then  he  set  out,  escorted  by  a  thousand  troopers,  his  sword  of  State  borne 
by  the  regent,  Yoshitoki.  But  at  the  entrance  to  the  shrine  Yoshitoki  turned 
back,  pretending  to  be  sick  and  giving  the  swerd  to  Nakaakira.  Nothing 
untoward  occurred  until,  the  ceremony  being  concluded,  Sanetomo  had  begun 
to  descend  a  broad  flight  of  stone  steps  that  led  from  the  summit  of  the  hill. 
Then  suddenly  Kugyo  sprang  out,  killed  Sanetomo  and  Nakaakira,  carrying  off 
the  head  of  the  former,  and,  having  announced  himself  as  his  father 's  avenger, 
succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape.  But  he  had  been  the  agent  of  Yoshitoki 's 
crime,  and  his  survival  would  have  been  inconvenient.  Therefore,  when  he 
appealed  to  the  Miura  mansion  for  aid,  emissaries  were  sent  by  the  regent 's  order 
to  welcome  and  to  slay  him.  Sanetomo  perished  in  his  twenty-eighth  year. 
All  accounts  agree  that  he  was  not  a  mere  poet  —  though  his  skill  in  that  line 
was  remarkable  —  but  that  he  also  possessed  administrative  talent;  that  he 
strove  earnestly  to  live  up,  and  make  his  officers  live  up,  to  the  ideals  of  his 
father,  Yoritomo,  and  that  he  never  wittingly  committed  an  injustice. 

•; •••{  ;n"'u  ii  >I»hM  iii^tii'j'i  1/fb  Ji 

ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  HOJO  REGENCY 

Thus,  after  three  generations  occupying  a  period  of  only  forty  years,  the 
Minamoto  family  was  ruined,  and  the  reins  of  power  were  effectually  transferred 
to  Hojo  hands.  It  would  seem  natural,  in  the  sequence  of  events,  that  the  office 
of  shogun  should  now  descend  to  the  Hojo.  But  Yoshitoki  understood  that  such 
a  measure  would  convict  him  of  having  contrived  the  downfall  of  Yoritomo 's 
progeny  in  Hojo  interests.  Therefore  a  step  was  taken,  worthy  of  the  sagacity 
of  the  lady  Masa  and  her  brother,  the  regent.  The  Bakufu  petitioned  the  K yot  o 
Court  to  appoint  an  Imperial  prince  to  the  post  of  shogun.  That  would  have 
invested  the  Kamakura  Government  with  new  dignity  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation. 
But  the  ex-Emperor,  Go-Toba,  upon  whom  it  devolved  to  decide  the  fate  of 
this  petition,  rejected  it  incontinently. 

His  Majesty,  as  will  presently  be  seen,  was  seeking  to  contrive  the  downfall 
of  the  Bakufu,  and  the  idea  of  associating  one  of  his  own  sons  with  its  fortunes 
must  have  revolted  him.  In  the  face  of  this  rebuff,  nothing  remained  for  the 
Bakufu  except  recourse  to  the  descendants  of  the  Minamoto  in  the  female  line. 
Yoritomo 's  elder  sister  had  married  into  the  Fujiwara  family,  and  her  great- 
grandson,  Yoritsune,  a  child  of  two,  was  carried  to  Kamakura  and  installed  as 
the  head  of  the  Minamoto.  Not  until  1226,  however,  was  he  invested  with  the 
title  of  shogun,  and  in  that  interval  of  seven  years  a  momentous  chapter  was 
added  to  the  history  of  Japan. 

hlS«"'^?rf*^|W7J?3>i.|ni 

THE  SHOKYU  STRUGGLE 

The  Shokyu  era  (1219-1222)  gave  its  name  to  a  memorable  conflict  between 
Kyoto  and  Kamakura.  Affairs  in  the  Imperial  capital  were  ruled  at  that  time 


THE  KAMAKURA  BAKUFU  341 

by  the  ex-Emperor,  Go-Toba.  We  have  seen  how,  in  1198,  he  abdicated  in 
favour  of  his  eldest  son,  Tsuchimikado.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  idea  of 
rebelling,  sooner  or  later,  against  the  Bakufu  had  begun  to  germinate  in  the  mind 
of  Go-Toba  at  that  date,  but  the  probability  is  that,  in  laying  aside  the 
sceptre,  his  dominant  aim  was  to  enjoy  the  sweets  of  power  without  its 
responsibilities,  and  to  obtain  leisure  for  pursuing  polite  accomplishments  in 
which  he  excelled.  His  procedure,  however,  constituted  a  slight  to  the  Bakufu, 
for  the  change  of  sovereign  was  accomplished  without  any  reference  whatever  to 
Kamakura.  Tsuchimikado  was  a  baby  of  three  at  the  time  of  his  accession. 
He  had  been  chosen  by  lot  from  among  three  sons  of  Go-Toba,  but  the  choice 
displeased  the  latter,  and  in  1210,  Tsuchimikado,  then  in  his  fifteenth  year,  was 
compelled  to  abdicate  in  favour  of  his  younger  brother,  Juntoku,  aged  thirteen, 
the  eighty-fourth  occupant  of  the  throne.  Again,  Kamakura  was  not  consulted; 
but  the  neglect  evoked  no  remonstrance,  for  Sanetomo  held  the  post  of  shogun 
at  the  time,  and  Sanetomo  always  maintained  an  attitude  of  deference  towards 
the  Imperial  Court  which  had  nominated  him  to  high  office. 

Juntoku  held  the  sceptre  eleven  years,  and  then  (1221)  he,  too,  abdicated  at 
his  father's  request.  Very  different  considerations,  however,  were  operative  on 
this  occasion.  Go-Toba  had  now  definitely  resolved  to  try  armed  conclusions 
with  the  Bakufu,  and  he  desired  to  have  the  assistance  of  his  favourite  son, 
Juntoku.  Thus  three  cloistered  Emperors  had  their  palaces  in  Kyoto  simultane- 
ously. They  were  distinguished  as  Hon-in  (Go-Toba),  Chu-4n  (Tsuchimikado) 
and  Shin-in  :  (Juntoku).  As  for  the  occupant  of  the  throne,  Chukyo  (eighty- 
fifth  sovereign)  he  was  a  boy  of  two,  the  son  of  Juntoku.  Much  has  been 
written  about  Go-Toba  by  romanticists  and  little  by  sober  historians.  The 
pathos  of  his  fate  tends  to  obscure  his  true  character.  That  he  was  gifted  with 
exceptional  versatility  is  scarcely  questionable;  but  that  he  lacked  all  the 
qualities  making  for  greatness  appears  equally  certain.  That  his  instincts  were 
so  cruel  as  to  make  him  derive  pleasure  from  scenes  of  human  suffering,  such  as 
the  torture  of  a  prisoner,  may  have  been  due  to  a  neurotic  condition  induced  by 
early  excesses,  but  it  must  always  stand  to  his  discredit  that  he  had  neither 
judgment  to  estimate  opportunities  nor  ability  to  create  them. 

Briefly  summarized,  the  conditions  which  contributed  mainly  to  the  Shokyu 
struggle  had  their  origin  in  the  system  of  land  supervision  instituted  by  Yoritomo 
at  the  instance  of  Oye  no  Hiromoto.  The  constables  and  the  stewards  despatched 
by  the  Bakufu  to  the  provinces  interfered  irksomely  with  private  rights  of 
property,  and  thus  there  was  gradually  engendered  a  sentiment  of  discontent, 
especially  among  those  who  owed  their  estates  to  Imperial  benevolence.  A 
well-known  record  (Tai-hei-ki)  says:  "In  early  morn  the  stars  that  linger  in 
the  firmament  gradually  lose  their  brilliancy,  even  though  the  sun  has  not  yet 
appeared  above  the  horizon.  The  military  families  did  not  wantonly  show  con- 
tempt towards  the  Court.  But  in  some  districts  the  stewards  were  more  power- 
ful than  the  owners  of  the  estates,  and  the  constables  were  more  respected  than 
the  provincial  governors.  Thus  insensibly  the  influence  of  the  Court  waned 
day  by  day  and  that  of  the  military  waxed." 

There  were  other  causes  also  at  work.  They  are  thus  summarized  by  the 
Kamakura  Jidaishi:  "The  conditions  of  the  time  called  two  parties  into 
existence :  the  Kyoto  party  and  the  military  party.  To  the  former  belonged  not 
only  many  officials  of  Shinto  shrines,  priests  of  Buddhist  temples,  and  managers 

[l  Hon-in  signifies  the  "original  recluse;"  Chu-in,  the  "middle  recluse;"  and  Shin-in  "the 
new  recluse."] 


342  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  private  manors,  but  also  a  few  nominal  retainers  of  the  Bakufu.  These  last 
included  men  who,  having  occupied  posts  in  the  Imperial  capital  for  a  long  time, 
had  learned  to  regard  the  Court  with  gratitude;  others  who  had  special  grievances 
against  the  Bakufu,  and  yet  others  who,  having  lost  their  estates,  were  ready  to 
adopt  any  means  of  recovering  them.  The  family  system  of  the  time  paid  no 
heed  to  primogeniture.  Parents  fixed  the  succession  by  favouritism,  and  made 
such  divisions  as  seemed  expedient  in  their  eyes.  During  a  parent's  lifetime 
there  could  be  no  appeal  nor  any  remonstrance.  But  no  sooner  was  a  father 's 
tombstone  about  to  be  erected,  than  his  children  engaged  in  disputes  or  appealed 
to  the  courts.  Therefore  the  Bakufu,  seeking  to  correct  this  evil  state  of  affairs, 
issued  an  order  that  the  members  of  a  family  should  be  subservient  to  the 
directions  of  the  eldest  son;  which  order  was  followed,  in  1202,  by  a  law  providing 
that  disputes  between  brothers  must  be  compromised,  and  by  another,  in  1214, 
ruling  that  applications  for  official  posts  must  have  the  approval  of  the  members 
of  the  applicants '  family  in  conclave  instead  of  being  submitted  direct,  as  thereto- 
fore. Under  such  a  system  of  family  autocracy  it  frequently  happened  that  men 
were  ousted  from  all  share  in  their  paternal  estates,  and  these  men,  carrying  their 
genealogical  tables  constantly  in  their  pockets,  were  ready  to  join  in  any  enter- 
prise that  might  better  their  circumstances.  Hence  the  Shokyu  struggle  may  be 
said  to  have  been,  politically,  a  collision  between  the  Imperial  Court  and  the 
Bakufu,  and,  socially,  a  protest  against  family  autocracy." 

The  murder  of  Sanetomo  inspired  the  Court  with  strong  hope  that  a  suicidal 
feud  had  commenced  at  Kamakura,  and  when  the  Fujiwara  baby,  Yoritsune, 
was  sent  thither,  peace-loving  politicians  entertained  an  idea  that  the  civil  and 
the  military  administration  would  soon  be  found  co-operating.  But  neither 
event  made  any  change  in  the  situation.  The  lady  Masa  and  her  brother  re- 
mained as  powerful  as  ever  and  as  careless  of  the  Court 's  dignity. 

Two  events  now  occurred  which  materially  hastened  a  rupture.  One  was 
connected  with  an  estate,  in  the  province  of  Settsu,  conferred  by  Go-Toba  on  a 
favourite  —  a  shirabyoshi,  "white  measure-marker,"  as  a  danseuse  of  those  days 
was  called.  The  land-steward  of  this  estate  treated  its  new  owner,  Kamegiku, 
with  contumely,  and  Go-Toba  was  sufficiently  infatuated  to  lodge  a  protest, 
which  elicited  from  Kamakura  an  unceremonious  negative.  One  of  the  flagrant 
abuses  of  the  time  was  the  sale  of  offices  to  Court  ladies,  and  the  Bakufu' s 
attitude  in  the  affair  of  the  Settsu  estates  amounted  to  an  indirect  condemnation 
of  such  evil  practices.  But  Go-Toba,  profoundly  incensed,  applied  himself  from 
that  day  to  mustering  soldiers  and  practising  military  tactics.  The  second 
incident  which  precipitated  an  appeal  to  arms  was  the  confiscation  of  a  manor 
owned  by  a  bushi  named  Nishina  Morito,  who,  though  a  retainer  (keriin)  of  the 
Bakufu,  had  taken  service  at  the  Imperial  Court.  Go-Toba  asked  that  the 
estate  should  be  restored,  but  Yoshitoki  flatly  refused.  It  was  then  (1221)  that 
Go-Toba  contrived  the  abdication  of  his  son,  Juntoku,  a  young  man  of  twenty- 
four,  possessing,  apparently,  all  the  qualities  that  make  for  success  in  war,  and 
thereafter  an  Imperial  decree  deprived  Yoshitoki  of  his  offices  and  declared  him 
a  rebel.  The  die  was  now  cast.  Troops  were  summoned  from  all  parts  of  the 
Empire  to  attack  Kamakura,  and  a  motley  crowd  mustered  in  Ky6tO.  9*'J£ 
olni  JEMJiiMj  ov/t  I»Hm  Mmit'ori)  to  stfioitibuo-j  -jdTkl  vsiWiubYX,  imnV 
ton  bo&noi-  :  >nn</l  oib  oT  .vhiurvi  /rinu  «,> ;<>//[  -m-- 

STEPS  TAKEN  BY  THE  BAKUFU  UbiRo  Vi 

It  was  on  June  6,  1221,  that  the  Imperial  decree  outlawing  Hojo  Yoshitoki 
appeared,  and  three  days  later  Kamakura  was  informed  of  the  event.  The  lady 


jq(>.  THE  KAMAKURA  'BAKUFW'W-  343 

Masa  at  once  summoned  the'  leading  generals  of  the  Bakufu  to  her  presence  and 
addressed  them  thus :  "  To-day  the  time  of  parting  has  come.  You  know  well 
what  kind  of  work  the  late  shogun,  my  husband,  accomplished.  But  slanderers 
have  misled  the  sovereign  and  are  seeking  to  destroy  the  Kwanto  institutions. 
If  you  have  not  forgotten  the  favours  of  the  deceased  shogun,  you  will  join  hearts 
and  hands  to  punish  the  traducers  and  to  preserve  the  old  order.  But  if  any  of 
you  wish  to  proceed  to  the  west,  you  are  free  to  do  so." 

This  astute  appeal  is  said  to  have  moved  the  generals  greatly.  There  was  not 
one  instance  of  disaffection;  a  sufficiently  notable  fact  when  we  remember  that 
the  choice  lay  between  the  Throne  and  the  Bakufu.  A  military  council  was  at 
once  convened  by  Yoshitoki  to  discuss  a  plan  of  campaign,  and  the  view  held 
by  the  great  majority  was  that  a  defensive  attitude  should  be  adopted  by  guard- 
ing the  Ashigara  and  Hakone  passes. 

Alone,  Oye  no  Hiromoto  opposed  that  programme.  Regarding  the  situation 
from  a  political,  not  a  strategical,  standpoint,  he  saw  that  every  day  they  re- 
mained unmolested  must  bring  an  access  of  strength  to  the  Imperial  forces,  and 
he  strenuously  urged  that  a  dash  should  be  made  for  Kyoto  at  once.  Even  the 
lady  Masa  did  not  rise  to  Hiromoto 's  height  of  discernment;  she  advocated  a 
delay  until  the  arrival  of  the  Musashi  contingent.  Another  council  was  con- 
vened, but  Hiromoto  remained  inflexible.  He  went  so  far  as  to  urge  that  the 
Musashi  chief  —  Yoshitoki 's  eldest  son,  Yasutoki  —  ought  to  advance  alone, 
trusting  his  troops  to  follow.  Then  the  lady  Masa  summoned  Miyoshi  Yasuno- 
bu  and  asked  his  opinion.  He  said:  "The  fate  of  the  Kwanto  is  at  stake. 
Strike  at  once."  Thereupon  Hojo  Yoshitoki  ordered  Yasutoki,  his  son,  to  set 
out  forthwith  from  Kamakura,  though  his  following  consisted  of  only  eighteen 
troopers. 

Thereafter,  other  forces  mustered  in  rapid  succession.  They  are  said  to  have 
totalled  190,000.  Tokifusa,  younger  brother  of  Yasutoki,  was  adjutant-general, 
and  the  army  moved  by  three  routes,  the  Tokai-do,  the  Tosan-do,  and  the 
Hokuriku-do,  all  converging  upon  the  Imperial  capital.  On  the  night  of  his 
departure  from  Kamakura,  Yasutoki  galloped  back  all  alone  and,  hastening  to 
his  father's  presence,  said:  "I  have  my  orders  for  the  disposition  of  the  forces 
and  for  their  destination.  But  if  the  Emperor  in  person  commands  the  western 
army,  I  have  no  orders  to  guide  me."  Hojo  Yoshitoki  reflected  for  a  time  and 
then  answered:  "The  sovereign  cannot  be  opposed.  If  his  Majesty  be  in 
personal  command,  then  strip  off  your  armour,  cut  your  bow-strings,  and  assume 
the  mien  of  low  officials.  But  if  the  Emperor  be  not  in  command,  then  fight  to 
the  death.  Should  you  be  defeated  I  will  never  see  your  face  again." 


When  they  learned  that  a  great  army  was  advancing  from  the  Kwanto,  the 
courtiers  in  Kyoto  lost  heart  at  once.  There  was  no  talk  of  Go-Toba  or  of 
Juntoku  taking  the  field.  Defensive  measures  were  alone  thought  of.  The 
Imperialist  forces  moved  out  to  Mino,  Owari,  and  Etchu.  Their  plan  was  to 
shatter  the  Bakufu  columns  separately,  or,  if  that  might  not  be,  to  fall  back  and 
cover  the  capital.  It  was  a  most  unequal  contest.  The  Kyoto  troops  were  a 
mere  mob  without  intelligence  or  coherence.  They  broke  everywhere  under  the 
onset  of  the  Kwanto  veterans.  At  the  river  Uji,  where  their  last  stand  was 
made,  they  fought  gallantly  and  obstinately.  But  their  efforts  only  deferred 
the  result  by  a  few  hours.  On  the  twenty-fifth  day  (July  6,  1221)  after  he  had 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

marched  out  of  Kamakura,  Yasutoki  entered  Kyoto.  The  Throne  had  no 
hesitation  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  such  circumstances.  From  the 
palace  of  the  Shin-in  a  decree  was  issued  restoring  the  official  titles  of  the  Hoj6 
chief,  and  cancelling  the  edict  for  his  destruction,  while,  through  an  envoy  sent 
to  meet  him,  he  was  informed  that  the  campaign  against  the  Bakufu  had  been 
the  work  of  irresponsible  subjects;  that  the  sovereign  did  not  sanction  it,  and 
that  any  request  preferred  by  Kamakura  would  be  favourably  considered. 

Yasutoki  received  these  gracious  overtures  with  a  silent  obeisance,  and 
taking  up  his  quarters  at  Rokuhara,  proceeded  to  arrest  the  leaders  of  the  anti- 
Bakufu  enterprise;  to  execute  or  exile  the  courtiers  that  had  participated  in  it, 
and  to  confiscate  all  their  estates.  In  thus  acting,  Yasutoki  obeyed  instructions 
from  his  implacable  father  in  Kamakura.  He  himself  evinced  a  disposition  to 
be  merciful,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  Court  nobles.  These  he  sent  eastward 
to  the  Bakufu  capital,  which  place,  however,  very  few  of  them  reached  alive, 
their  deaths  being  variously  compassed  on  the  way. 

To  the  Imperial  family  no  pity  was  shown.  Even  the  baby  Emperor  1  was 
dethroned,  and  his  place  given  to  Go-Horikawa  (1221-1232),  the  eighty-sixth 
sovereign,  then  a  boy  of  ten,  son  of  Morisada,  Go-Toba  's  elder  brother.  Go- 
Toba,  himself  was  banished  to  the  island  of  Oki,  and  Juntoku  to  Sado,  while 
Tsuchimikado,  who  had  essayed  to  check  the  movement  against  the  Bakufu, 
might  have  remained  in  Kyoto  had  not  the  exile  of  his  father  and  brother 
rendered  the  .city  intolerable.  At  his  own  request  he  was  transferred,  first,  to 
Tosa,  and  then,  to  Awa.  The  three  ex-Emperors  died  hi  exile.  Go-Toba  seems 
to  have  suffered  specially  from  his  reverse  of  fortunes.  He  lived  in  a  thatched 
hut  barely  impervious  to  rain,  and  his  lot  is  said  to  have  been  pitiful,  even  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  lower  orders. 
sviiif  ot  l/i&K  via  Y.5/IT  .noi8«90owi5  h?qjji  m  bmateuta  £9;Mo} isrtyo  ,10 • 

»i-1ri"viffh«  PRvr    hinir^.K'/'  "\(i  'f>;- '  JQ'j  >  'invmioy 

YASUTOKTS  EXPLANATION 

silt  )-nti  ti>b-ii.Baol  a«j  (af>uoio.i  ©uJ    f-.sfij&i  9«wflj  va 

There  had  not  been  any  previous  instance  of  such  treatment  of  the  Imperial 
family  by  a  subject,  and  public  opinion  was  not  unnaturally  somewhat  shocked. 
No  little  interest  attaches,  therefore,  to  an  explanation  given  by  Yasutoki  himself 
and  recorded  in  the  Biography  of  Saint  Myde  (Myoe  Shonin-deri).  Visiting  the 
temple  after  his  victory,  Yasutoki  was  thus  addressed  by  Myoe: — 

The  ancients  used  to  say,  "When  men  are  in  multitude  they  may  overcome  heaven  for  a 
moment,  but  heaven  in  the  end  triumphs."  Though  a  country  be  subdued  by  military  force, 
calamities  will  soon  overtake  it  unless  it  be  virtuously  governed.  From  time  immemorial  in 
both  Japan  and  China  sway  founded  on  force  has  never  been  permanent.  In  this  country, 
since  the  Age  of  Deities  down  to  the  present  reign,  the  Imperial  line  has  been  unbroken  through 
ninety  generations.  No  prince  of  alien  blood  has  ascended  the  throne.  Everything  in  the 
realm  is  the  property  of  the  Crown.  Whatever  the  Throne  may  appropriate,  the  subject 
must  acquiesce.  Even  life  must  be  sacrificed  if  the  cause  of  good  government  demands  it. 
But  you  have  broken  an  Imperial  army;  destroyed  Imperial  palaces;  seized  the  persons  of 
sovereigns;  banished  them  to  remote  regions,  and  exiled  Empresses  and  princes  of  the  Blood. 
Such  acts  are  contrary  to  propriety.  Heaven  will  inflict  punishment. 

These  words  are  said  to  have  profoundly  moved  Yasutoki.  He  replied: 
I  desire  to  express  my  sincere  views.  The  late  shogun  (Yoritomo)  broke  the  power  of  the 
Heike;  restored  peace  of  mind  to  the  Court ;  removed  the  sufferings  of  the  people,  and  rendered 
loyal  service  to  the  sovereign.  Among  those  that  served  the  shogun  there  was  none  that  did 
not  reverence  the  Emperor.  It  seems  that  his  Majesty  recognized  these  meritorious  deeds,  for 
he  bestowed  ranks  and  titles.  Yoritomo  was  not  only  appointed  dainagon  and  taishd,  but  also 
given  the  post  of  so-tsuihoshi  with  powers  extending  to  all  parts  of  the  empire.  Whenever 

P  To  this  child,  Kanenari,  who  lived  a  virtual  prisoner  in  Kyoto  for  thirteen  years  subse- 
quently, the  Bakufu  declined  to  give  the  title  of  Emperor.  Not  until  the  Meiji  Restoration 
(1870)  was  he  enrolled  in  the  list  of  sovereigns  under  the  name  of  Chukyo.J 


THE  KAMAKURA  BAKUFU  345 

such  honours  were  offered,  he  firmly  declined  to  be  their  recipient,  his  contention  being  that 
not  for  personal  reward  but  for  the  sake  of  the  Throne  he  had  striven  to  subdue  the  insurgents 
and  to  govern  the  people  mercifully.  Pressed  again  and  again,  however,  he  had  been  con- 
strained finally  to  accede,  and  thus  his  relatives  also  had  benefitted,  as  my  grandfather,  Toki- 
masa,  and  my  father,  Yoshitoki,  who  owed  their  prosperity  to  the  beneficence  of  the 
cloistered  Emperor. 

But  after  the  demise  of  his  Majesty  and  of  the  shogun,  the  Court 's  administration  degener- 
ated. The  loyal  and  the  faithful  were  not  recognized  and  often  the  innocent  were  punished. 
When  it  was  reported  that  an  Imperial  army  numbering  tens  of  thousands  was  advancing  against 
the  Kwanto,  my  father,  Yoshitoki,  asked  my  views  as  to  dealing  with  it.  I  replied:  "The 
Kwanto  has  been  loyal  and  has  erred  in  nothing.  Yet  we  are  now  to  be  punished.  Surely 
the  Court  is  in  error?  Still  the  whole  country  belongs  to  the  sovereign.  What  is  now  threat- 
ened must  take  its  course.  There  is  nothing  for  us  but  to  bow  our  heads,  fold  our  hands,  and 
supplicate  for  mercy.  If,  nevertheless,  death  be  our  portion,  it  will  be  lighter  than  to  live 
disloyal.  If  we  be  pardoned,  we  can  end  our  lives  in  mountain  forests."  My  father,  after 
reflecting  for  a  space,  answered:  "What  you  say  may  be  right,  but  it  applies  only  when  the 
sovereign  has  properly  administered  the  country.  During  the  present  reign,  however,  the 
provinces  under  Imperial  sway  are  in  confusion;  the  peace  is  disturbed,  and  the  people  are  in 
misery;  whereas  those  under  the  Bakufu  are  peaceful  and  prosperous.  If  the  administration 
of  the  Court  be  extended  to  all  the  land,  misrule  and  unhappiness  will  be  universal.  I  do  not 
resist  the  mandate  for  selfish  reasons.  I  resist  it  in  the  cause  of  the  people.  For  them  I  sacri- 
fice my  life  if  heaven  be  not  propitious.  There  are  precedents.  Wu  of  Chou  and  Kao-tsu  of 
Han  acted  similarly,  but,  when  victorious,  they  themselves  ascended  the  throne,  whereas  if  we 
succeed,  we  shall  merely  set  up  another  prince  of  the  same  dynasty.  Amaterasu  and  Hachiman 
will  not  reproach  us.  We  will  punish  only  the  evil  councillors  who  have  led  the  Throne  astray. 
You  will  set  out  with  all  expedition." 

Thus  instructed,  I  took  the  road  to  Kyoto.  But  before  departing,  I  went  to  worship  at  the 
shrine  of  Hachiman.  There  I  prayed  that  if  my  taking  the  field  was  improper,  I  might  be 
struck  dead  forthwith;  but  that  if  my  enterprise  could  in  any  wise  aid  the  country,  bring  peace 
to  the  people,  and  contribute  to  the  prosperity  of  the  shrines  and  temples,  then  might  I  receive 
the  pity  and  sympathy  of  heaven.  I  took  oath  before  the  shrine  of  Mishima  Myojin,  also,  that 
my  purpose  was  free  from  all  selfish  ambition.  Thus,  having  placed  my  life  in  the  hand  of 
heaven,  I  awaited  my  fate.  If  to  this  day  I  have  survived  all  peril,  may  I  not  regard  it  as  an 
answer  to  my  prayer? 

A  difference  will  be  detected  between  the  views  here  attributed  to  Yoshitoki 
and  his  previously  narrated  instructions  to  his  son,  Yasutoki.  There  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  record  in  the  M yoe  Shonin-den  is  the  correct  version.  Yoshi- 
toki obeyed  the  Chinese  political  ethics;  he  held  that  a  sovereign  had  to  answer 
for  his  deeds  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion.  Yasutoki 's  loyalty  was  of  a  much 
more  whole-hearted  type :  he  recognized  the  occupant  of  the  throne  as  altogether 
sacrosanct.  If  he  obeyed  his  father's  instructions  in  dealing  with  the  Court, 
he  condemned  himself  to  the  constant  companionship  of  regret,  which  was  re- 
flected in  the  excellence  of  his  subsequent  administration. 
• 

• 

ADMINISTRATIVE  CHANGES 

By  the  Shokyu  war  the  camera  system  of  administration  (Insei)  at  the  Court 
was  destroyed,  and  a  great  change  took  place  in  the  relations  of  the  Throne  to 
the  Bakufu.  For,  whereas  the  latter 's  authority  in  Kyoto  had  hitherto  been 
largely  nominal,  it  now  became  a  supreme  reality.  Kamakura  had  been 
represented  in  the  Imperial  capital  by  a  high  constable  only,  whereas  two  special 
officials,  called  "inquisitors"  (tandai)  were  now  appointed,  and  the  importance 
attaching  to  the  office  becomes  apparent  when  we  observe  that  the  first  tandai 
were  Yasutoki  himself  and  his  uncle,  Tokifusa.  They  presided  over  administra- 
tive machinery  at  the  two  Rokuhara  —  in  the  northern  and  southern  suburbs  of 
the  city  —  organized  exactly  on  the  lines  of  the  Kamakura  polity;  namely,  a 
Samurai-dokoro,  a  Man-dokoro,  and  a  Monju-dokoro.  Further,  in  spite  of 
imposing  arrangements  in  Kyoto,  no  question  was  finally  decided  without  previ- 
ous reference  to  Kamakura,  which  thus  beeame,  in  very  truth,  the  administrative 
metropolis  of  the  empire. 


346  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

til     i fi'ii* li'jM'i  i?*)iit  M< i  o*  lr j(iiij*>i>  v  un'Ji.!  oil    L»9*l(jii'*  SlULAHMfl^fllflHfe 
THE  SHIMPO-JIT6 

When  Yoritomo  appointed  retainers  of  his  own  to  be  land-stewards  hi  the 
various  manors,  these  officials  did  not  own  the  estates  where  they  were  stationed; 
they  merely  collected  the  taxes  and  exercised  general  supervision.  After  the 
Shdkyu  struggle,  however,  some  three  thousand  manors,  hitherto  owned  by 
courtiers  hostile  to  the  Bakufu,  were  confiscated  by  the  latter  and  distributed 
among  the  Minamoto,  the  Hojo,  and  their  partisans.  The  recipients  of  these 
estates  were  appointed  also  to  be  their  land-stewards,  and  thus  there  came  into 
existence  a  new  class  of  manor-holders,  who  were  at  once  owners  and  jito,  and 
who  were  designated  shimpo-jito,  or  "newly  appointed  land-stewards,"  to  dis- 
tinguish them  from  the  hompo-jito,  or  "originally  appointed." 

These  shimpo-jito,  in  whom  were  vested  at  once  the  rights  of  ownership  and 
of  management,  were  the  first  genuine  feudal  chiefs  in  Japan  —  prototypes  of 
the  future  daimyo  and  shomyo.  It  should  be  here  noted  that,  in  the  distribution 
of  these  confiscated  estates,  the  Kamakura  regent,  Yoshitoki,  did  not  benefit  to 
the  smallest  extent;  and  that  the  grants  made  to  the  two  tandai  in  Kyoto  barely 
sufficed  to  defray  the  charges  of  their  administrative  posts.  Yoshitoki  is,  in 
truth,  one  of  the  rare  figures  to  whom  history  can  assign  the  credit  of  coveting 
neither  wealth  nor  station.  Out  of  the  three  thousand  manors  that  came  into 
his  hands  as  spolia  opima  of  the  Shdkyu  war,  he  might  have  transferred  as  many 
as  he  pleased  to  his  own  name;  and  wielding  absolute  authority  in  Kyoto,  he 
could  have  obtained  any  title  he  desired.  Yet  he  did  not  take  a  rood  of  land, 
and  his  official  status  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  no  higher  than  the  fourth 
rank. 

ivlotirfeoY  o.t  b9&ufn.tti,B  .-»*•  i.ili'  n-)ov.rj  ci  bslo'Ktob  <)|-  I  •  "  A 

Kf  rn;'>  'mtIT       .i;!oh;-,?HE  BUILDERS  OF  THE  BAKUFy,  .,„  y|auof-- 

The  great  statesmen,  legislators,  and  judges  who  contributed  so  much  to  the 
creation  of  the  Bakufu  did  not  long  survive  the  Shdkyu  struggle.  Miyoshi 
Yasunobu,  who  presided  over  the  Department  of  Justice  (Monju-dokoro)  from 
the  time  of  its  establishment,  had  been  attacked  by  mortal  sickness  before  the 
Imperial  army  commenced  its  march  eastward.  His  last  advice  was  given  to 
the  lady  Masa  when  he  counselled  an  immediate  advance  against  Kyoto.  Soon 
afterwards  he  died  at  the  age  of  eighty-two.  The  great  Dye  no  Hiromoto,  who 
contributed  more  than  any  other  man  to  the  conception  and  organization  of  the 
Kamakura  system,  and  of  wliom  history  says  that  without  him  the  Minamoto 
had  never  risen  to  fame,  survived  his  colleague  by  only  four  years,  dying,  in  1225, 
at  the  age  of  seventy-eight.  The  lady  Masa,  one  of  the  world's  heroines, 
expired  in  the  same  year,  and  1224  had  seen  the  sudden  demise  of  the  regent, 
Hojo  Yoshitoki.  Fortunately  for  the  Bakufu,  the  regent's  son,  Yasutoki, 
proved  himself  a  ruler  of  the  highest  ability,  and  his  immediate  successors  were 
not  less  worthy  of  the  exalted  office  they  filled. 

<2'^  /^!!:===^=^. 

ft    .Yl'-ffll.-.fl    I'^jilOf}    fj'ir  :  .      .  //ll^^v^^ 

)o  o)iq>5   iti  ,Tjrl)ii/l     .o*wAofo-?^5vo\fi. 

-ivsiq  fajodSi'ff  bshfoob  viloinft  ?.&IT  noitssop  on  ,otJ 

•     ••  r»rf+     fi^ifit  •  '     i        •  I  r   '    t 

SILK  TASSEL 


emy simq 

• 


" 

norii 


—   •  . 
~       ^  .  •.     Hjji^    ^  • 

ITSUKUSHIMA   JINJA    (SHRINB),    AT    MlTAJIMA 

'  <nit  v(ioi!.'  '•• 


THE  HOJO  IN  KYOTO 

' 


j- 


•.nu -919Y/- 
97701!  CHAPTER   XXVII11'  * ' 

mTTT^       TT/^Tri 

• 

I      I   I    1  i  l-llllll         I      \  K      \     I     I     I     (     1 

THERE  was  nothing  perfunctory  in  the  administration  of  the  "  Two  Rokuhara  " 
(Ryo-Rokuhara)  in  Kyoto.  The  northern  and  the  southern  offices  were  presided 
over  by  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  Hojo  family,  men  destined  to  fill 
the  post  of  regent  (shikkeri)  subsequently  in  Kamakura.  Thus,  when  Hojo 
Yoshitoki  died  suddenly,  in  1224,  his  son,  Yasutoki,  returned  at  once  to  Kama- 
kura to  succeed  to  the  regency,  transferring  to  his  son,  Tokiuji,  the  charge  of 
northern  Rokuhara,  and  a  short  time  afterwards  the  control  of  southern 
Rokuhara  was  similarly  transferred  from  Yoshitoki  is  brother,  Tokifusa,  to  the 
latter 's  son,  Tokimori.  Nominally,  the  jurisdiction  of  the  two  Rokuhara  was 
confined  to  military  affairs,  but  in  reality  their  influence  extended  to  every 
sphere  within  Kyoto  and  to  the  Kinai  and  the  Saikai-do  without. 

a&m  e'iil  aid: 
i?i>9fri9J>noo  BJLSV/  v,;  _   _      _  ~i  >t/iobi'>fii  n&  • 

TTTTP      UVrt  Tn<SUT7 

.    ItlHi   niUJU&rlU 

j&wff   idflaOid  vm  jsoi  bfiji  1  ii 

So  long  as  the  lady  Masa  lived,  the  administrative  machinery  at  Kamakura 
suggested  no  sense  of  deficiency.  That  great  woman  accepted  all  the  responsi- 
bility herself.  But  in  the  year  (1225)  of  her  death,  Yasutoki,  who  had  just 
succeeded  to  the  regency,  made  an  important  reform.  He  organized  within  the 
Man-dokoro  a  council  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  members,  which  was  called  the  Hydjo- 
shu,  and  which  virtually  constituted  the  Bakufu  cabinet.  The  Samurai-dokoro 
and  the  Monju-dokoro  remained  unchanged,  but  the  political  administration 
passed  from  the  Monju-dokoro  to  the  Hydjoshu,  and  the  betto  of  the  former 
became  in  effect  the  finance  minister  of  the  shogun. 

347 


348  I  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

THE  GOOD  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  H(5j5 

Commencing  with  Yasutoki  (1225),  down  to  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, Japan  was  admirably  ruled  by  a  succession  of  H5J5  regents.  Among  them, 
Yasutoki  deserves  the  highest  credit,  for  he  established  a  standard  with  the  aid 
of  very  few  guiding  precedents.  When  he  came  into  power  he  found  the  people 
suffering  grievously  from  the  extortions  of  manorial  chiefs.  Jt  was  not  an 
uncommon  practice  for  the  owner  of  an  estate  to  hold  in  custody  t  he  wives  am  1 
daughters  of  defaulting  tenants  until  the  latter  paid  their  rents,  however  exorbi- 
tant, and  seldom  indeed  did  the  holder  of  a  manor  recognize  any  duty  of  succour- 
ing the  peasants  in  time  of  distress.  The  former  cruel  practice  was  strictly  for- 
bidden by  Yasutoki,  and,  to  correct  the  latter  defect,  he  adopted  the  plan  of  setting 
a  fine  example  himself.  Jt  is  recorded  that  in  the  Kwanki  era  (1229-1232), 
when  certain  places  were  suffering  from  crop  failure,  the  regent  distributed  nine 
thousand  koku  of  rice  (45,000  bushels  approximately)  among  the  inhabitants  and 
remitted  all  taxes  throughout  more  than  one  thousand  districts." 

In  the  Azuma  Kagami,  a  contemporaneous  history  generally  trustworthy,  we 
find  various  anecdotes  illustrative  at  once  of  the  men  and  the  ethics  of  the  time. 
Thus,  it  is  related  that  the  farmers  of  a  village  called  Ho  jo  being  in  an  embar- 
rassed condition,  seed-rice  was  lent  to  them  in  the  spring  by  the  regent 's  order,  they 
undertaking  to  repay  it  in  the  autumn.  But  a  storm  having  devastated  their 
fields,  they  were  unable  to  keep  their  pledge.  Nothing  seemed  to  offer  except 
flight.  When  they  were  on  the  eve  of  decamping,  however,  they  received  from 
Yasutoki  an  invitation  to  a  feast  at  which  their  bonds  were  burned  in  their 
presence  and  every  debtor  was  given  half  a  bushel  of  rice.  Elsewhere,  we  read 
that  the  regent  himself  lived  in  a  house  so  unpretentious  that  the  interior  was 
visible  from  the  highroad,  owing  to  the  rude  nature  of  the  surrounding  fence. 
Urged  to  make  the  fence  solid,  if  only  as  a  protection  against  fire,  his  reply  was : 
"However  economically  a  new  wall  and  fence  be  constructed,  the  outlay  would 
be  at  the  cost  of  the  people.  As  for  me,  if  I  do  my  duty  to  the  State,  my  life  and 
my  house  will  be  safe.  If  I  fail,  the  strongest  fence  will  not  avail." 

In  estimating  what  his  bountiful  assistance  to  the  farmers  meant,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  remember  that  he  was  very  poor,  The  greater  part  of  the  comparatively 
small  estates  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  father  he  divided  among  his  half-brothers 
by  a  Fujiwara  mother,  reserving  to  himself  only  a  little,  for,  said  he:  "I  am  the 
regent.  What  more  do  I  desire?"  One  day,  while  attending  a  meeting  of  the 
Hydjoshu,  he  received  news  that  the  house  of  his  brother,  Tomotoki,  was  at- 
tacked. Immediately  he  hastened  to  the  rescue  with  a  small  band  of  followers. 
Subsequently,  one  of  his  principal  retainers  remonstrated  with  him  for  risking 
his  life  in  an  affair  so  insignificant.  Yasutoki  answered:  "How  can  you  call 
an  incident  insignificant  when  my  brother's  safety  was  concerned?  To  me  it 
seemed  as  important  as  the  Shokyu  struggle.  If  I  had  lost  my  brother,  what 
consolation  would  my  rank  have  furnished?"! ';>  r 

Yasutoki  never  made  his  rank  a  pretext  for  avoiding  military  service;  he 
kept  his  watch  in  turn  with  the  other  guards,  remaining  up  all  night  and  attend- 
ing to  all  his  duties.  When  he  periodically  visited  the  temple  of  Yoritomo,  he 
always  worshipped  without  ascending  to  the  aisle,  his  reason  being  that,  were  the 
shogun,  Yoritomo,  alive,  the  regent  would  not  venture  to  sit  on  the  dais  by  his 
side.  Thrifty  and  eminently  practical,  he  ridiculed  a  priest  who  proposed  to 
tranquillize  the  nation  by  building  fanes.  "How  can  peace  be  brought  to  the 
people,"  he  asked,  "by  tormenting  them  to  subscribe  for  such  a  purpose?"  He 


THE  HOJO         Yfl  349 

revered  learning,  regarded  administration  as  a  literary  art  rather  than  a  military, 
and  set  no  store  whatever  by  his  own  ability  or  competence. 
- 

-I)  lo  iuoiwil  bovolna  brus 
:,:;IIi7:1     .grub]  •     •     E  ••>[  &  dud  <bk>3 

The  most  memorable  achievement  during  Yasutoki  's  regency  was  the 
compilation  of  a  code  of  law  called  the  Joei  Shikimoku  1  after  the  name  of  the 
era  (Joei,  1232-1233)  when  it  was  promulgated.  What  rendered  this  legislation 
essentially  necessary  was  that  the  Daiho  code  of  the  eighth  century  and  all  the 
laws  founded  on  it  were  inspired  primarily  by  the  purpose  of  centralizing  the 
administrative  power  and  establishing  the  Throne 's  title  of  ownership  in  all  the 
land  throughout  the  realm,  a  system  diametrically  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  feu- 
dalism. This  incongruity  had  made  itself  felt  in  Yoritomo's  time,  and  had 
suggested  the  compilation  of  certain  "Rules  for  Decisions"  (Hanketsu-rei), 
which  became  the  basis  of  the  Joei  code  in  Yasutoki 's  days.  Another  objection 
to  the  Daiho  code  and  its  correlated  enactments  was  that,  being  written  with 
Chinese  ideographs  solely,  they  were  unintelligible  to  the  bulk  of  those  they 
concerned.  Confucius  laid  down  as  a  fundamental  maxim  of  government  that 
men  should  be  taught  to  obey,  not  to  understand,  and  that  principle  was  adopted 
by  the  Tokugawa  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  But  in  the 
thirteenth,  the  aim  of  Yasutoki  and  his  fellow  legislators  was  to  render  the  laws 
intelligible  to  all,  and  with  that  object  they  were  indited  mostly  in  the  kana 
syllabary. 

The  actual  work  of  compilation  was  done  by  Hokkyo  Enzen  (a  renowned 
bonze),  but  the  idea  originated  with  Ho  jo  Yasutoki  and  Miyoshi  Yasutsura,  and 
every  provision  was  carefully  scanned  and  debated  by  the  Bakufu's  State  council 
(Hydjoshu).  There  was  no  intention  of  suppressing  the  Daiho  code.  The  latter 
was  to  remain  operative  in  all  regions  to  which  the  sway  of  the  Kyoto  Court 
extended  direct.  But  in  proportion  as  the  influence  of  the  Bakufu  grew,  the 
Joei  laws  received  new  adherents  and  finally  became  universally  effective.  A 
great  modern  authority,  Dr.  Ariga,  has  opined  that  the  motive  of  the  Bakufu 
legislation  was  not  solely  right  for  right's  sake.  He  thinks  that  political 
expediency  figured  in  the  business,  the  Kamakura  rulers  being  shrewd  enough 
to  foresee  that  a  reputation  for  administering  justice  would  prove  a  potent  factor 
in  extending  their  influence.  If  so,  the  scheme  was  admirably  worked  out,  for 
every  member  of  the  council  had  to  sign  a  pledge",  inserted  at  the  end  of  the 
Shikimoku,  invoking 2  the  vengeance  of  heaven  on  his  head  if  he  departed  from 
the  laws  or  violated  their  spirit  in  rendering  judgment.  Nothing,  indeed,  stands 
more  signally  to  the  credit  of  the  Bakufu  rulers  from  the  days  of  Yoritomo  and 
his  Avife,  Masa,  downwards,  than  their  constant  endeavour  to  do  justice  between 
man  and  man. 

NATURE  OF  THE  CODE 

The  Joei  Shikimoku  is  not  a  voluminous  document :  it  contains  only  fifty-one 
brief  articles,  which  the  poet  Basho  compares  to  the  luminosity  of  the  full  moon. 
It  has  been  excellently  translated  and  annotated  by  Mr.  Consul-General  J.  C. 
Hall  in  the  "Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan"  (Vol.  XXXIV,  Part 

[l  Called  also  the  Kwanto  Goseibai  Shikimoku.] 

[2  ' '  This  oath  indicates,  among  other  things,  the  deep  sense  of  the  importance  of  unanimity, 
of  a  united  front,  of  the  individual  sharing  fully  in  the  collective  responsibility,  that  was 
cherished  by  the  Bakufu  councillors.  This  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  chief  secrets  of  the  wonder- 
ful stability  and  efficiency  of  the  machine."  (Murdoch.)] 


350  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

I),  and  Mr.  J.  Murdoch,  in  his  admirable  History  of  Japan,  summarizes  its 
provisions  lucidly.  .  We  learn  that  .slavery  still  existed  in  the  thirteenth  century 
in  Japan;  but  the  farmer  was  guarded  against  cruel  processes  of  tax-collecting 
and  enjoyed  freedom  of  domicile  when  his  dues  were  paid.  Fiefs  might  not  be 
sold,  but  a  peasant  might  dispose  of  his  holding.  "Village  headmen,  while 
held  to  a  strict  discharge  of  their  duties  and  severely  punished  for  various  mal- 
practices, were  safeguarded  against  all  aggression  or  undue  interference  on  the 
part  of  thejito.  The  law  of  property  was  almost  entirely  synonymous  with  that 
of  fiefs.  These,  if  originally  conferred  for  public  services  rendered  by  the 
grantee,  could  not  be  sold.  On  the  death  of  the  holder  it  was  not  necessarily 
the  eldest  son  —  even  though  legitimate  —  that  succeeded.  The  only  provision 
affecting  the  father's  complete  liberty  of  bequest  or  gift  to  his  widow  —  or 
concubine,  in  one  article  —  or  children,  was  that  a  thoroughly  deserving  eldest 
son,  whether  of  wife  or  concubine,  could  claim  one-fifth  of  the  estate. 

"Not  only  could  women  be  dowered  with,  or  inherit,  fiefs,  and  transmit  a 
legal  title  to  them  to  their  own  children,  but  a  childless  woman  was  even  fully 
empowered  to  adopt  an  heir.  Yoritomo  had  been  the  first  to  sanction  this  broad- 
minded  and  liberal  principle.  In  Kamakura,  an  adulterer  was  stripped  of  half 
of  his  fief  if  he  held  one;  and  if  he  had  none,  he  was  banished.  For  an  adulteress 
the  punishment  was  no  severer,  except  that  if  she  possessed  a  fief,  the  whole  of 
it  was  confiscated.  A  good  many  sections  of  the  code  deal  with  legal  procedure 
and  the  conduct  and  duty  of  magistrates,  the  great  objects  being  to  make  the 
administration  of  justice  simple,  prompt,  and  pure,  while  repressing  everything 
in  the  shape  of  pettifogging  or  factious  litigation. 

'  '  The  penalties  were  neither  cruel  nor  ferocious.  Death  for  the  worst  offences 
—  among  which  theft  is  specially  mentioned  •  —  confiscation  of  fief,  and  banish- 
ment, these  exhaust  the  list.  The  only  other  punishment  mentioned  is  that  of 
branding  on  the  face,  inflicted  on  a  commoner  for  the  crime  of  forgery,  a  bushi's 
punishment  in  this  case  being  banishment,  or  simply  confiscation  of  his  fief,  if 
possessed  of  one. 

"Bakufu  vassals  were  strictly  forbidden  directly  to  solicit  the  Imperial  Court 
for  rank  or  office;  they  must  be  provided  with  a  special  recommendation  from 
Kamakura.  But  once  invested  with  Court  rank,  they  might  be  promoted  in 
grade  without  any  further  recommendation,  while  they  were  free  to  accept  the 
position  of  hebiishi.  Analogous  restrictions  were  placed  on  the  Kwanto  clergy, 
who  were  to  be  summarily  removed  from  their  benefices  if  found  appealing  to 
Kyoto  for  promotion,  the  only  exception  being  in  favour  of  Zen-shu  priests.  In 
their  case  the  erring  brother  guilty  of  such  an  offence  got  off  comparatively 
lightly  —  '  an  influential  member  of  the  same  sect  will  be  directed  to  administer 
a  gentle  admonition.'  The  clergy  within  the  Bakufu  domains  were  to  be  kept 
strictly  in  hand;  if  they  squandered  the  revenues  of  their  incumbency  and 
neglected  the  fabric  and  the  established  services  therein,  they  were  to  be  displaced. 
As  regards  the  monasteries  and  priests  outside  the  Bakufu  domain,  the  case  was 
entirely  different;  they  were  virtually  independent,  and  Kamakura  interfered 
there  only  when  instructed  to  do  so  by  Imperial  decree."1 

>• 


.fo/    :'n,nasUov 

FURTHER  LEGISLATION 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  Jdei  Shikimoku  represents  the  whole  outcome 
of  Kamakura  legislation.     Many  additions  were  made  to  the  code  during  the 

P  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.] 


THE  HOJO  351 

fourteenth  century,  but  they  were  all  in  the  nature  of  amplifications  or  modifica- 
tions. Kyoto  also  was  busy  with  enactments  in  those  times  —  busier,  indeed, 
than  Kamakura,  but  with  smaller  practical  results. 

.*  !Q  sqjfto 

il  aiiiimtoiioo  .Jud  —  »s£  isbnoj 
FALL  OF  THE  MIURA 

Yasutoki  died  in  1242,  having  held  the  regency  (shikken)  for  eighteen  years. 
His  two  sons  had  preceded  him  to  the  grave,  and  therefore  his  grandson,  Tsune- 
toki,  became  shikken.  Tsunetoki  resembled  his  grandfather  in  many  respects, 
but,  as  he  died  in  1246,  he  had  little  opportunity  of  distinguishing  himself. 
Nevertheless,  during  his  brief  tenure  of  power,  he  took  a  step  which  had  momen- 
tous consequences.  It  will  be  remembered  that  after  the  murder  of  Minamoto 
Sanetomo  by  his  nephew  Kugyo,  in  1219,  some  difficulty  was  experienced  in 
persuading  the  Imperial  Court  to  appoint  a  successor  to  the  shogunate,  and 
finally  the  choice  fell  upon  Fujiwara  Yoritsune,  then  a  child  of  two,  who  was  not 
actually  nominated  shogun  until  1226.  This  noble,  when  (1244)  in  the  twenty- 
seventh  year  of  his  age  and  the  eighteenth  of  his  shogunate,  was  induced  by  the 
regent,  Tsunetoki,  to  resign,  the  alleged  reason  being  portents  in  the  sky,  and  a 
successor  was  found  for  him  in  his  son,  Yoritsugu. 

Now,  for  many  years  past  the  Miura  family  had  ranked  next  to  the  Hojo  in 
power  and  above  it  in  wealth,  but  the  two  had  always  been  loyal  friends.  Some 
umbrage  was  given  to  the  Miura  at  this  time,  however,  owing  to  the  favours 
enjoyed  at  the  regency  by  the  Adachi  family,  one  of  whose  ladies  was  the  mother 
of  the  two  shikken,  Tsunetoki  and  Tokiyori.  The  situation  thus  created  had  its 
issue  in  a  plot  to  kill  Tokiyori,  and  to  replace  him  by  an  uncle  unconnected  with 
the  Adachi.  Whether  the  Miura  family  were  really  involved  in  this  plot,  history 
gives  no  definite  indication;  but  certainly  the  ex-shogun,  Yoritsune,  was  involved, 
and  his  very  marked  friendship  with  Miura  Mitsumura  could  scarcely  fail  to 
bring  the  latter  under  suspicion.  In  the  end,  the  Miura  mansion  was  suddenly 
invested  by  a  Hojo  force.  Mitsumura  and  his  elder  brother,  Yasumura,  escaped 
to  a  temple  where,  after  a  stubborn  resistance,  they  and  270  of  their  vassals 
committed  suicide.  No  mercy  was  shown..  The  Miura  were  hunted  and 
slaughtered  everywhere,  their  wide,  landed  estates  being  confiscated  and  divided 
among  the  Bakufu,  the  fanes,  and  the  courtiers  at  Kyoto. 

The  terribly  drastic  sequel  of  this  affair  illustrates  the  vast  power  wielded  by 
the  Hojo  throughout  the  empire  in  the  thirteenth  century.  Yoritomo's  system 
of  high  constables  and  land-stewards  brought  almost  every  part  of  the  country 
under  the  effective  sway  of  Kamakura.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  however,  that 
these  high  constables  and  land-stewards  were  suffered  to  subject  the  people  with- 
in their  jurisdiction  to  arbitrary  or  extortionate  treatment.  Not  only  could 
complaints  of  any  such  abuses  count  on  a  fair  hearing  and  prompt  redress  at  the 
hands  of  the  Bakufu,  but  also  inspectors  were  despatched,  periodically  or  at  un- 
certain dates,  to  scrutinize  with  the  utmost  vigilance  the  conduct  of  the  shugv 
and  jito,  who,  in  their  turn,  had  a  staff  of  specially  trained  men  to  examine  the 
land  survey  and  adjust  the  assessment  and  incidence  of  taxation. 

;3ph.  9VBg  iio^UoT  ,JrIgi.roib  vd 


HOJO  TOKIYORI 

Tokiyori,  younger  brother  of  Tsunetoki,  held  the  post  of  shikken  at  the  time 
of  the  Miura  tragedy.  He  had  succeeded  to  the  position,  in  1246,  on  the  death 
of  Tsunetoki,  and  he  nominally  abdicated  in  1256,  when,  in  the  sequel  of  a  severe 

rl 


352 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


illness,  he  took  the  tonsure.  A  zealous  believer,  from  his  youth  upwards,  in  the 
doctrines  of  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhism,  he  built  a  temple  called  Saimyo-ji  among 
the  hills  of  Kamakura,  and  retired  thither  to  tend  his  health  —  entrusting  the 
office  of  shikken  to  a  relative,  Nagatoki,  as  his  own  son,  Tokimune,  was  still  of 
tender  age  —  but  continuing  himself  to  administer  military  and  judicial  affairs, 

especially  when  any  criminal 
or  civil  case  of  a  complicated 
or  difficult  nature  occurred. 
Thus,  there  was  a  cloistered 
regent  at  Kamakura,  just  as 
there  had  so  often  been  a 
cloistered  Emperor  in  Kyoto. 
Tradition  has  busied  it.-i  If 
much  with  Tokiyori  's  life.  He 
carried  to  extreme  lengths  the 
virtue  of  economy  so  greatly 
extolled  by  his  grandfather, 
Yasutoki.  Such  was  the  fru- 
gality of  his  mode  of  life  that 
we  read  of  him  searching  for 
fragments  of  food  among  the 
remnants  of  a  meal,  so  that  he 
might  serve  them  to  a  friend, 
and  we  read,  also,  of  his 
mother  repairing  with  her  own 
hands  the  paper  covering  of  a 
shoji  in  expectation  of  a  visit 
from  him.  He  is  further  said 
to  have  disguised  himself  as 
an  itinerent  bonze  and  to  have 
travelled  about  the  provinces, 
observing  the  state  of  the 
people  and  learning  their  com- 
plaints. His  experiences,  on 
this  pilgrimage  read  like  a 
romance.  Lodging  at  one  time 
with  an  aged  widow,  he  learns 
that  she  has  been  robbed  of 
her  estate  and  reduced  to  painful  poverty,  a  wrong  which  Tokiyori  hastens  to 
redress;  at  another  time  his  host  is  an  old  samurai  whose  loyal  record  comes 
thus  to  the  knowledge  of  the  shikken  and  is  subsequently  recognized. 

But  it  must  be  confessed  that  these  tales  rest  on  very  slender  evidence. 
Better  attested  is  the  story  of  Aoto  Fujitsuna,  which  illustrates  at  once  the 
character  of  Tokiyori  and  the  customs  of  the  time.  This  Fujitsuna  was  a  man 
of  humble  origin  but  considerable  learning.  One  year,  the  country  being  visited 
by  drought,  Tokiyori  gave  rice  and  money  to  priests  for  religious  services,  and 
himself  worshipped  at  the  shrine  of  Mishima.  These  measures  were  vehemently 
criticized  by  Fujitsuna,  who  described  them  as  enriching  the  wealthy  to  help  the 
impoverished.  When  informed  of  this,  Tokiyori,  instead  of  resenting  it,  sent 
for  Fujitsuna  and  nominated  him  a  member  of  the  Court  of  Recorders,1  where 
P  The  Hikitsuke-shii,  a  body  of  men  who  kept  the  archives  of  the  Man-dokoro  and  conducted 


THE  HOJO 


353 


he  earned  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  Japan's  greatest  judges.1  It  is  related 
of  him  that  he  devoted  his  whole  fortune  to  objects  of  charity,  and  that  when 
Tokiyori,  claiming  a  revelation  from  heaven,  proposed  to  increase  his  endow- 
ments, his  answer  was,  "  Supposing  heaven  revealed  to  you  that  you  should 
put  me  to  death,  would  you  obey?"2 

Tokiyori,  as  already  related,  though  he  nominally  resigned  and  entered 
religion  in  1256,  really  held  the  reins  of  power  until  his  death,  in  1263.  Thus  the 
Insei  (camera  administration)  came  into  being  in  Kamakura,  as  it  had  done 
previously  in  Kyoto.  There  were  altogether  nine  of  the  Ho  jo  regents,  as  shown 


below:  — 


(1) 

Tokimasa 

1203-1205 

(2) 

Yoshitoki 

1205-1224 

(3) 

Yasutoki 

1224-1242 

(4) 

Tsunetoki 

1242-1246 

(5) 

Tokiyori 

1246-1256 

(6) 

Tokimune 

1256-1284 

(7) 

Sadatoki 

1284-1301 

(8) 

Morotoki 

1301-1311 

ftfi 
w 

Takatoki 

1311-1333 

'£  3o'fl 
-tri)  to  fro 


.sni$&f&.iK 


Retired  in  1256,  but  ruled  in  camera  till  1263 

hJJ  11003  8.B 

Retired  in  1301,  but  ruled  in  camera  till  1311 
>9d  aew  terfT     .eim*  eirf  ni  Hfte  elMv/  ooifio 

"ib  -fo/ito  nrjilw  runiJ  041  ,j.fi  jfei;i  faapi/qoo  tf 
The  first  six  of  these  were  men  of  genius,  but  neither  Tokimasa"  nor  Yoshitoki 
can  be  called  really  great  administrators,  if  in  the  science  of  administration  its 
moral  aspects  be  included.  The  next  four,  however,  from  Yasutoki  down  to 
Tokimune,  are  distinctly  entitled  to  a  high  place  in  the  pages  of  history. 
Throughout  the  sixty  years  of  their  sway  (1224-1284),  the  Japanese  nation  was 
governed  with  justice  3  and  clemency  rarely  found  in  the  records  of  any  medieval 
State,  and  it  is  a  strange  fact  that  Japan's  debt  to  these  Hojo  rulers  remained 
unrecognized  until  modern  times. 


SHOGUNS  IN  KAMAKURA 

)oJki  Inmqml  \o 
In  the  Minamoto  's  original  scheme  of  government  the  office  of  shogun  was 

an  administrative  reality.  Its  purpose  was  to  invest  the  Bakufu  chief  with 
permanent  authority  to  command  all  the  military  and  naval  forces  throughout 
the  empire  for  the  defence  and  tranquillization  of  the  country.  In  that  light 
the  shogunate  was  regarded  while  it  remained  in  the  hands  of  Yoritomo  and  his 
two  sons,  Yoriie  and  Sanetomo.  But  with  the  death  of  Sanetomo,  in  1219,  and 
the  political  extinction  of  the  Minamoto  family,  the  shogunate  assumed  a  different 
character  in  the  eyes  of  the  Minamoto  's  successors,  the  Hojo.  These  latter, 
not  qualified  to  hold  the  office  themselves,  regarded  it  as  a  link  between  Kama- 
kura and  Kyoto,  and  even  as  a  source  from  which  might  be  derived  lawful  sanc- 
tion for  opposing  the  Throne  should  occasion  arise.  Therefore  they  asked  the 
Emperor  Go-Toba  to  nominate  one  of  his  younger  sons,  and  on  receiving  a 


preliminary  judicial  investigations.  It  was  organized  in  Tokiyori 's,  time  and  from  its  members 
the  Hydjoshu  was  recruited.] 

[l  The  other  was  Ooka  Tadasuke  of  the  Tokugawa  period.] 

[2  It  is  related  of  this  Aoto  Fujitsuna  that,  having  dropped  a  few  cash  into  the  Namera  River 
at  night,  he  expended  many  times  the  amount  in  paying  torch-bearers  to  recover  the  lost  coins, 
his  argument  being  that  the  money  thus  expended  was  merely  put  into  circulation,  whereas 
the  dropped  money  would  have  been  irrevocably  lost.] 

[3It  is  recorded  that  the  first  half  of  every  month  in  Kamakura  was  devoted  to  judicial 
proceedings,  and  that  at  the  gate  of  the  Record  Office  there  was  hung  a  bell,  by  striking 
which  a  suitor  or  petitioner  could  count  on  immediate  attention.] 


354  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

refusal,  they  were  fain  to  be  content  with  a  member  of  the  Fujiwara  family,  who 
had  long  held  the  Court  in  the  hollow  of  their  hands.  This  nomination  was 
never  intended  to  carry  with  it  any  real  authority.  The  shoguns  were  mere 
puppets.  During  the  interval  of  1 14  years  between  the  death  of  Sanetomo  (1219) 
and  the  fall  of  the  Hojo  (1333),  there  were  six  of  these  faineant  officials: — 

Age  at        Age  at 
Appn't      Depos'n 

Fujiwara  Yoritsune  Ojm  .„,;,.;  (.,    1219-1244      2 

Yoritsugu  1244-1252      5 

Prince  Munetaka,  elder  brother  of  Go-Fukakusa        1252-1266     10  *•* 

Prince  Koreyasu,  son  of  Munetaka  1266-1289      3 

Prince  Hisaakira,  son  of  Go-Fukakusa  1289-1308     13 

Prince  Morikuni,  son  of  Hisaakira  1308-1333       7 

St&'-J^U 
The  record  shows  that  all  these  officials  were  appointed  at  an  age  when 

independent  thought  had  not  yet  become  possible,  and  that  they  were  removed 
as  soon  as  they  began  to  think  for  themselves.  It  will  be  observed  that  there  is 
a  palpable  break  in  the  uniformity  of  the  list.  Yoritsugu  alone  was  stripped  of 
office  while  still  in  his  teens.  That  was  because  his  father,  the  ex-shogun, 
engaged  in  a  plot  to  overthrow  the  Hojo.  But  the  incident  was  also  opportune. 
It  occurred  just  at  the  time  when  other  circumstances  combined  to  promote  the 
ambition  of  the  Hojo  in  the  matter  of  obtaining  an  Imperial  prince  for  shogun. 
The  throne  was  then  occupied  by  Go-Fukakusa  (the  eighty-ninth  sovereign), 
a  son  of  Go-Saga  (the  eighty-eighth  sovereign),  who,  as  we  shall  see,  owed  his 
elevation  to  the  influence  exercised  by  Hojo  Yasutoki  after  the  Shokyu  war. 
Now  it  happened  that,  in  1252,  a  conspiracy  against  Go-Saga  was  found  to  have 
been  fomented  by  the  head  of  that  branch  of  the  Fujiwara  family  from  which 
the  Kamakura  shoguns  were  taken.  The  conspiracy  was  a  thing  of  the  past  and 
so  were  its  principal  fomenters,  but  it  served  as  a  conclusive  reason  for  not 
creating  another  Fujiwara  shogun.  Prince  Munetaka,  an  elder  brother  of  the 
reigning  Emperor,  was  chosen,  and  thus  the  last  four  Bakufu  shoguns  were  all 
of  Imperial  blood. 

Their  lineage,  however,  did  not  avail  much  as  against  Bakufu  arbitrariness. 
The  Hojo  adopted  towards  the  shoguns  the  same  policy  as  that  previously  pur- 
sued by  the  Fujiwara  towards  the  sovereigns  —  appointment  during  the  years 
of  childhood  and  removal  on  reaching  full  manhood.1  But  the  shoguns  were  not 
unavenged. 

It  was  owing  to  the  social  influence  exercised  by  their  entourage  that  the 
frugal  and  industrious  habits  of  the  bushi  at  Kamakura  were  gradually  replaced 
by  the  effeminate  pastimes  and  enervating  accomplishments  of  the  Imperial 
capital.  For  the  personnel  and  equipage  of  a  shogun' s  palace  at  Kamakura 
differed  essentially  from  those  of  Hojo  regents  (shikkert)  like  Yasutoki  and  his 
three  immediate  successors.  In  the  former  were  seen  a  multitude  of  highly  paid 
officials  whose  duties  did  not  extend  to  anything  more  serious  than  the  conserva- 
tion of  forms  of  etiquette;  the  custody  of  gates,  doors,  and  shutters;  the  care  of 
pavilions  and  villas;  the  practice  and  teaching  of  polite  accomplishments,  such 
as  music  and  versification;  dancing,  handball,  and  football;  the  cultivation  of 
refined  archery  and  equestrianism,  and  the  guarding  of  the  shogun' s  person.2 

[l  It 'is  related  that  when  the  regent,  Sadatoki,  in  1289,  removed  Prince  Koreyasu  from  the 
office  of  shdgun,  he  ordered  that  the  bamboo  palanquin  in  which  the  prince  journeyed  to 
Kyoto  should  be  carried  with  the  back  in  front.  The  people  said  that  the  prince  was  banished 
to  Kyoto.) 

[2  The  officials  of  the  shdgun 's  court  were  collectively  called  banshu.] 


THE  HOJO  355 

At  the  regency,  on  the  other  hand,  functions  of  the  most  arduous  character 
were  continuously  discharged  by  a  small  staff  of  earnest,  unpretentious  men, 
strangers  to  luxury  or  leisure  and  solicitous,  primarily,  to  promote  the  cause  of 
justice  and  to  satisfy  the  canons  of  efficiency.  The  contrast  could  not  but  be 
demoralizing.  Not  rapidly  or  without  a  struggle,  but  slowly  and  inevitably,  the 
poison  of  bad  example  permeated  Kamakura  society,  and  the  sinecures  in  the 
shogun's  household  came  to  be  coveted  by  the  .veterans  of  the  Bakufu,  who, 
throughout  the  peaceful  times  secured  by  Hojo  rule,  found  no  means  of  gaining 
honours  or  riches  in  the  field,  and  who  saw  themselves  obliged  to  mortgage  their 
estates  in  order  to  meet  the  cost  of  living,  augmented  by  extravagant  banquets, 
fine  buildings,  and  rich  garments.  Eight  times  between  1252  and  1330,  edicts 
were  issued  by  the  Bakufu  fixing  the  prices  of  commodities,  vetoing  costly  resi- 
dences, prohibiting  expensive  garments,  censuring  neglect  of  military  arts,  and 
ordering  resumption  of  the  old-time  sports  and  exercises.  These  attempts  to 
check  the  evil  had  only  very  partial  success.  The  vices  spread,  and  "in  the  com- 
plex of  factors  that  led  to  the  downfall  of  the  Bakufu,  the  ultimate  ascendancy 
of  Kyoto  's  social  standards  in  Kamakura  must  probably  be  regarded  as  the  most 

important."1 

o-'     -     i''-::-- 


THE  TWO  LINES  OF  EMPERORS 

•  o  flSp?  ?>  iTfrm  SUI:T.  .•nxffjqmd  DtnoJaioJa  .  orIT 

It  is  necessary  now  to  turn  for  a  moment  to  the  story  of  the  Imperial  city, 
which,  since  the  appearance  of  the  Bakufu  upon  the  scene,  has  occupied  a  very 
subordinate  place  in  these  pages,  as  it  did  in  fact.  Not  that  there  was  any  out- 
ward or  visible  sign  of  diminishing  importance.  All  the  old  administrative 
machinery  remained  operative,  the  old  codes  of  etiquette  continued  to  claim 
strict  observance,  and  the  old  functions  of  government  were  discharged.  But 
only  the  shadow  of  authority  existed  at  Kyoto;  the  substance  had  passed 
effectually  to  Kamakura.  As  for  the  throne,  its  chiefly  remarkable  feature  was 
the  brevity  of  its  occupation  by  successive  sovereigns  : 

•Oiiifir  rfiivr  IfhwB  :  .tlyl  jj^n^-oO  £7£'l  fij^nfvCI 
Order  of  Succession  Name  Date 

IIHI.-L.   o  •  n       cii_-       i  A      T-k     1  i  e/»     i  i  ero 

77th  Sovereign      Go-Smrakawa  .  Vft^wvry^.4,f;.j..A.  D.  1156-1158 

78th  ^•:^^^4f^^\  '\\y~l™ 

79th 


soth 

sist     ai^:ii$^^ 

82nd  I!)m...  Go-Toba..  .  ?Mhamimf|V-irr;  •  iwur  -n84-1198 

83rd        4.        Tsuchimikado.,—  ^  .1199-1210 

"  Ki  }     Juntoku  .........  .^j.^^^^,^,  .  1211-1221 

s-jj^hnvwub  '  toW,1221 


- 

Here  are  seen  twelve  consecutive  Emperors  whose  united  reigns  covered  a 
period  of  ninety-one  years,  being  an  average  of  seven  and  one-half  years,  approxi- 
mately. It  has  been  shown  that  Go-Horikawa  received  the  purple  practically 
from  the  hands  of  the  Hojo  in  the  sequel  of  the  Shokyu  disturbance,  and  the 
same  is  true  of  Go-Saga,  he  having  been  nominated  from  Kamakura  in  preference 
to  a  son  of  Juntoku,  whose  complicity  in  that  disturbance  had  been  notorious. 
Hence  Go-Saga's  attitude  towards  Kamakura  was  always  one  of  deference, 

[*  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.] 


356  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

increased  by  the  fact  that  his  eldest  son,  Munetaka,  went  to  Kamakura  as  shdgun, 
in  1252.  Vacating  the  throne  in  1246,  he  named  his  second  son,  Go-Fukakusa, 
to  succeed;  and  his  third,  Kameyama,  to  be  Prince  Imperial.  The  former  was 
only  three  years  old  when  (1246)  he  became  nominal  sovereign,  and,  after  a 
reign  of  thirteen  years,  he  was  compelled  (1259)  to  make  way  for  his  father's 
favourite,  Kameyama,  who  reigned  from  1259  to  1274. 

To  understand  what  followed,  a  short  genealogical  table  will  assist: 

88th  Sovereign,  Go-Saga  (1243-1246) 

I     '.-i  .  in^JM1:  .^fil'/illo  -t'O1;  JMi'j  fcwni  (> 
89th,  Go-Fukakusa  (1246-1259)     90th,  Kameyama  (1259-1274) 

92nd,  Fushimi  (1287-1298)  91st,  Go-Uda  (1274-1287) 

j  iranso^tifMinj-:.!;      |  _ 

|                      ~]       rroqa  ;        1  ~HLj'" 

93rd,  Go-Fushimi  95th,  Hanazono  94th,  Go-Nijo  96th,  Go-Daigo 

(1298-1301)            (1307-1318)         (1301-1307)  (1318-1339) 

i\.--i: 


Jimyo-in  family  (called  afterwards       Daikagu-ji  Family  (called  afterwards 
Hoku-cho,  or  the  Northern  Court)          Nan-cho,  or  the  Southern  Court) 

The  cloistered  Emperor,  Go-Saga,  abdicating  after  a  reign  of  four  years, 
conducted  the  administration  according  to  the  camera  system  during  twenty- 
six  years.  It  will  be  observed  from  the  above  table  that  he  essayed  to  hold  the 
balance  equally  between  the  families  of  his  two  sons,  the  occupant  of  the  throne 
being  chosen  from  each  alternately.  But  everything  goes  to  show  that  he 
favoured  the  Kameyama  branch.  Like  Go-Toba,  he  cherished  the  hope  of 
seeing  the  Imperial  Court  released  from  the  Bakufu  shackles,  and  to  that  end 
the  alert,  enterprising  Kameyama  seemed  better  suited  than  the  dull,  resource- 
less  Takakura,  just  as  in  Go-Toba  's  eyes  Juntoku  had  appeared  preferable  to 
Tsuchimikado. 

Dying  in  1272,  Go-Saga  left  a  will  with  injunctions  that  it  should  be  opened 
in  fifty  days.  It  contained  provisions  destined  to  have  disastrous  consequences. 
One  clause  entrusted  to  the  Bakufu  the  duty  of  deciding  whether  the  administra- 
tive power  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  cloistered  Emperor,  Go-Fukakusa, 
or  in  those  of  the  reigning  sovereign,  Kameyama.  Another  provided  that  a  very 
large  property,  known  as  the  Chokodo  estates,  should  be  inherited  by  the  mon- 
arch thus  deposed  from  authority;  while  a  comparatively  small  bequest  went  to 
the  depository  of  power.  In  framing  this  curious  instrument,  Go-Saga  doubt- 
less designed  to  gild  the  pill  of  permanent  exclusion  from  the  seats  of  power, 
believing  confidently  that  the  Imperial  succession  would  be  secured  to  Kame- 
yama and  his  direct  descendants.  This  anticipation  proved  correct.  The 
Bakufu  had  recourse  to  a  Court  lady  to  determine  the  trend  of  the  deceased 
sovereign  's  wishes,  and  the  result  was  that  Kameyama  triumphed. 

In  the  normal  order  of  things  the  cloistered  Emperor  Go-Fukakusa  would 
have  succeeded  to  the  administrative  place  occupied  by  Go-Saga,  and  a  large 
body  of  courtiers,  whose  chances  of  promotion  and  emolument  depended  upon 
that  arrangement,  bitterly  resented  the  innovation.  The  palace  became  divided 
into  two  parties,  the  Naiho  (interior  section)  and  the  Inho  (camera  section),  a 
division  which  grew  more  accentuated  when  Kameyama  's  son  ascended  the 
throne  as  Go-Uda,  in  1274.  Go-Fukakusa  declared  that  he  would  leave  his 
palace  and  enter  a  monastery  were  such  a  wrong  done  to  his  children.  Thereupon 
Kameyama  —  now  cloistered  Emperor  —  submitted  the  matter  to  the  Bakufu, 


THE  HOJO  357 

who,  after  grave  deliberation,  decided  that  Go-Fukakusa  's  son  should  be  named 
Crown  Prince  and  should  reign  in  succession  to  Go-Uda.  This  ruler  is  known 
in  history  as  Fushimi. 

Shortly  after  his  accession  a  sensational  event  occurred.  A  bandit  made  his 
way  during  the  night  into  the  palace  and  seizing  one  of  the  court  ladies,  ordered 
her  to  disclose  the  Emperor 's  whereabouts.  The  sagacious  woman  misdirected 
him,  and  then  hastened  to  inform  the  sovereign,  who  disguised  himself  as  a 
female  and  escaped.  Arrested  by  the  guards,  the  bandit  committed  suicide  with 
a  sword  which  proved  to  be  a  precious  heirloom  of  the  Sanjo  family.  Sanjo 
Sanemori,  a  former  councillor  of  State,  was  arrested  on  suspicion,  but  his  exami- 
nation disclosed  nothing.  Then  a  grand  councillor  (dainagori)  charged  the 
cloistered  Emperor,  Kameyama,  with  being  privy  to  the  attempt,  and  Fushimi 
showed  a  disposition  to  credit  the  charge.  Kameyama,  however,  conveyed  to 
the  Bakufu  a  solemn  oath  of  innocence,  with  which  Fushimi  was  fain  to  be  ostensi- 
bly content.  But  his  Majesty  remained  unconvinced  at  heart.  He  sent  to 
Kamakura  a  secret  envoy  with  instructions  to  attribute  to  Kameyama  an  abiding 
desire  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  Go-Toba  and  wipe  out  the  Shokyu  humiliation. 
This  vengeful  mood  might  find  practical  expression  at  anytime,  and  Fushimi, 
warned  the  Bakufu  to  be  on  their  guard.  "As  for  me,"  he  concluded,  "I  leave 
my  descendants  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Hojo.  With  Kamakura  we  stand 
or  fall." 

How  much  of  this  was  sincere,  how  much  diplomatic,  it  is  not  possible  to 
determine.  In  Kamakura,  however,  it  found  credence.  Sadatoki,  then  regent 
(shikken),  took  prompt  measures  to  have  Fushimi 's  son  proclaimed  Prince 
Imperial,  and,  in  1298,  he  was  enthroned  as  Go-Fushimi.  This  evoked  an  indig- 
nant protest  from  the  then  cloistered  Emperor,  Go-Uda,  and  after  some  considera- 
tion the  Kamakura  regent,  Sadatoki,  suggested  —  "directed"  would  perhaps 
be  a  more  correct  form  of  speech  —  that  thenceforth  the  succession  to  the  throne 
should  alternate  between  the  two  families  descended  from  Go-Fukakusa  and 
Kameyama,  the  length  of  a  reign  being  limited  to  ten  years.  Nominally,  this 
arrangement  was  a  mark  of  deference  to  the  testament  of  Go-Saga,  but  in 
reality  it  was  an  astute  device  to  weaken  the  authority  of  the  Court  by  dividing 
it  into  rival  factions.  Kamakura 's  fiat  received  peaceful  acquiescence  at  first. 
Go-Uda 's  eldest  son  took  the  sceptre  in  1301,  under  the  name  of  Go-Nijo,  and, 
after  seven  years,  he  was  succeeded  by  Fushimi 's  son,  Hanazono,  who,  in  twelve 
years,  made  way  for  Go-Uda 's  second  son,  Go-Daigo. 

The  descendants  of  Kameyama  were  called  the  "Daigaku-ji  family,"  and  the 
descendants  of  Go-Fukakusa  received  the  name  of  the  "Jimyo-in  family." 
When  a  member  of  the  latter  occupied  the  throne,  the  Court  enjoyed  opulence, 
owing  to  its  possession  of  the  extensive  Chokodo  estates;  but  when  the  sovereign 
was  of  the  Daigaku-ji  line  comparative  penury  was  experienced.  There  can  be 
little  doubt  that,  throughout  the  complications  antecedent  to  this  dual  system, 
the  Fushimi  princes  acted  practically  as  spies  for  the  Bakufu.  After  all,  the  two 
Imperial  families  were  descended  from  a  common  ancestor  and  should  have 
shrunk  from  the  disgrace  of  publishing  their  rivalries.  It  is  true,  as  we  shall 
presently  see,  that  the  resulting  complications  involved  the  destruction  of  the 
Hojo;  but  it  is  also  true  that  they  plunged  the  nation  into  a  fifty  years'  war. 

THE  FIVE  REGENT  FAMILIES 

It  has  already  been  related  how,  by  Yoritomo's  contrivance,  the  post  of 
regent  (kwampaku)  in  Kyoto  came  to  be  held  alternately  by  scions  of  the  Kujo 


358  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

family  —  descended  from  Fujiwara  Kanezane  —  and  scions  of  the  Konoe  family 

—  descended  from  Fu j  iwara  Motomichi.    This  system  was  subsequently  extend- 
ed at  the  instance  of  the  HojO.    The  second  and  third  sons  of  Michiiye,  grandson 
of  Kanezane,  founded  the  nouses  of  NijO  and  Ichijo,  respectively;  while  Kane- 
hira,  the  second  of  two  grandsons  of  Motomichi,  established  the  house  of 
Takatsukasa.     These  five  families  —  Konoe,  Kujo,  Nijo,  Ichijo,  and  Takatsu- 
kasa — were  collectively  called  Go-sekke  (the  Five  Regent  Houses)  in  recognition 
of  the  fact  that  the  regent  in  Kyoto  was  supposed  to  be  taken  from  them  in 
succession.    The  arrangement  led  to  frequent  strife  with  resulting  weakness,  thus 
excellently  achieving  the  purpose  of  its  contrivers,  the  Hojo. 

^i.lj  b'Wiuth  (i\ov)iMVtnV>)  follfoiiijoo"  Fining  a  rroilT    .sini 

THE  FIRST  MONGOL  INVASION 
ot    )07'r/noo  ti»vowofl  ,£rn£T£9fli£7I     .ogifiao  oiii  JIDTI  >  or  /n. 

The  rule  of  the  Hojo  synchronized  with  two  events  of  prime  importance  — 
the  invasion  of  Japan  by  a  Mongolian  army,  first  in  1274,  and  subsequently  in 
1281.  Early  in  the  twelfth  century,  the  Emperor  of  China,  which  was  then 
under  the  sway  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  invited  the  Golden  Tatars  to  deal  with  the 
Khitan  Tatars,  who  held  Manchuria,  and  who,  in  spite  of  heavy  tribute  paid 
annually  by  the  Sung  Court,  continually  raided  northeastern  China.  The  Gold- 
en Tatars  responded  to  the  invitation  by  not  only  expelling  the  Khitans  but 
also  taking  their  place  in  Manchuria  and  subsequently  overrunning  China,  where 
they  established  a  dynasty  of  their  own  from  1115  to  1234. 

These  struggles  and  dynastic  changes  did  not  sensibly  affect  Japan.  Her 
intercourse  with  the  Asiatic  continent  in  those  ages  was  confined  mainly  to  an 
interchange  of  visits  by  Buddhist  priests,  to  industrial  enterprise,  and  to  a 
fitful  exchange  of  commodities.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  branch  of  the  Ta- 
tars concerned  themselves  practically  about  Japan  or  the  Japanese.  Ultimate- 
ly, however,  in  the  first  part  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  Mongols  began  to 
sweep  down  on  the  Middle  Kingdom  under  the  leadership  of  Jenghiz  Khan. 
They  crushed  the  Golden  Tatars,  transferred  (1264)  the  Mongol  capital  from 
central  Asia  to  Peking  (Cambaluc),  and,  in  1279,  under  Kublai,  completely 
conquered  China.  Nearly  thirty  years  before  the  transfer  of  the  capital  to 
Peking,  the  Mongols  invaded  the  Korean  peninsula,  and  brought  it  completely 
under  their  sway  in  1263,  receiving  the  final  submission  of  the  kingdom  of 
Koma,  which  alone  had  offered  any  stubborn  resistance. 

It  is  probable  that  Kublai 's  ambition,  whetted  by  extensive  conquests,  would 
have  turned  in  the  direction  of  Japan  sooner  or  later,  but  tradition  indicates 
that  the  idea  of  obtaining  the  homage  of  the  Island  Empire  was  suggested  to  the 
great  Khan  by  a  Korean  traveller  in  1265.  Kublai  immediately  acted  on  the 
suggestion.  He  sent  an  embassy  by  way  of  Korea,  ordering  the  Koma  sovereign 
to  make  arrangements  for  the  transport  of  the  envoys  and  to  re-enforce  them 
with  a  Korean  colleague.  A  tempest  interrupted  this  essay,  and  it  was  not  re- 
peated until  1268,  when  the  Khan 's  messengers,  accompanied  by  a  Korean  suite, 
crossed  safely  to  Chikuzen  and  delivered  to  the  Dazai-fu  a  letter  from  Kublai 
with  a  covering  despatch  from  the  Korean  King.  The  Korean  sovereign's 
despatch  was  plainly  inspired  by  a  desire  to  avert  responsibility  from  himself. 
He  explained  that  in  transporting  the  embassy  he  acted  unavoidably,  but  that, 
in  sending  it,  the  Khan  was  not  actuated  by  any  hostile  feeling,  his  sole  purpose 
being  to  include  Japan  in  the  circle  of  his  friendly  tributaries. 

In  short,  the  Koma  prince — he  no  longer  could  properly  be  called  a  monarch 

—  would  have  been  only  too  pleased  to  see  Japan  pass  under  the  Mongol  yoke 


3JCIO3CI   av.3    THE  HO  JO  IO  359 

as  hisjown  kingdom  had  already  done.  Kublai 's  letter,  however,  though  not 
deliberately  arrogant,  could  not  be  construed  in:  any  sense  except  as  a  summons 
to  send  tribute-bearing  envoys  to  Peking.  He  called  himself  "Emperor"  and 
addressed  the  Japanese  ruler  as  "King;"  instanced,  for  fitting  example,  the 
relation  between  China  and  Korea,  which  he  described  at  once  as  that  of  lord  and 
vassal  and  that  of  parent  and  child,  and  predicated  that  refusal  of  intercourse 
would  "lead  to  war." 

The  Japanese  interpreted  this  to  be  an  offer  of  suzerainty  or  subjugation. 
Two  courses  were  advocated;  one  by  Kyoto,  the  other  by  Kamakura.  The 
former  favoured  a  policy  of  conciliation  and  delay;  the  latter,  an  attitude  of 
contemptuous  silence.  Kamakura,  of  course,  triumphed.  After  six  months' 
retention  the  envoys  were  sent  away  without  so  much  as  a  written  acknowledg- 
ment. The  records  contain  nothing  to  show  whether  this  bold  course  on  the 
part  of  the  Bakufu  had  its  origin  in  ignorance  of  the  Mongol's  might  or  in  a 
conviction  of  the  bushi's  fighting  superiority.  Probably  both  factors  were 
operative;  for  Japan's  knowledge  of  Jenghiz  and  his  resources  reached  her  chiefly 
through  religious  channels,  and  the  fact  that  Koreans  were  associated  with 
Mongols  in  the  mission  must  have  tended  to  lower  the  affair  in  her  estimation. 
Further,  the  Japanese  had  been  taught  by  experience  the  immense  difficulties  of 
conducting  oversea  campaigns,  and  if  they  understood  anything  about  the  Mon- 
gols, it  should  have  been  the  essentially  non-maritime  character  of  the  mid- 
Asian  conquerors. 

By  Kublai  himself  that  defect  was  well  appreciated.  He  saw  that  to  carry 
a  body  of  troops  to  Japan,  the  seagoing  resources  of  the  Koreans  must  be 
requisitioned,  and  on  the  bootless  return  of  his  first  embassy,  he  immediately 
issued  orders  to  the  Koma  King  to  build  one  thousand  ships  and  mobilize  forty 
thousand  troops.  In  vain  the  recipient  of  these  orders  pleaded  inability  to 
execute  them.  The  Khan  insisted,  and  supplemented  his  first  command  with 
instructions  that  agricultural  operations  should  be  undertaken  on  a  large  scale 
in  the  peninsula  to  supply  food  for  the  projected  army  of  invasion.  Meanwhile 
he  despatched  embassy  after  embassy  to  Japan,  evidently  being  desirous  of 
carrying  his  point  by  persuasion  rather  than  by  force.  The  envoys  invariably 
returned  re  infedd.  On  one  occasion  (1269),  a  Korean  vessel  carried  off  two 
Japanese  from  Tsushima  and  sent  them  to  Peking.  There,  Kublai  treated  them 
kindly.,  showed  them  his  palace  as  well  as  a  parade  of  his  troops,  and  sent  them 
home  to  tell  what  they  had  seen.  But  the  Japanese  remained  obdurate,  and 
finally  the  Khan  sent  an  ultimatum,  to  which  Tokimune,  -the  Hojo  regem% 
replied  by  dismissing  the  envoys  forthwith. 

War  was  now  inevitable.  Kublai  massed  25,000  Mongol  braves  in  Korea, 
supplemented  them  with  15,000  Korean  troops,  and  embarking  them  in  a  flotilla 
of  900  vessels  manned  by  8000  Koreans,  launched  this  paltry  army  against 
Japan  in  November,  1274.  The  armada  began  by  attacking  Tsushima  and 
Iki,  islands  lying  in  the  strait  that  separates  the  Korean  peninsula  from  Japan. 
In  Tsushima,  the  governor,  So  Sukekuni,1  could  not  muster  more  than  two  hun- 
dred bushi.  But  these  two  hundred  fought  to  the  death,  as  did  also  the  still 
smaller  garrison  of  Iki.  Before  the  passage  of  the  narrow  strait  was  achieved, 
the  invaders  must  have  lost  something  of  their  faith  in  the  whole  enterprise... 
On  November  20th,  they  landed  at  Hako-zaki  Gulf  in  the  province  of  Chikuzem 
There  they  were  immediately  assailed  by  the  troops  of  five  Kyushu  chieftains. 
What  force  the  latter  represented  there  is  no  record,  but  they  were  certainly  less 

[l  Grandson  of  Taira  no  Tomomori,  admiral  of  the  Hei  fleet  in  the  battle  of  Dan-no-ura.] 
. 


360 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


numerous  than  the  enemy.  Moreover,  the  Yuan  army  possessed  a  greatly 
superior  tactical  system.  By  a  Japanese  bushi  the  battle-field  was  regarded  as 
an  arena  for  the  display  of  individual  prowess,  not  of  combined  force.  Thr 
Mongols,  on  the  contrary,  fought  in  solid  co-operation,  their  movements  directed 
by  sound  of  drum  from  some  eminence  where  the  commander-in-chief  watched 
the  progress  of  the  fight.  If  a  Japanese  approached  to  defy  one  of  them  to  single 
combat,  they  enveloped  and  slew  him.  Further,  at  close  quarters  they  used 


m.«f 
>rrraii  srf  .-vyr 

KV/f!  l*S  ' 

u;iti 
d)iv/ 


REPULSE  OF  THE  MONGOL  INVADERS 
(From  a  scroll  painting  in  possession  of  the  Imperial  Household) 

light  arms  dipped  in  poison,  and  for  long-range  purposes  they  had  powerful  cross- 
bows, which  quite  outclassed  the  Japanese  weapons.  They  were  equipped  also 
with  explosives  which  they  fired  from  metal  tubes,  inflicting  heavy  loss  on  the 
Japanese,  who  were  demoralized  by  such  an  unwonted  weapon.  Finally,  they 
were  incomparable  horsemen,  and  in  the  early  encounters  they  put  the  Japanese 
cavalry  out  of  action  by  raising  with  drums  and  gongs  a  din  that  terrified  the 
latter 's  horses.  But,  in  spite  of  all  these  disadvantages,  the  Japanese  fought 
stubbornly.  Whenever  they  got  within  striking  distance  of  the  foe,  they  struck 
desperately,  and  towards  evening  they  were  able  to  retire  in  good  order  into  cover 
"behind  the  primitive  fortifications  of  Mizuki  raised  for  Tenchi  Tenno  by  Korean 
engineers  six  centuries  before." 

That  night  the  west  coast  of  Kyflshfl  was  menaced  by  one  of  those  fierce  gales 
that  rage  from  time  to  time  in  sub-tropical  zones.  The  Korean  pilots  knew  that 
their  ships  could  find  safety  in  the  open  sea  only.  But  what  was  to  be  done  with 
the  troops  which  had  debarked?  Had  their  commanders  seen  any  certain  hope 
of  victory,  they  would  not  have  hesitated  to  part  temporarily  from  the  ships. 
The  day's  fighting,  however,  appears  to  have  inspired  a  new  estimate  of  the 
bushi' s  combatant  qualities.  It  was  decided  to  embark  the  Yuan  forces  and 
start  out  to  sea.  For  the  purpose  of  covering  this  movement,  the  Hakozaki 
shrine  and  some  adjacent  hamlets  were  fired,  and  when  morning  dawned  the 


THE  HOJO 


361 


invaders'  flotilla  was  seen  beating  out  of  the  bay.  One  of  their  vessels  ran 
aground  on  Shiga  spit  at  the  north  of  the  haven  and  several  others  foundered 
at  sea,  so  that  when  a  tally  was  finally  called,  13,200  men  did  not  answer  to  their 
names.  As  to  what  the  Japanese  casualties  were,  there  is  no  information. 


iifr  .onf> 

~!      Mcw^I 


Of  course  Kublai  did  not  acknowledge  this  as  a  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the 
Japanese.  On  the  contrary,  he  seems  to  have  imagined  that  the  fight  had  struck 
terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  islanders  by  disclosing  their  faulty  tactics  and  inferior 
weapons.  He  therefore  sent  another  embassy,  which  was  charged  to  summon 
the  King  of  Japan  to  Peking,  there  to  do  obeisance  to  the  Yuan  Emperor. 
Kamakura's  answer  was  to  decapitate  the  five  leaders  of  the  mission  and  to 
pillory  their  heads  outside  the  city.  Nothing,  indeed,  is  more  remarkable  than 
the  calm  confidence  shown  at  this  crisis  by  the  Bakufu  regent,  Tokimune.  His 
country 's  annalists  ascribe  that  mood  to  faith  in  the  doctrines  of  the  Zen  sect 
of  Buddhism;  faith  which  he  shared  with  his  father,  Tokiyori,  during  the  latter 's 
life.  The  Zen  priests  taught  an  introspective  philosophy.  They  preached  that 
life  springs  from  not-living,  indestructibility  from  destruction,  and  that  existence 
and  non-existence  are  one  in  reality.  No  creed  could  better  inspire  a  soldier. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  Tokimune  was  not  guided  in  this  matter  solely 
by  religious  instincts:  he  used  the  Zen-shu  bonzes  as  a  channel  for  obtaining  in- 
formation about  China.  Some  plausibility  is  given  to  that  theory  by  the  fact 
that  he  sat,  first,  at  the  feet  of  Doryu,  originally  a  Chinese  priest  named  Tao 
Lung,  and  that  on  Doryu 's  death  he  invited  (1278)  from  China  a  famous  bonze, 
Chu  Yuan  (Japanese,  Sogen),  for  whose  ministrations  the  afterwards  celebrated 
temple  Yengaku-ji  was  erected.  Sogen  himself,  when  officiating  at  the  temple 
of  Nengjen,  in  Wenchow,  had  barely  escaped  massacre  at  the  hands  of  the  Mon- 
gols, and  he  may  not  have  been  averse  to  acting  as  a  medium  of  information 
between  China  and  Kamakura. 

Tokimune 's  religious  fervour,  however,  did  not  interfere  with  his  secular  prep- 
arations. In  1280,  he  issued  an  injunction  exhorting  local  officials  and  vassals 
(go-kenin)  to  compose  all  their  dissensions  and  work  in  unison.  There  could  be 
no  greater  crime,  the  document  declared,  then  to  sacrifice  the  country 's  interests 
on  the  altar  of  personal  enmities  at  a 

time  of  national  crisis.     Loyal  obedience  ^ -^ 

on  the  part  of  vassals,  and  strict  impar- 
tiality on  the  side  of  high  constables — 
these  were  the  virtues  which  the  safety 
of  the  State  demanded,  and  any  neglect 
to  practise  them  should  be  punished  with 
the  utmost  severity.  This  injunction 
was  issued  in  1280,  and  already  steps  had 
been  taken  to  construct  defensive  works 
at  all  places  where  the  Mongols  might 
effect  a  landing  —  at  Hakozaki  Bay  in 
Kyushu;  at  Nagato,  on  the  northern  side 
of  the  Shimonoseki  Strait;  at  Harima, 
on  the  southern  shore  of  the  Inland  Sea; 
and  at  Tsuruga,  on  the  northwest  of 
the  main  island.  Among  these  places,  :>  leinandsi  Hflj0  TOKIMUNE 


\ 

/Jgiimta. 
.Ixwuber 


362  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Hakozaki  and  Nagato  were  judged  to  be  the  most  menaced,  and  special  offices, 
after  the  nature  of  the  Kyoto  tandai,  were  established  there. 

Seven  years  separated  the  first  invasion  from  the  second.  It  was  not  of  de- 
liberate choice  that  Kublai  allowed  so  long  an  interval  to  elapse.  The  subjuga- 
tion of  the  last  supporters  of  the  Sung  dynasty  in  southern  China  had  engrossed 
his  attention,  and  with  their  fall  he  acquired  new  competence  to  prosecute  this 
expedition  to  Japan,  because  while  the  Mongolian  boats  were  fit  only  for  plying 
on  inland  waters,  the  ships  of  the  southern  Chinese  were  large,  ocean-going 
craft.  It  was  arranged  that  an  army  of  100,000  Chinese  and  Mongols  should 
embark  at  a  port  in  Fuhkien  opposite  the  island  of  Formosa,  and  should  ultimate- 
ly form  a  junction  in  Tsushima  Strait  with  an  armada  of  1000  Korean  ships, 
carrying,  in  addition  to  their  crews,  a  force  of  50,000  Mongols  and  20,000 
Koreans. 

But  before  launching  this  formidable  host,  Kublai  made  a  final  effort  to 
compass  his  end  without  fighting.  In  1280,  he  sent  another  embassy  to  Japan, 
announcing  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  and  summoning  the 
Island  Empire^to  enter  into  friendly  relations.  Kamakura  's  answer  was  to  order 
the  execution  of  the  envoys  at  the  place  where  they  had  landed,  Hakata  in 
Chikuzen.  Nothing  now  remained  except  an  appeal  to  force.  A  weak  point 
in  the  Yuan  strategy  was  that  the  two  armadas  were  not  operated  in  unison. 
The  Korean  fleet  sailed  nearly  a  month  before  that  from  China.  It  would  seem 
that  the  tardiness  of  the  latter  was  not  due  wholly  to  its  larger  dimensions,  but 
must  be  attributed  in  part  to  its  composition.  A  great  portion  of  the  troops 
transported  from  China  were  not  Mongols,  but  Chinese,  who  had  been  recently 
fighting  against  the  Yuan,  and  whose  despatch  on  a  foreign  campaign  in  the 
service  of  their  victors  suggested  itself  as  a  politic  measure.  These  men  were 
probably  not  averse  to  delay  and  certainly  cannot  have  been  very  enthusiastic. 

In  May,  1281,  the  flotilla  from  Korea  appeared  off  Tsushima.  Unfortunate- 
ly, the  annals  of  medieval  Japan  are  singularly  reticent  as  to  the  details  of 
battles.  There  are  no  materials  for  constructing  a  story  of  the  events  that 
occurred  on  the  Tsushima  shores,  more  than  six  centuries  ago.  We  do  not 
even  know  what  force  the  defenders  of  the  island  mustered.  But  that  they  were 
much  more  numerous  than  on  the  previous  occasion,  seven  years  before,  is  cer- 
tain. Already,  in  1280,  Tokimune  had  obtained  from  Buddhist  sources  informa- 
tion of  the  Mongol  preparations — preparations  so  extensive  that  the  felling  of 
timber  to  make  ships  inspired  a  Chinese  poem  in  which  the  green  hills  were 
depicted  as  mourning  for  their  trees — and  he  would  not  have  failed  to  garrison 
strongly  a  position  so  cardinal  as  the  midchannel  island  of  Tsushima.  It  was  not 
reduced.  The  enemy  were  able  to  effect  a  lodgement,  but  could  not  overrun  the 
island  or  put  its  defenders  to  the  sword,  as  had  been  done  in  1274.  The  Korean 
ships  remained  at  Tsushima  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  Chinese  flotilla.  They 
lost  three  thousand  men  from  sickness  during  this  interval,  and  were  talking  of 
retreat  when  the  van  of  the  southern  armada  hove  in  sight.  A  junction  was 
effected  off  the  coast  of  Iki  island,  and  the  garrison  of  this  little  place  having  been 
destroyed  on  June  10th,  the  combined  forces  stood  over  towards  Kyushu  and 
landed  at  various  places  along  the  coast  of  Chikuzen,  making  Hakozaki  Bay 
their  base. 

Such  a  choice  of  locality  was  bad,  for  it  was  precisely  along  the  shores  of  this 
bay  that  the  Japanese  had  erected  fortifications.  They  were  not  very  formidable 
fortifications,  it  is  true.  The  bushi  of  these  days  knew  nothing  about  bastions, 
curtains,  glacis,  or  cognate  refinements  of  military  engineering.  They  simply 


HOJO      o  yji  363 

built  a  stone  wall  to  block  the  foe 's  advance,  and  did  not  even  adopt  the  precau- 
tion of  protecting  their  flanks.  But  neither  did  they  fall  into  the  error  of  acting 
entirely  on  the  defensive.  On  the  contrary,  they  attacked  alike  on  shore  and 
at  sea.  Their  boats  were  much  smaller  than  those  of  the  invaders,  but  the 
advantage  in  dash  and  daring  was  all  on  the  side  of  the  Japanese.  So  furious 
were  their  onsets,  and  so  deadly  was  the  execution  they  wrought  with  their 
trenchant  swords  at  close  quarters,  that  the  enemy  were  fain  to  lash  their  ships 
together  and  lay  planks  between  them  for  purposes  of  speedy  concentration. 
It  is  most  improbable  that  either  the  Korean  or  the  Chinese  elements  of  the 
invading  army  had  any  heart  for  the  work,  whereas  on  the  side  of  the  defenders 
there  are  records  of  whole  families  volunteering  to  serve  at  the  front.  During 
fifty-three  days  the  campaign  continued;  that  is  to  say,  from  June  23rd,  when  the 
first  landing  was  effected,  until  August  14th,  when  a  tornado  swept  off  the  face 
of  the  sea  the  main  part  of  the  Yuan  armada. 

No  account  has  been  preserved,  either  traditionally  or  historically,  of  the 
incidents  or  phases  of  the  long  fight.  We  know  that  the  invaders  occupied  the 
island  of  Hirado  and  landed  in  Hizen  a  strong  force  intended  to  turn  the  flank  of 
the  Hakozaki  Bay  parapet.  We  know,  inferentially,  that  they  never  succeeded 
in  turning  it.  We  know  that,  after  nearly  two  months  of  incessant  combat,  the 
Yuan  armies  had  made  no  sensible  impression  on  the  Japanese  resistance  or 
established  any  footing  upon  Japanese  soil.  We  know  that,  on  August  the  14th 
and  15th,  there  burst  on  the  shores  of  Kyushu  a  tempest  which  shattered  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  Chinese  flotilla.  And  we  know  that  the  brunt  of  the  loss  fell 
on  the  Chinese  contingent,  some  twelve  thousand  of  whom  were  made  slaves. 
But  no  such  momentous  chapter  of  history  has  ever  been  traced  in  rougher  out- 
lines. The  annalist  is  compelled  to  confine  himself  to  marshalling  general  re- 
sults. It  was  certainly  a  stupendous  disaster  for  the  Yuan  arms.  Yet  Kublai 
was  not  content;  he  would  have  essayed  the  task  again  had  not  trouble  nearer 
home  diverted  his  attention  from  Japan.  The  Island  Empire  had  thus  the 
honour  of  being  practically  the  only  state  in  the  Orient  that  did  not  present 
tribute  to  the  all-conquering  Mongols. 

But,  by  a  strangely  wayward  fate,  these  victories  over  a  foreign  invader 
brought  embarrassment  to  the  Hojo  rulers  rather  than  renown.  In  the  first 
place,  there  could  not  be  any  relaxation  of  the  extraordinary  preparations  which 
such  incidents  dictated.  Kublai 's  successor,  Timur,  lost  no  time  in  counter- 
manding all  measures  for  a  renewed  attack  on  Japan,  and  even  adopted  the 
plan  of  commissioning  Buddhist  priests  to  persuade  the  Bakufu  of  China's 
pacific  intentions.  One  of  these  emissaries,  Nei-issan  (Chinese  pronunciation, 
Ning  I-shan),  settled  permanently  in  Japan,  and  his  holy  ministrations  as  a 
Zen-shu  propagandist  won  universal  respect.  But  the  Bakufu  did  not  relax 
their  precautions,  and  for  more  than  a  score  of  years  a  heavy  burden  of  expense 
had  to  be  borne  on  this  account. 

Further,  when  the  wave  of  invasion  broke  on  the  shores  of  Kyushu,  the  Court 
in  Kyoto  set  the  example  of  appealing  to  the  assistance  of  heaven.  Prayers 
were  offered,  liturgies  were  chanted,  and  incense  was  burned  at  many  temples 
and  shrines  throughout  the  empire.  Several  of  the  priests  did  not  hesitate  to 
assert  that  their  supplications  had  elicited  signs  and  portents  indicating  super- 
natural aid.  Rich  rewards  were  bestowed  in  recognition  of  these  services, 
whereas,  on  the  contrary,  the  recompense  given  to  the  soldiers  who  had  fought  so 
gallantly  and  doggedly  to  beat  off  a  foreign  foe  was  comparatively  petty. 
Means  of  recompensing  them  were  scant.  When  Yoritomo  overthrew  the  Taira, 


364 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


the  estates  of  the  latter  were  divided  among  his  followers  and  co-operators. 
After  the  Shokyu  disturbance,  the  property  of  the  Court  nobles  served  a  similar 
purpose.  But  the  repulse  of  the  Mongols  brought  no  access  of  wealth  to  the 
victors,  and  for  the  first  time  military  merit  had  to  go  unrequited  while  substan- 
tial grants  were  made  to  the  servants  of  religion.  The  Bakufu,  fully  conscious 
of  this  dangerous  discrepancy,  saw  no  resource  except  to  order  that  strict  surveys 
should  be  made  of  many  of  the  great  estates,  with  a  view  to  their  delimitation 
and  reduction,  if  possible.  This,  however,  was  a  slow  progress,  and  the  umbrage 
that  it  caused  was  more  than  commensurate  with  the  results  that  accrued. 
Thus,  to  the  Bakufu  the  consequences  of  a  war  which  should  have  strengthened 
allegiance  and  gratitude  were,  on  the  contrary,  injurious  and  weakening. 


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KOTO,  13-SrBiNQED  HORIZONTAL  HAEP 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 


ART,  RELIGION,    LITERATURE,    CUSTOMS,   AND  COM- 
MERCE IN  THE  KAMAKURA  PERIOD 


ART 

From  the  establishment  of  the  Bakufu,  Japanese  art  separated  into  two 
schools,  that  of  Kamakura  and  that  of  Kyoto.  The  latter  centered  in  the 
Imperial  Court,  the  former  in  the  Court  of  the  Hojo.  Taken  originally  from 
Chinese  masters  of  the  Sui  and  Tang  dynasties,  the  Kyoto  art  ultimately 
developed  into  the  Japanese  national  school,  whereas  the  Kamakura  art,  borrowed 
from  the  academies  of  Sung  and  Yuan,  became  the  favourite  of  the  literary 
classes  and  preserved  its  Chinese  traditions.  Speaking  broadly,  the  art  of 
Kyoto  showed  a  decorative  tendency,  whereas  that  of  Kamakura  took  landscape 
and  seascape  chiefly  for  motives,  and,  delighting  in  the  melancholy  aspects  of 
nature,  appealed  most  to  the  student  and  the  cenobite.  This  distinction  could 
be  traced  in  calligraphy,  painting,  architecture,  and  horticulture.  Hitherto 
penmanship  in  Kyoto  had  taken  for  models  the  style  of  Kobo  Daishi  and  Ono  no 
Tofu.  This  was  called  o-ie-fu  (domestic  fashion)  ,  and  had  a  graceful  and  cursive 
character.  But  the  Kamakura  calligraphists  followed  the  pure  Chinese  mode 
(karayo),  as  exemplified  by  the  Buddhist  priests,  Sogen  (Chu  Yuan)  and  Ichinei 
(I  Ning). 

In  Kyoto,  painting  was  represented  by  the  schools  of  Koze,  Kasuga,  Sumi- 
yoshi,  and  Tosa;  in  Kamakura,  its  masters  were  Ma  Yuan,  Hsia  Kwei,  and  Mu 
Hsi,  who  represented  the  pure  Southern  Academy  of  China,  and  who  were 
followed  by  Sesshu,  Kao,  and  Shubun.  So,  too,  the  art  of  horticulture,  though 
there  the  change  was  a  transition  from  the  stiff  and  comparatively  artificial 
fashion  of  the  no-niwa  (moor  garden)  to  the  pure  landscape  park,  ultimately 
developed  into  a  Japanese  specialty.  Tradition  ascribes  to  a  Chinese  bonze, 
who  called  himself  Nei-issan  (or  Ichinei),  the  planning  of  the  first  landscape 
garden,  properly  so  designated  in  Japan.  He  arrived  in  Kyushu,  under  the  name 
of  I  Ning,  as  a  delegate  from  Kublai  Khan  in  the  days  of  Hojo  Sadatoki,  and  was 
banished,  at  first,  to  the  province  of  Izu.  Subsequently,  however,  the  Bakufu 
invited  him  to  Kamakura  and  assigned  the  temple  Kencho-ji  for  his  residence  and 
.place  of  ministrations.  It  was  there  that  he  designed  the  first  landscape  garden, 
furnishing  suggestions  which  are  still  regarded  as  models. 

365 


366  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

LITERATURE 

The  conservatism  of  the  Imperial  city  is  conspicuously  illustrated  in  the  realm 
of  literature.  Careful  perusal  of  the  well-known  work,  Masukagami,  shows  that 
from  year's  end  to  year's  end  the  same  pastimes  were  enjoyed,  the  same  studies 
pursued  The  composition  of  poetry  took  precedence  of  everything.  Eminent 
among  the  poetasters  of  the  twelfth  century  was  the  Emperor  Go-Toba.  The 
litterateurs  of  his  era  looked  up  to  him  as  the  arbiter  elegantiarum,  especially  in 
the  domain  of  Japanese  versification.  Even  more  renown  attached  to  Fujhva.ru 
no  Toshinari,  whose  nom  de  plume  was  Shunzei,  and  who  earned  the  title  of  the 
' '  Matchless  Master. ' '  His  son,  Sadaiye,  was  well-nigh  equally  famous  under  the 
name  of  Teika. 

After  the  Shokyu  disturbance  (1221),  the  empire  enjoyed  a  long  spell  of  peace 
under  the  able  and  upright  sway  of  the  Hojo,  and  during  that  time  it  became  the 
custom  to  compile  anthologies.  The  first  to  essay  that  task  was  Teika.  Griev- 
ing that  the  poets  of  his  time  had  begun  to  prefer  affectation  and  elegance  to 
sincerity  and  simplicity,  he  withdrew  to- a  secluded  villa  on  Mount  Ogura,  and 
there  selected,  a  hundred  poems  by  as  many  of  the  ancient  authors.  These  he 
gave  to  the  world,  calling  the  collection  Hyakunm-i'sshu,  and  succeeding  genera- 
tions endorsed  his  choice  so  that  the  book  remains  a  classic  to  this  day.  Teika 's 
son,  Tameiye,  won  such  favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  Kamakura  shogun,  Sanetomo, 
that  the  latter  conferred  on  him  the  manor  of  Hosokawa,  in  Harima.  Dying, 
Tameiye  bequeathed  this  property  to  his  son,  Tamesuke,  but  he,  being  robbed  of 
it  by  his  step-brother,  fell  into  a  state  of  miserable  poverty  which  was  shared  by 
his  mother,  herself  well  known  as  an  authoress  under  the  name  of  Abutsu-ni. 
This  intrepid  lady,  leaving  her  five  sons  in  Kyoto,  repaired  to  Kamakura  to 
bring  suit  against  the  usurper,  and  the  journal  she  kept  en  route  —  the  Izayoi- 
nikki  —  is  still  regarded  as  a  model  of  style  and  sentiment.  It  bears  witness  to 
the  fact  that  students  of  poetry  in  that  era  fell  into  two  classes:  one  adhering  to 
the  pure  Japanese  style  of  the  Heian  epoch;  the  others  borrowing  freely  from 
Chinese  literature. 

Meanwhile,  at  Kamakura,  the  Bakufu  regents,  Yasutoki,  Tokiyori  and 
Tokimune,  earnest  disciples  of  Buddhism,  were  building  temples  and  assigning 
them  to  Chinese  priests  of  the  Sung  and  Yuan  eras  who  reached  Japan  as  official 
envoys  or  as  frank  propagandists.  Five  great  temples  thus  came  into  existence 
in  the  Bakufu  capital,  and  as  the  Chinese  bonzes  planned  and  superintended 
their  construction,  these  buildings  and  their  surroundings  reflected  the  art-canons 
at  once  of  China,  of  Japan,  and  of  the  priests  themselves.  The  same  foreign 
influence  made  itself  felt  in  the  region  of  literature.  But  we  should  probably 
be  wrong  in  assuming  that  either  religion  or  art  or  literature  for  their  own  sakes 
constituted  the  sole  motive  of  the  Hojo  regents  in  thus  acting.  It  has  already 
been  shown  that  they  welcomed  the  foreign  priests  as  channels  for  obtaining 
information  about  the  neighbouring  empire's  politics,  and  there  is  reason  to 
think  that  their  astute  programme  included  a  desire  to  endow  Kamakura  with 
an  artistic  and  literary  atmosphere  of  its  own,  wholly  independent  of  Kyoto  and 
purged  of  the  enervating  elements  that  permeated  the  latter. 

This  separation  of  the  civilizations  of  the  east  (Kwanto)  and  the  west 
(Kyoto)  resulted  ultimately  in  producing  asceticism  and  religious  reform.  The 
former,  because  men  of  really  noble  instincts  were  insensible  to  the  ambition 
which  alone  absorbed  a  Ky6to  litterateur  —  the  ambition  of  figuring  prominently 
in  an  approved  anthology  —  and  had,  at  the  same  time,  no  inclination  to  follow 


367 

the  purely  military  creed  of  Kamakura.  Such  recluses  as  Kamo  Chomei, 
Saigyo  Hoshi  and  Yoshida  Kenko  were  an  outcome  of  these  conditions.  Chomei 
has  been  called  the  "Wordsworth  of  Japan."  He  is  immortalized  by  a  little 
book  of  thirty  pages,  called  Hojoki  (Annals  of  a  Cell.)  It  is  a  volume  of 
reflections  suggested  by  life  in  a  hut  measuring  ten  feet  square  and  seven  feet 
high,  built  in  a  valley  remote  from  the  stir  of  life.  The  style  is  pellucid  and 
absolutely  unaffected;  the  ideas  are  instinct  with  humanity  and  love  of  nature. 
Such  a  work,  so  widely  admired,  reveals  an  author  and  an  audience  instinct  with 
graceful  thoughts. 

In  the  career  of  Saigyo  —  "the  reverend,"  as  his  title  "hoshi"  signifies  — 
there  were  episodes  vividly  illustrating  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  tune. 
Originally  an  officer  of  the  guards  in  Kyoto,  he  attained  considerable  skill  in 
military  science  and  archery,  but  his  poetic  heart  rebelling  against  such  pursuits, 
he  resigned  office,  took  the  tonsure,  and  turning  his  back  upon  his  wife  and 
children,  became  a  wandering  bard.  Yoritomo  encountered  him  one  day,  and 
was  so  struck  by  his  venerable  appearance  that  he  invited  him  to  his  mansion  and 
would  have  had  him  remain  there  permanently.  But  Saigyo  declined.  On 
parting,  the  Minamoto  chief  gave  him  as  souvenir  a  cat  chiselled  in  silver,  which 
the  old  ascetic  held  in  such  light  esteem  that  he  bestowed  it  on  the  first  child  he 
met.  Yoshida  Kenko,  who  became  a  recluse  in  1324,  is  counted  among  the 
"four  kings"  of  Japanese  poetry  —  Ton-a,  Joben,  Keiun,  and  Kenko.  He  has 
been  called  the  "Horace  of  Japan."  In  his  celebrated  prose  work,  Weeds  of 
Tedium  (Tsure-zure-gusa),  he  seems  to  reveal  a  lurking  love  for  the  vices  he 
satirizes.  These  three  authors  were  all  pessimistic.  They  reflected  the  tenden- 
cy of  the  time,;  : 

RELIGION 

bflB  :'^ar*ii[jJ9iil  ailt  sjdsiuottnjBil"  -ilmnl  wr,7.e  $aii&Bo^  ;rh';o}  1<>  b/m 

The  earliest  Buddhist  sect  established  in  Japan  was  the  Hosso.  It  crossed 
from  China  in  A.D.  653,  and  its  principal  place  of  worship  was  the  temple  Kofuku- 
ji  at  Nara.  Then  (736)  followed  the  Kegon  sect,  having  its  headquarters  in  the 
Todai-ji,  where  stands  the  colossal  Daibutsu  of  Nara,  Next  in  order  was  the 
Tendai,  introduced  from  China  by  Dengyo  in  805,  and  established  at  Hiei-zan 
in  the  temple  Enryaku-ji;  while  fourth  and  last  in  the  early  group  of  important 
sects  came  the  Shingon,  brought  from  China  in  809  by  Kukai,  and  having  its 
principal  metropolitan  place  of  worship  at  Gokoku-ji  (or  To-ji)  in  Kyoto,  and 
its  principal  provincial  at  Kongobo-ji  on  Koya-san.  These  four  sects  and  some 
smaller  ones  were  all  introduced  during  a  period  of  156  yea'rs.  Thereafter,  for 
a  space  of  387  years,  there  was  no  addition  to  the  number:  things  remained 
stationary  until  1196,  when  Honen  began  to  preach  the  doctrines  of  the  Jodo 
sect,  and  in  the  space  of  fifty-six  years,  between  1196  and  1252,  three  other  sects 
were  established,  namely,  the  Zen,  the  Shin,  and  the  Nichiren. 

nasd    l)ni3ii9i'l  bsid  ^y.wm^'^  eaorit  3&t  \  t  jg'jbi  oil.t  arouv  iioiJs 


THE  TWO  GROUPS  OF  SECTS 


In  what  did  the-  teachings  of  the  early  groups  of  sects  differ  from  those  of  the 
later  groups,  and  why  did  such  a  long  interval  separate  the  two?  Evidently  the 
answers  to  these  questions  must  have  an  important  bearing  on  Japanese  moral 
culture.  From  the  time  of  its  first  introduction  (A.D.  522)  into  Japan  until  the 
days  of  Shotoku  Taishi  (572-621),  Japanese  Buddhism  followed  the  lines  indicat- 
ed in  the  land  of  its  provenance,  Korea.  Prince  Shotoku  was  the  first  to  appreciate 
China  as  the  true  source  of  religious  learning,  and  by  him  priests  were  sent  across 


368  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  sea  to  study.  But  the  first  sect  of  any  importance  —  the  Hoss6  —  that 
resulted  from  this  movement  does  not  seem  to  have  risen  above  the  level  of 
idolatry  and  polytheism.  It  was  a  "system  built  up  on  the  worship  of  certain 
perfected  human  beings  converted  into  personal  gods;  it  affirmed  the  eternal 
permanence  of  such  beings  in  some  state  or  other,  and  it  gave  them  divine 
attributes."1  Some  of  these  were  companions  and  disciples  of  Shaka  (Sakiya 
Muni);  others,  pure  creations  of  fancy,  or  borrowed  from  the  mythological 
systems  of  India.  It  is  unnecessary  here  to  enter  into  any  enumeration  of  these 
deities  further  than  to  say  that,  as  helpers  of  persons  in  trouble,  as  patrons  of 
little  children,  as  healers  of  the  sick,  and  as  dispensers  of  mercy,  they  acted  an 
important  part  in  the  life  of  the  people.  But  they  did  little  or  nothing  to  im- 
prove men's  moral  and  spiritual  condition,  and  the  same  is  true  of  a  multitude 
of  arhats,  devas,  and  other  supernatural  beings  that  go  to  make  up  a  numerous 
pantheon. 

It  was  not  until  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  that  Japanese  Buddhism  rose 
to  a  higher  level,  and  the  agent  of  its  elevation  was  Dengyo  Daishi,  whom  the 
Emperor  Kwammu  sent  to  China  to  study  the  later  developments  of  the  Indian 
faith.  Dengyo  and  his  companions  in  802  found  their  way  to  the  monastery  of 
Tientai  (Japanese,  Tendai),  and  acquired  there  a  perception  of  the  true  road  to 
Saving  Knowledge,  a  middle  route  "which  includes  all  and  rejects  none,  and  in 
which  alone  the  soul  can  be  satisfied."  Meditation  and  wisdom  were  declared 
to  be  the  stepping-stones  to  this  route,  and  to  reach  them  various  rules  had  to  be 
followed,  namely,  "the  accomplishment  of  external  means"  —  such  as  observing 
the  precepts,  regulating  raiment  and  food,  freedom  from  all  worldly  concerns  and 
influences,  promotion  of  all  virtuous  desires,  and  so  forth;  "chiding  of  evil  de- 
sires" —  such  as  the  lust  after  beauty,  the  lust  of  sound,  of  perfumes,  of  taste, 
and  of  touch;  "casting  away  hindrances;"  "harmonizing  the  faculties,"  and 
"meditating  upon  absolute  truth." 

Now  first  we  meet  with  the  Buddhas  of  Contemplation,  and  with  a  creed 
which  seems  to  embody  a  Father,  a  Son,  and  a  Holy  Spirit.  Such,  in  briefest 
outline,  was  the  doctrine  taught  at  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  by  a  Chinese 
bonze  at  the  monastery  of  Tientai,  and  carried  thence  to  Japan  two  hundred  years 
later  by  Dengyo,  who  established  the  Tendai  sect  on  Mount  Hiei  near  Kyoto. 
Dengyo  did  not  borrow  blindly;  he  adapted,  and  thus  the  Tendai  creed,  as 
taught  at  Hiei-zan,  became  in  reality  "a  system  of  Japanese  education,  fitting 
the  disciplinary  and  meditative  methods  of  the  Chinese  propagandist  on  the 
pre-existing  foundations  of  earlier  sects." 

"The  comprehensiveness  of  the  Tendai  system  caused  it  to  be  the  parent  of 
many  schisms.  Out  of  it  came  all  the  large  sects,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Shingon,"  to  be  presently  spoken  of.  "On  the  other  hand,  this  comprehensive- 
ness ensured  the  success  of  the  Tendai  sect.  With  the  conception  of  the  Budd- 
has of  Contemplation  came  the  idea  that  these  personages  had  frequently  been 
incarnated  for  the  welfare  of  mankind ;  that  the  ancient  gods  whom  the  Japanese 
worshipped  were  but  manifestations  of  these  same  mystical  beings,  and  that  the 
Buddhist  faith  had  come,  not  to  destroy  the  native  Shinto,  but  to  embody  it  into 
a  higher  and  more  universal  system."2 

[l  Lloyd 's  Developments  of  Japanese  Buddhism,  "  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Japan,"  Vol.  XXII;  and  Shinran  and  His  Work,  by  the  same  author.] 

[2  "The  Buddhists  recognized  that  the  Shinto  gods  were  incarnations  of  some  of  the  many 
Buddhas  and  Bodhisattvas  brought  from  India  and  China,  and  then  the  two  faiths  amal- 
gamated and  for  centuries  comfortably  shared  the  same  places  of  worship." — Every-Day 
Japan,  by  Lloyd.] 


CULTURE  IN  THE  KAMAKURA  PERIOD  369 

THE  SHINGON  SECT 

It  was  not  to  Dengyo,  however,  that  Japan  owed  her  most  mysterious  form 
of  Buddhism,  but  to  his  contemporary,  Kukai,  remembered  by  posterity  as 
Kobo  Daishi.  The  traditions  that  have  been  handed  down  with  reference  to 
this  great  teacher 's  life  and  personality  reveal  one  of  those  saints  whose  preaching 
and  ministration  have  bestowed  a  perpetual  blessing  on  humanity.  Here,  it 
must  suffice  to  say  that  he  found  no  peace  of  mind  until  a  visit  to  China  brought 
comprehension  of  a  Sutra  which  he  had  vainly  studied  in  Japan.  On  his 
return,  in  806,  he  appeared  before  the  emperor  and  many  bonzes,  and'  aston- 
ished all  by  his  eloquence  and  his  knowledge. 

There  are  three  "vehicles"  in  Buddhism,  but  only  two  of  them  need  be 
mentioned  here  —  the  Hina-ydna,  or  Small  Vehicle,  and  the  Mahd-ydna,  or 
Great  Vehicle.  The  term  "vehicle"  signifies  a  body  of  doctrine  on  which  "a 
believer  may  ride  to  the  perfect  consummation  of  his  humanity."  The  difference 
between  these  two  requires  many  words  to  explain  fully,  whereas  only  a  few  can 
be  devoted  to  the  purpose  here .  ' '  The  Hina-ydna  Sutra  is  intended  for  beginners ; 
the  Mahd-ydna  for  those  more  advanced  in  the  path  of  the  law."  The  teaching 
in  the  former  is  negative;  in  the  latter,  positive.  In  the  Hina-ydna  the  perfect 
path  is  to  abstain  from  four  things  —  women,  palaces,  beautiful  objects,  and 
riches.  In  the  Mahd-ydna  perfect  virtue  is  the  presence  of  four  things  —  the 
spirit  of  wisdom,  the  love  of  virtue,  patience  and  firmness,  and  the  retired  life. 
By  the  "spirit  of  wisdom"  is  meant  the  constant  desire  for  the  truth;  by  the 
"love  of  virtue"  is  signified  the  abhorrence  of  evil;  by  "patience  and  firmness" 
are  indicated  perfect  manliness  as  exhibited  towards  the  weak;  by  "the  retired 
life"  is  designated  humility  and  self-effacement. 

"There  is  nothing  in  the  world  like  the  Chinese  scriptures  of  the  Mahd-ydna. 
The  canon  in  China  is  seven  hundred  times  the  amount  of  the  New  Testament," 
and,  of  course,  this  vast  extent  means  that  there  is  a  correspondingly  wide  field 
for  eclecticism.  "The  Hina-ydna  did  not  trouble  itself  with  metaphysical 
speculation;  that  was  reserved  for  the  Mahd-ydna,  and  Kukai  was  the  greatest 
Japanese  teacher  of  the  arcana  of  Buddhism.  How  much  of  his  system  he  owed 
to  studies  conducted  in  China,  how  much  to  his  own  inspiration,  research  has  not 
yet  determined.  An  essentially  esoteric  system,  it  conceived  a  world  of  ideas," 
grouped  logically  and  systematically  according  to  genera  and  species,  forming  a 
planetary  cosmos,  the  members  of  which,  with  their  satellites,  revolved  not  only 
on  their  own  axes  but  also  round  a  central  sun. 

This  was  the  "world  of  golden  effulgence"  —  a  world  permeated  by  the 
light  of  truth.  The  sect  was  called  the  Shingon  (True  Word);  and  the  central 
body  was  Dainichi  (Great  Sun),  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  anterior  to  Shaka  and  great- 
er than  him.  "To  reach  the  realization  of  the  Truth  that  Dainichi  is  omnipres- 
ent and  that  everything  exists  only  in  him,  a  disciple  must  ascend  by  a  double 
ladder,  each  half  of  which  has  ten  steps,  namely,  the  intellectual  ladder  and  the 
moral  ladder."  These  ladders  constitute,  in  fact,  a  series  of  precepts,  warnings, 
and  exhortations;  some  easily  comprehensible,  others  demanding  profound 
thought,  and  the  whole  calculated  to  educate  an  absorbing  aspiration  for  the 
"transcendental  virtues,"  to  possess  which  is  to  attain  to  perfect  Buddhahood. 
Unquestionably  the  offspring  of  a  great  mind,  this  Shingon  system,  with  its 
mysterious  possibilities  and  its  lofty  morality,  appealed  strongly  to  the  educated 
and  leisured  classes  in  Kyoto  during  the  peaceful  Heian  epoch,  while  for  the 
illiterate  and  the  lower  orders  the  simpler  canons  of  the  Tendai  had  to  suffice. 


370  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


It  has  been  shown,  however,  that  the  preachers  of  these  sects,  one  and  all, 
were  readily  prone  to  resort  to  violence  and  bloodshed  in  pursuit  of  worldly 
interests,  not  even  the  exponents  of  the  exalted  "True  Word"  creed  being 
exempt  from  the  reproach.  Teachers  of  a  doctrine  having  for  cardinal  tenet 
the  sacredness  of  life,  the  inmates  of  the  great  monasteries  nevertheless  did  not 
hesitate  to  ajjpeal  to  arms,  at  any  time,  in  defence  of  their  temporal  privileges  or 
in  pursuit  of  their  ambitious  designs.  Yet  the  discredit  attaching  to  such  a 
flagrant  discrepancy  between  precept  and  practice  might  not  have  produced  very 
signal  result  had  not  the  twelfth  century  brought  the  Gen-Hei  struggle,  which 
plunged  the  empire  into  a  state  of  turbulence  and  reduced  the  lower  orders  to 
a  condition  of  pitiable  misery. 

For  this  distress  neither  the  Tendai  doctrines  nor  the  Shingon  conceptions 
were  sufficiently  simple  to  supply  a  remedy.  Something  more  tangible  and  less 
recondite  was  needed,  and  it  came  (1196),  in  the  sequel  of  twenty-five  years' 
meditation  and  study,  to  Genku  —  posthumously  called  Honen  Shonin  —  a 
priest  of  the  Tendai  sect.  The  leading  characteristics  of  the  Jodo  (pure  land) 
system  introduced  by  him  are  easily  stated.  "Salvation  is  by  faith,  but  it  is  a 
faith  ritually  expressed.  The  virtue  that  saves  comes,  not  from  imitation  of, 
and  conformity  to,  the  person  and  character  of  the  saviour,  Amida,  but  from  blind 
trust  in  his  efforts  and  from  ceaseless  repetition  of  pious  formulae.  It  does  not 
necessitate  any.  conversion  or  change  of  heart.  It  is  really  a  religion  of  despair 
rather  than  of  hope.  It  says  to  the  believer:  'The  world  is  so  very  evil  that 
you  can  not  possibly  reach  to  Buddha-ship  here.  Your  best  plan,  therefore,  is 
to  give  up  all  such  hope  and  simply  set  your  mind  upon  being  born  in  Amida  's 
paradise  after  death.'"1 

:    :  'It  fl; 

THE  SHIN  SECT 

An  immediate  offspring  of  the  Jodo,  though  not  directly  following  it  in  the 
chronological  sequence  of  sects,  was  the  Shin,  established  (1224)  under  the  name 
of  Jodo  Shin-shu2  (True  Sect  of  Jodo),  and  owing  its  inception  to  Shinran,  a  pupil 
of  Genku.  It  was  even  simpler  and  less  exacting  than  its  parent,  the  Jodo-shu, 
for  it  logically  argued  that  if  faith  alone  was  necessary  to  salvation,  the  believer 
need  not  trouble  himself  about  metaphysical  subtleties  and  profound  specula- 
tions; nor  need  he  perform  acts  of  religion  and  devotion;  nor  need  he  keep  a 
multitude  of  commandments;  nor  need  he  leave  his  home,  renounce  matrimony, 
or  live  by  rule.  Only  he  must  not  worship  any  save  Amida,  or  pray  for  anything 
that  does  not  concern  his  salvation.  As  for  the  time  of  attaining  salvation,  the 
Jodo  sect  taught  that  if  the  mercy  of  Amida  be  called  to  remembrance,  he  would 
meet  the  believer  at  the  hour  of  death  and  conduct  him  to  paradise;  whereas 
Shin-shu  preaches  that  the  coming  of  Amida  was  present  and  immediate  ;  in  other 
words,  that  "Buddha  dwelt  in  the  heart  now  by  faith." 


THE  ZEN  SECT 

Ti~+u     T*J         j  .n,    at,-  "Ji  kotyijpLijp  yJofl-',   otii  hriR 

In  the  Jodo  and  the  Shin  sects  an  ample  spiritual  rest  was  provided  for  the 

weary  in  mind  or  body,  for  the  illiterate,  and  for  the  oppressed.  .   But  there  was 
for  a  time  no  creed  which  appealed  specially  to  the  military  men;  no  body  of 

£  Lloyd's  Development  of  Japanese  Buddhism  and  Shinran  and  His  Work.] 
P  It  is  called  also  the  Monto-shtl.}  .  >u«o  • 


CULTURE  IN  THE  KAMAKURA  PERIOD 


371 


doctrine  which,  while  strengthening  him  for  the  fight,  could  bring  to  him  peace 
of  mind.  The  Zen-shu  ultimately  satisfied  that  want.  Zen  is  the  Japanese 
equivalent  of  the  Indian  term  dhyand,  which  signifies  "meditation."  In  fact, 
the  Zen  is  a  contemplative  sect.  Its  disciples  believe  that,  "knowledge  can  be 
transmitted  from  heart  to  heart  without  the  intervention  of  words."  But 
though  purely  a  contemplative  rite  at  the  time  of  its  introduction  into  Japan, 
1168,  it  was  subsequently  modified  —  from  1223  —  by  two  teachers,  in  whose 
hands  it  took  the  form  known  as  the  Soto  sect.  This  "joined  scholarship  and 
research  to  contemplation,"  and  taught  that,  when  the  highest  wisdom  and  most 
perfect  enlightenment  are  attained,  all  the  elements  of  phenomenal  existence  are 
seen  to  be  empty,  vain,  and  unreal.  "  Form  does  not  differ  from  space  or  space 
from  form;  all  things  surrounding  us  are  stripped  of  their  qualities,  so  that  in 
this  highest  state  of  enlightenment,  there  can  be  no  longer  birth  or  death,  defile- 


.;;,;  :x-n    cififnrt  I,"o§flf     0ffJ  -fldino  -a  HI  jio     oifl  :•; 
J.<vT}rn;uo  ;>il.J  noqwikt  o-j-tfifodfi'SJiw    -th-asffio    v«»3t1  ,r        I 


•. 


NICHIBEN  PREACHING  IN  THE  STKEBT 

.bnrA  vim  to-  k'fto  -10  ::bmh  f.ot   jfiwi!*>rfd 


aswsgaBG  ./ofenaqetejmf  -znftin&l!-.  .bnrA  vim  to-  k'fto  -10  ::bmh  f.ot  (jfiwi!*>rfd- 
ment  or  purity,  addition  or  destruction.  There  is,  therefore,  no  such  thing  as 
ignorance,  and  therefore  none  of  the  miseries  that  result  from  it.  If  there  is  no 
misery,  decay,  or  death,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  wisdom,  and  no  such  thing  as 
attaining  to  happiness  or  rest.  Hence,  to  arrive  at  perfect  emancipation  we 
must  grasp  the  fact  of  utter  and  entire  void."  Such  a  creed  effectually  fortified 
the  heart  of  a  soldier.  Death  ceased  to  have  any  terrors  for  him  or  the  grave 
any  reality. 

THE  NICHIREN  SECT 

This  is  the  only  one  among  Japanese  sects  of  Buddhism  that  derives  its  name 
from  that  of  its  founder.     And  justly  so,  for  Nichiren's  personality  pervades  it. 


372  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  son  of  a  fisherman,  from  youth  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of 
Buddhism,  became  a  bonze  of  the  Shingon  sect,  and  took  the  name  of  Nichiren 
(lotus  of  the  sun).  He,  too,  studied  originally  at  Hiei-zan  under  Tendai  tutors, 
but  he  ultimately  followed  an  eclectic  path  of  his  own,  which  led  him  to  the 
"Scripture  of  the  Lotus  of  Good  Law,"  and  he  taught  that  salvation  could  be 
attained  merely  by  chaunting  the  formula,  "namu  myo  ho  renge  kyo"  ("hail  to 
the  Scripture  of  the  Lotus  of  Good  Law")  with  sufficient  fervour  and  iteration. 
In  fact,  Nichiren 's  methods  partook  of  those  of  the  modern  Salvation  Army. 
He  was  distinguished,  also,  by  the  fanatical  character  of  his  propagandism.  Up 
to  his  time,  Japanese  Buddhism  had  been  nothing  if  not  tolerant.  The  friars 
were  quick  to  take  up  arms  for  temporal  purposes,  but  sectarian  aggressiveness 
was  virtually  unknown  until  Nichiren  undertook  to  denounce  everyone  differing 
from  his  views.1  His  favourite  formula  for  denouncing  other  sects  was,  "nem- 
butsu  mugen,  Zen  temma,  Shingon  bokoku,  Ritsu  kokuzoku"  ("incantations  are 
phantasms;  the  Zen  is  a  demon;  the  Shingon,  national  ruin;  and  the  Ritsu,  a 
rebel").  Nichiren  gained  great  credit  for  predicting,  on  the  eve  of  the  Mongol 
invasion,  that  a  heavy  calamity  was  about  to  fall  upon  the  country,  but  owing 
to  an  accusation  of  political  intrigues,  he  was  first  condemned  to  be  beheaded, 
and  then  was  banished  to  the  island  of  Sado.  His  sentence  was  soon  revoked, 
however,  by  the  regent  Tokimune,  who  granted  him  written  permission  to 
propagate  his  doctrines.  Thereafter  the  spread  of  his  sect  was  very  rapid. 


THE  PEOPLE 

With  the  decentralization  of  the  administrative  power  there  was  a  correspond- 
ing growth  of  the  vassal  class.  Of  course  the  Court  nobles  had  vassals  in  their 
households,  but  the  power  exercised  over  these  vassals  had  legal  limits,  whereas 
the  vassals  of  the  provincial  chiefs  were  liable  to  imprisonment  or  even  death 
by  order  of  their  chiefs.  One  result  was  that  the  provinces  came  gradually  into 
possession  of  a  large  body  of  men  skilled  in  arms  and  in  administration.  More- 
over, among  these  provincial  vassals,  men  originally  of  humble  origin,  found 
themselves  raised  to  the  level  of  honoured  subjects,  and  a  man 's  status  came  to 
be  determined  by  his  occupation  rather  than  by  his  lineage.  The  lines  of  this 
new  discrimination  were  fourfold,  namely,  shi,  no,  ko,  sho  —  that  is  to  say,  mili- 
tary, agricultural,  industrial,  and  commercial.  The  tradesman  stood  at  the 
bottom  of  the  scale,  and  the  farmer,  as  the  principal  taxpayer,  ranked  next  to 
the  military  man.  It  will  be  observed  that  this  classification  does  not  include 
any  persons  whose  occupation  involved  pollution.  This  was  a  result  of  religious 
prejudice.  Degradation  attended  every  profession  that  required  contact  with 
the  sick,  the  dead,  or  offal  of  any  kind.  Persons  practising  such  callings  were 
designated  eta  (men  of  many  impurities).  All  belonging  to  the  class  inferior 
to  tradesmen  were  originally  regarded  as  outlaws,  but  subsequently,  when 
society  was  reorganized  on  a  military  basis,  an  official  was  specially  entrusted 
with  absolute  control  over  persons  excluded  from  the  quadruple  classification 
of  soldier,  farmer,  mechanic,  and  merchant.  Beggars  constituted  an  important 
section  of  the  outcasts  (hiniri).  Next  to  them  were  professional  caterers  for 
amusement,  from  dog-trainers,  snake-charmers,  riddle-readers,  acrobats,  and 
trainers  of  animals,  to  brothel-keepers  and  executioners. 

[l  Out  of  some  72,000  temples  in  Japan  to-day,  20,000,  approximately,  belong  to  the  Shin 
sect ;  an  equal  number  to  the  Zen :  13.000  to  the  Shingon :  8000  to  the  Jodo.  and  smaller  numbers 
to  the  rest.] 


CULTURE  IN  THE  KAMAKURA  PERIOD  373 

•:•'.-•••  ,'•   •         '•'•••  \.-".^t  •'.'•>  i  TV.iiJ.T-    jj   :\_L  •  -    V-jrO 

DWELLING-HOUSES 

During  the  two  centuries  from  the  middle  of  the  twelfth,  aristocratic  dwellings 
in  the  capital  underwent  little  change.  Military  residences,  however,  developed 
some  special  features,  though,  in  general,  their  architecture  was  of  the  simplest 
character.  They  had  two  enclosures,  each  surrounded  by  a  boarded  fence,  and 
the  whole  was  encircled  by  a  fosse  crossed  by  outer  and  inner  gates.  There  were 
ranges  for  archery  and  there  were  watch-towers,  but  the  dwelling  itself  was 
small  and  plain.  It  consisted  mainly  of  a  hall,  having  a  dais  with  a  lacquered 
chair  for  important  visitors;  an  apartment  for  women;  a  servants'  room,  and  a 
kitchen,  heat  being  obtained  from  a  hearth  sunk  in  the  floor.  Austere  simplicity 
was  everywhere  aimed  at,  and  it  is  related  that  great  provincial  chiefs  did  not 
think  the  veranda  too  lowly  for  a  sleeping-place.  The  use  of  the  tatami  was 
greatly  extended  after  the  twelfth  century.  No  longer  laid  on  the  dais  only, 
these  mats  were  used  to  cover  the  whole  of  the  floors,  and  presently  they  were 
supplemented  by  cushions  made  of  silk  crepe  stuffed  with  cotton-wool.  In  the 
great  majority  of  cases,  roofs  were  covered  with  boards.  Only  in  the  houses  of 
magnates  was  recourse  had  to  tiles  imported  from  China  or  slates  of  copper- 
bronze.  In  the  better  class  of  house,  the  roof-boards  were  held  in  place  by 
girders,  but  humble  folksusedlogs  of  timber,  or  stones,  to  prevent  wind-stripping, 
and  these  weights  imparted  an  untidy,  rude  appearance  to  the  structure. 

ioaioe  bhfi  (L»oIIo?.irh  10  5?,?-wov^t  gn^is^fe  :r/iifi'uml>  \md  ^od)  <-i9v!ra 

;-i3  Yioj^fe^o  38£<)  ^  !  ''l  sbxtojpw*  fcfltec"  &  to  sq-B'fe  suit 

.;i'j j u  v  •  ;GOSTUMEvi:hof !  tf.f  •<••> ;  Ho r;  A.     .  1  ;onv;  bai  wpsijl 

A  notable  feature  of  costume  in  this  era  was  that  the  skirt  of  an  official's 
outer  garment  had  to  be  long  in  proportion  to  his  rank.  But  military  men 
did  not  observe  this  rule.  It  was  followed  only  by  the  comparatively  effeminate 
Court  nobles  and  civil  officials,  who  shaved  their  eyebrows,  painted  their 
cheeks,  and  blackened  their  teeth,  as  women  did.  While  the  soldiers  of  the 
Kamakura  period  wore  their  hair  short  and  shaved  the  top  of  the  head, —  pos- 
sibly for  greater  comfort  when  they  were  accoutred  in  heavy  helmets, —  the 
Court  noble  and  the  exquisite  of  the  day  wore  their  hair  long  and  gathered  in  a 
queue  which  was  bound  with  paper. 

As  for  women,  long  hair  was  counted  a  beauty,  and  when  a  lady  of  rank  left 
the  house,  her  tresses  were  gathered  in  a  box  carried  by  an  attendant  who  walked 
behind;  and  when  she  seated  herself,  this  attendant's  duty  was  to  spread  the 
hair  symmetrically  on  the  ground  like  a  skirt.  Girls  hi  their  teens  had  a  pretty 
fashion  of  wearing  their  hair  in  three  clearly  distinguished  lengths  —  a  short 
fringe  over  the  forehead,  two  cascades  falling  below  the  shoulders,  and  a  long 
lock  behind.  Women's  hairdressing  was  simple  in  one  respect:  they  wore  no 
ornaments  in  the  hair.  Aristocratic  ladies  continued  to  wear  loose  trousers, 
but  robes  with  skirts  began  to  form  a  part  of  the  costume  of  the  lower  classes 
and  of  unmarried  girls.  The  girdle,  so  characteristic  of  Japanese  habiliments  in 
later  days,  had  not  yet  come  into  use.  Its  predecessor  was  a  narrow  belt  of  silk 
encircling  the  waist  and  knotted  in  front,  the  outer  garment  being  a  long  flowing 
robe,  reaching  from  the  neck  to  the  heels  and  having  voluminous  sleeves. 
Female  headgear  was  various.  A  woman  walking  abroad  wore  a  large  hat  like 
an  inverted  bowl,  and  when  she  rode  on  horseback,  she  suspended  from  the  rim 
of  this  hat  a  curtain  from  three  to  four  feet  long. 

There  were  other  fashions,  but  only  one  of  them  need  be  mentioned,  namely, 
a  hood  to  envelop  the  face  so  that  the  eyes  alone  remained  visible.  In  the 


374  .  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

city  streets  women  of  the  town  wore  a  distinctive  costume  as  courtesans  did  in 
certain  parts  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  badge  in  Japan  was  a  spirally 
twisted  pyramidal  cap  of  linen,  about  a  foot  and  a  half  high.  The  materials  of 
which  clothing  were  made  varied  from  rich  Chinese  brocade  to  coarse  homespun, 
but,  in  general,  the  use  of  brocade  was  forbidden  except  to  persons  who  had 
received  it  as  a  gift  from  the  Court  in  Kyoto  or  Kamakura.  Historical  mention 
is  first  made  of  badges  during  the  war  of  the  Minamoto  and  the  Taira.  Their 
use  was  originally  confined  to  purposes  of  distinction,  and  ultimately  they  came 
to  be  employed  as  a  family  crest  by  military  men.  A  chrysanthemum  flower 
with  sixteen  petals  and  a  bunch  of  Paulownia  leaves  and  buds  constituted  the 
Imperial  badges,  the  use  of  which  was  interdicted  to  all  subjects.  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed,  however,  that  badges  were  necessarily  a  mark  of  aristocracy:  they 
might  be  woven  or  dyed  on  the  garments  of  tradespeople  or  manufacturers. 
Footgear,  also,  offered  opportunities  for  embellishment.  Common  people  wore 
brown-leather  socks,  but  those  of  position  used  blue  leather  having  decorative 
designs  embroidered  in  white  thread. 

BRAZIERS,  ETC. 

Vi  i  ••'.Miiq  ill  bind  !>•?•;//  ablflOd-1'  '.-.LKU'  ^O  <J-.f.l  >   ion  •:•;.-  5<i 

Braziers  now  came  into  general  use,  and  quickly  became  objects  of  ornament 
as  well  as  of  utility.  Manufactured  of  brass  or  bronze,  and  sometimes  even  of 
silver,  they  had  decorative  designs  repousse  or  chiselled,  and  sometimes  they  took 
the  shape  of  a  metal  receptacle  inserted  in  a  case  of  finely  grained  or  richly 
lacquered  wood.  Another  important  warming  utensil  was  the  kotatsu,  a  latticed 
wooden  frame  enclosing  a  brazier  and  covered  by  a  quilt.  Lanterns  were  also 
employed.  They  consisted  of  a  candle  fixed  in  a  skeleton  frame  on  which  an 
envelope  of  thin  paper  was  stretched.  Their  introduction  was  quickly  followed 
by  that  of  a  kind  of  match  which  took  the  form  of  a  thin  piece  of  wood  tipped 
with  sulphur. 

..:-Off  ---  hi'Ojf    <M^t   !<'   UOt    'ill'    !    '•   :    '    ';-    1'ii:       i' 

DIET  • 

•jii  j  •    .-f.i'jOiiQu  ^Vfi'if}  fii  irvuno'ntt  jrw/f  .  V.-MIJ  ir»u//   TH-I 

The  military  class  did  not  allow  themselves  to  be  influenced  by  any  religious 
scruples  in  their  choice  of  viands.  They  ate  everything  except  the  flesh  of  oxen 
or  horses.  In  serving  meals,  tables  of  Chinese  form  ceased  altogether  to  be  used, 
edibles  being  placed  on  a  tray  which  stood  about  four  inches  high.  N  These  trays 
and  cups,  and  the  bowls  and  plates  ranged  on  them,  showed  great  refinement, 
rich  lacquer,  silver,  and  gold  being  freely  used  in  aristocratic  dwellings. 

riifcsib  •  vhnolo  ssmM  ni  liul!  li-.mj  siiha^w1  '•' 


jinol  &  foni!  (BV«biiK>ffa  rid*  v-  •?!•»(         ii&l  ' 

AGRICULTURE  AND  INDUSTRY 

Agriculture  was,  of  course,  greatly  interrupted  by  the  long  continuance  of 
military  campaigns;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  received  every  encouragement 
from  the  Minamoto  and  the  Hojo.  The  most  important  incident  of  the  era  in 
this  context  was  the  introduction  of  the  tea-shrub  from  China  in  1191.  As  for 
industrial  pursuits,  signal  progress  took  place  in  the  art  of  tempering  steel.  The 
Japanese  swordsmith  forged  the  most  trenchant  weapon  ever  produced  by  any 
nation.  The  ceramic  industry,  also,  underwent  great  development  from  the 
thirteenth  century  onwards.  It  may  be  said  to  have  owed  its  artistic  beginning 
to  Kato  Shirozaemon  Kagemasa,  who  visited  China  at  that  time,  and  "learned 
the  art  of  applying  glaze  to  pottery  biscuit,  a  feat  not  previously  achieved  in 
Japan."  Another  profession  carried  to  high  excellence  was  the  sculpturing  of 


CULTURE  IN  THE  KAMAKURA  PERIOD 


375 


Buddhist  images.  This  reached  its  acme  in  a  celebrated  bronze  Buddha  which 
was  set  up  at  Kamakura,  in  1252,  and  which  remains  to  this  day  "one  of  the 
most  majestic  creations  of  art  in  any  country." 

SUMPTUARY  EDICTS 

The  laws  enacted  by  the  Hojo  regents  bear  ample  testimony  to  their  desire  of 
enforcing  frugality.  In  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  they  went  so  far 
as  to  interdict  the  brewing  of  sake  throughout  the  empire,  and  another  ordinance 
vetoed  the  serving  of  cakes  at  meals.  Such  interdicts  could  not  possibly  be 
strictly  enforced,  but  they  undoubtedly  exercised  much  influence,  so  that  the 
samurai  limited  themselves  to  two  meals  a  day  and  partook  only  of  the  coarsest 
fare. 


ift  HTlW 

\.  sill  lo 
U  rfsuxH  lo 
i  ">1  to 


#h6Y--lo 


WRESTLERS 


-: 


m 


r.78  domril    AjTTyf/.KAyl  MHT  VLI  3£trTJ!£J 

;r>itivy  firiMm£I  •An'-'rd  I-MJJ;  ..    i-/  >  .«•.  rn  -..nn.«: 


(  '"' 


CHAPTER   XXIX 
FALL  OF  THE   HOJO  AND  RISE   OF  THE  ASHIKAGA 

THE  DAYS  OF  SADATOKI 

WITH  the  accession  (1284)  of  the  seventh  Ho  jo  regent,  Sadatoki,  the  prosper- 
ous era  of  the  Bakufu  came  to  an  end.  Sadatoki  himself  seems  to  have  been  a 
man  of  much  ability  and  fine  impulses.  He  succeeded  his  father,  Tokimune,  at 
the  age  of  fourteen,  and  during  nine  years  he  remained  under  the  tutelage  of  the 
prime  minister,  Taira  no  Yoritsuna,  thereafter  taking  the  reins  of  government 
into  his  own  hands.  The  annals  are  unfortunately  defective  at  this,  period. 
They  fail  to  explain  the  reason  for  Sadatoki 's  retirement  and  adoption  of 
religion,  in  1301,  after  eight  years  of  active  rule.  It  may  be  that  the  troubles  of 
the  time  disgusted  him.  For  alike  politically  and  financially  an  evil  state  of 
affairs  prevailed.  In  1286,  the  Adachi  clan,  falling  under  suspicion  of  aiming 
at  the  shogunate,  was  extirpated.  A  few  years  later,  the  same  fate  overtook 
Taira  no  Yoritsuna,  who  had  been  the  chief  accuser  of  the  Adachi,  and  who, 
being  now  charged  by  his  own  first-born  with  coveting  the  regency  (shikken), 
was  put  to  death  with  his  second  son  and  all  his  retainers.  Yet  again,  three 
years  subsequently  to  this  latter  tragedy,  Yoshimi,  a  scion  of  Yoritomo's 
brother,  the  unfortunate  Yoshinori,  fell  a  victim  to  accusations  of  treachery, 
and  it  needed  no  great  insight  to  appreciate  that  the  Bakufu  was  becoming  a 
house  divided  against  itself. 

It  was  at  this  time,  also,  that  the  military  families  of  the  Kwanto  in  general 
and  of  Kamakura  in  particular  began  to  find  their  incomes  distressingly  inade- 
quate to  meet  the  greatly  increased  and  constantly  increasing  outlays  that 
resulted  from  following  the  costly  customs  of  Kyoto  as  reflected  at  the  shogun  's 
palace.  Advantage  was  taken  of  this  condition  by  professional  money-lenders, 
by  ambitious  nobles,  and  even  by  wealthy  farmers,  who,  supplying  funds  at 
exorbitant  rates  of  interest,  obtained  possession  of  valuable  estates.  The 
Bakufu  made  several  futile  legislative  essays  to  amend  this  state  of  affairs,  and 
finally,  in  the  year  1297,  they  resorted  to  a  ruinous  device  called  tokusei,  or  the 
"benevolent  policy."  This  consisted  in  enacting  a  law  which  vetoed  all  suits 
for  the  recovery  of  interest,  cancelled  all  mortgages,  and  interdicted  the  pledging 
of  military  men 's  property. 

376 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  377 

Of  course,  such  legislation  proved  disastrous.  Whatever  temporary  relief 
it  afforded  to  indigent  and  improvident  debtors,  was  far  outweighed  by  the  blow 
given  to  credit  generally,  and  by  the  indignation  excited  among  creditors.  The 
Bakufu  owed  much  of  the  stability  of  their  influence  to  the  frugality  of  their 
lives  and  to  their  unsullied  administration  of  justice.  But  now  the  Kwanto 
bushi  rivalled  the  Kyoto  gallants  in  extravagance;  the  Kamakura  tribunals 
forfeited  the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  the  needy  samurai  began  to  wish  for 
the  return  of  troublous  times,  when  fortunes  could  be  won  with  the  sword. 
Amid  such  conditions  Sadatoki  took  the  tonsure  in  1300,  and  was  succeeded 
nominally  by  his  cousin  Morotoki,  who,  however,  administered  affairs  in 
consultation  with  the  retired  regent.  In  1303,  a  son  was  born  to  Sadatoki,  and 
the  latter,  dying  in  1311,  bequeathed  the  office  of  regent  to  this  boy  when  he 
should  reach  years  of  discretion,  entrusting  him,  meanwhile,  to  the  guardianship 
of  two  officials,  the  more  active  of  whom  was  a  lay  priest,  Nagasaki  Enki. 

An  idea  of  the  confusion  existing  at  that  time  in  Kamakura  may  be  gathered 
from  the  fact  that,  during  the  five  years  between  the  death  of  Sadatoki  and  the 
accession  of  his  son  Takatoki  (1316),  no  less  than  four  members  of  the  Hojo 
family  held  the  regency  in  succession.  -Takatoki  was  destined  to  be  the  last 
of  the  Hojo  regents.  Coming  into  power  at  the  age  of  thirteen,  his  natural  giddi- 
ness of  character  is  said  to  have  been  deliberately  encouraged  by  his  guardian, 
Nagasaki,  but  even  had  he  been  a  stronger  man  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  could 
have  saved  the  situation.  Corruption  had  eaten  deeply  into  the  heart  of  the 
Bakufu.  In  1323,  a  question  concerning  right  of  succession  to  the  Ando  estate 
was  carried  to  Kamakura  for  adjudication,  and  the  chief  judge,  Nagasaki  Taka- 
suke,  son  of  the  old  lay  priest  mentioned  above,  having  taken  bribes  from  both 
of  the  litigants,  delivered  an  inscrutable  opinion.  Save  for  its  sequel,  this  inci- 
dent would  merely  have  to  be  catalogued  with  many  cognate  injustices  which 
disfigured  the  epoch.  But  the  Ando  family  being  one  of  the  most  powerful  in 
northern  Japan,  its  rival  representatives  appealed  to  arms  in  support  of  their 
respective  claims,  and  the  province  of  Oshu  was  thrown  into  such  confusion  that 
a  force  had  to  be  sent  from  Kamakura  to  restore  order.  This  expedition  failed, 
and  with  its  failure  the  prestige  of  the  Hojo  fell  in  a  region  where  hitherto  it  had 
been  untarnished  —  the  arena  of  arms.  The  great  Japanese  historian,  Rai 
Sanyo,  compared  the  Bakufu  of  that  time  to  a  tree  beautiful  outwardly  but  worm- 
eaten  at  the  core,  and  in  the  classical  work,  Taiheiki,  the  state  of  affairs  is  thus 
described :  — 

The  Dengaku  mime  was  then  in  vogue  among  all  classes  in  Kyoto.  Takatoki,  hearing  of 
this,  summoned  two  rival  troupes  of  Dengaku  players  to  Kamakura  and  witnessed  their  per- 
formances without  regard  to  the  passage  of  time.  He  distributed  the  members  of  the  troupes 
among  the  noble  families  related  to  the  Hojo,  and  made  these  nobles  compete  to  furnish  the 
performers  with  magnificent  costumes.  At  a  banquet  when  a  Dengaku  mime  was  acted,  the 
regent  and  his  guests  vied  with  one  another  in  pulling  off  their  robes  and  throwing  them  into 
a  heap,  to  be  redeemed  afterwards  for  heavy  sums  which  were  given  to  the  actors.  The 
custom  thus  inaugurated  became  perpetual.  One  day,  a  number  of  dogs  gathered  in  the 
garden  of  Takatoki 's  mansion  and  had  a  fight.  This  so  amused  the  regent  that  orders  were 
despatched  to  collect  dogs  by  way  of  taxes,  the  result  being  that  many  people  in  the  provinces 
took  steps  to  breed  dogs  and  presented  them  by  tens  or  scores  to  Kamakura,  where  they  were 
fed  on  fish  and  fowl,  kept  in  kennels  having  gold  and  silver  ornaments,  and  carried  in  palan- 
quins to  take  the  air.  When  these  distinguished  animals  were  borne  along  the  public  thorough- 
fares, people  hastening  hither  and  thither  on  business  had  to  dismount  and  kneel  in  obeisance, 
and  farmers,  instead  of  cultivating  the  fields,  had  to  act  as  bearers  of  the  dogs'  sedan-chairs. 
Thus,  the  city  of  Kamakura  presented  the  curious  spectacle  of  a  town  filled  with  well-fed  dogs, 
clothed  in  tinsel  and  brocades,  and  totalling  from  four  to  five  thousand.  Twelve  days  in  every 
month  used  to  be  devoted  to  dog-fights,  and  on  these  occasions,  the  regent,  the  nobles,  and  the 
people  inside  and  outside  the  mansion  used  to  assemble  as  spectators,  sitting  on  the  verandas 
or  the  ground. 


378  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


'"'  THE  COURT  k  XY6TO 
WoM  «*rft  v/l  b'lifgi  >'//!»)•   ir,  '  •!•    M: 

All  these  things  were  watched  with  keen  interest  in  KyQto.  It  has  been 
shown  in  Chapter  XXVI  that  the  Imperial  family  had  been  divided  into  two 
branches  ever  since  the  days  of  Go-Saga  (1242-1246),  one  descended.  from  his 
elder  son,  Go-Fukakusa,  the  other  from  his  younger,  Kameyama.  These  two 
branches  may  be  conveniently  distinguished  as  the  senior  and  the  junior,  re- 
spectively. It  has  also  been  shown  that  the  princes  of  the  senior  branch  uniform- 
ly relied  on  Kamakura  and  kept  the  Bakufu  informed  of  all  intrigues  devised  in 
Kyoto,  whereas  those  of  the  junior  branch  constantly  cherished  the  hope  of 
reasserting  the  independence  of  the  throne.  A  representative  of  the  junior 
branch,  Go-Daigo  (1318-1339),  happened  to  be  on  the  throne  when  Takatoki, 
holding  the  regency  at  Kamakura,  scandalized  the  nation  by  his  excesses  and 
discredited  the  Hojo  by  his  incompetence. 

Go-Daigo  was  an  able  sovereign.  He  dispensed  justice  scrupulously  and 
made  the  good  of  the  country  his  prime  aim.  It  appeared  to  him  that  the  time 
had  come  for  Kyoto  to  shake  off  the  fetters  of  Kamakura.  With  that  object 
he  took  into  his  confidence  two  Fujiwara  nobles,  Suketomo,  a  councillor  of  State, 
and  Toshimoto,  minister  of  Finance.  These  he  despatched  on  a  secret  tour  of 
inspection  through  the  provinces,  instructing  them  at  the  same  time  to  canvass 
for  adherents  among  the  local  samurai.  They  met  with  considerable  success^ 
Among  the  provincial  families  there  were  some  of  Taira  origin  who  cherished 
traditional  hatred  towards  the  Minamoto;  there  were  some  of  Minamoto  blood 
who  chafed  at  the  supremacy  of  the  Hojo,  and  there  were  some  who,  independ- 
ently of  lineage,  longed  for  a  struggle  and  its  contingent  possibilities.  Leading 
representatives  of  these  classes  began  to  hold  conclaves  in  Kyoto.  The  meetings 
were  marked  by  complete  absence  of  ceremony,  their  object  being  to  promote  free 
interchange  of  ideas.  Presently,  suspicions  were  suggested  to  Kamakura. 
The  regent,  Takatoki,  who,  though  a  careless  libertine  in  his  habits,  living  in 
the  society  of  his  thirty  concubines,  his  troops  of  dancing  mimes,  and  his  packs 
of  fighting  dogs,  was  capable  of  stern  resolution  on  occasions,  threatened  to 
dethrone  the  Emperor. 

In  this  sore  strait,  Go-Daigo  did  not  hesitate  to  make  solemn  avowal  of  the 
innocence  of  his  purpose,  and  Kamakura  refrained  from  any  harsh  action  towards 
the  Throne.  But  it  fared  ill  with  the  sovereign's  chief  confidant,  Fujiwara  no 
Suketomo.  He  was  exiled  to  Sado  Island  and  there  killed  by  Takatoki  's 
instructions.  This  happened  in  1325.  Connected  with  it  was  an  incident  which 
illustrates  the  temper  of  the  bushi.  In  spite  of  his  mother  's  tearful  remonstrances, 
Kunimitsu,  the  thirteen-year-old  son  of  the  exiled  noble,  set  out  from  Kyoto 
for  Sado  to  bid  his  father  farewell.  The  governor  of  the  island  was  much  moved 
by  the  boy  's  affection,  but,  fearful  of  Kamakura,  he  refused  to  sanction  a  meeting 
and  commissioned  one  Homma  Saburo,  a  member  of  his  family,  to  kill  the  prison- 
er. Kunimitsu  determined  to  avenge  his  father,  even  at  the  expense  of  his  own 
life.  During  a  stormy  night,  he  effected  an  entry  into  the  governor's  mansion, 
and,  penetrating  to  Saburo  's  chamber,  killed  him.  The  child  then  turned  his 
weapon  against  his  own  bosom.  But,  reflecting  that  he  had  his  mother  to  care 
for,  his  sovereign  to  serve,  and  his  father  's  will  to  carry  out,  he  determined  to 
escape  if  possible.  The  mansion  was  surrounded  by  a  deep  moat  which  he  could 
not  cross.  But  a  bamboo  grew  on  the  margin,  and  climbing  up  this,  he  found 
that  it  bent  with  his  weight  so  as  to  form  a  bridge.  He  reached  Ky5to  in  safety 
and  ultimately  attained  the  high  post  (chunagon)  which  his  father  had  held. 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  379 

THE  SUCCESSION  TO  THE  THRONE 

The  year  1326  witnessed  the  decease  of  the  Crown  Prince,  Kuninaga,  who 
represented  the  senior  branch  of  the  Imperial  family.  Thereupon,  Go-Daigo 
conceived  the  project  of  appointing  his  own  son,  Morinaga,  to  be  Prince  Imperial. 
.That  would  have  given  the  sceptre  twice  in  succession  to  the  junior  branch,  and 
the  Bakufu  regent,  insisting  that  the  rule  of  alternate  succession  must  be  followed, 
proposed  to  nominate  Prince  Kazuhito,  a  son  of  the  cloistered  Emperor, 
Go-Fushimi,  who  belonged  to  the  senior  branch.  The  question  was  vehemently 
discussed  at  Kamakura,  Go-Daigo  being  represented  by  Fujiwara  no  Fujifusa, 
and  Go-Fushimi  by  another  noble.  The  former  contended  that  never  since  the 
days  of  Jimmu  had  any  subject  dared  to  impose  his  will  on  the  Imperial  family. 
Go-Saga 's  testament  had  clearly  provided  the  order  of  succession  to  the  throne, 
yet  the  Bakufu  had  ventured  to  set  that  testament  aside  and  had  dictated  the 
system  of  alternate  succession.  Thus,  the  princes  of  the  elder  branch  not  only 
became  eligible  for  the  throne,  but  also  enjoyed  great  revenues  from  the  Ghokodo 
estate,  though  it  had  been  bequeathed  as  a  solatium  for  exclusion  from  the  suc- 
cession;  whereas  the  princes  of  the  junior  branch,  when  not  occupying  the  throne, 
were  without  a  foot  of  land  or  the  smallest  source  of  income.  Fujifusa  was 
instructed  to  claim  that  the  usufruct  of  the  Chokodo  estate  should  alternate 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  succession,  or  that  the  latter  should  be  perpetually 
vested  in  the  junior  branch.  To  this  just  demand  the  regent,  Takatoki,  refused 
to  accede.  Kazuhito  was  named  Prince  Imperial,  and  thus  the  seeds  of  a  san- 
guinary struggle  were  sown. 

" 

CONSPIRACY  IN  KYOTO 

Go-Daigo  now  conspired  actively  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Hojo.  He  took 
Prince  Morinaga  into  his  confidence,  and,  under  the  name  Oto  no  Miya,  made 
him  lord-abbot  of  the  great  monastery  of  Hiei-zan,  thus  securing  at  once  a  large 
force  of  soldier  cenobites.  To  the  same  end  other  religious  establishments  were 
successfully  approached.  During  the  space  of  five  years  this  plot  escaped 
Kamakura's  attention.  But,  in  1331,  the  Bakufu,  becoming  suspicious,  laid 
hands  on  several  of  the  plotters  and,  subjecting  them  to  judicial  examination 
after  the  merciless  fashion  of  the  age,  soon  elicited  a  part,  at  any  rate,  of  the 
truth.  Yet  Kamakura  does  not  appear  to  have  appreciated  the  situation  until, 
Go-Daigo  having  summoned  the  Enryaku  monks  to  his  assistance,  the  cloistered 
Emperor  of  the  senior  branch,  Go-Fushimi,  despatched  an  urgent  message  to 
the  Bakufu,  declaring  that  unless  prompt  action  were  taken  the  situation  would 
elude  control. 

Hasty  council  was  now  held  in  Kamakura.  Nagasaki  Takasuke,  the  corrupt 
kwanryo,  advised  that  Go-Daigo  should  be  dethroned  and  sent  into  exile,  together 
with  Oto  no  Miya,  and  that  all  implicated  in  the  plot  should  be  severely  punished. 
This  violent  course  was  opposed  by  Nikaido  Sadafusa,  who  pleaded  eloquently 
for  the  respect  due  to  the  Throne,  and  contended  that  without  the  sovereign 's 
favour  the  Bakufu  could  not  exist.  But  Takasuke 's  advice  prevailed,  re-enforced 
as  it  was  by  reference  to  the  Shokyu  disturbance  when  vigorous  daring  had  won 
the  day.  With  all  possible  expedition  an  army  under  the  command  of  Sadafusa 
marched  from  Kamakura  for  Kyoto.  Advised  of  these  doings,  Prince  Morinaga 
persuaded  the  Emperor  to  change  costumes  with  Fujiwara  Morokata;  where- 
after the  latter,  riding  in  the  Imperial  palanquin,  took  ostensible  refuge  at 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Hiei-zan,  and  the  sovereign,  travelling  in  a  Court  lady 's  ox-car,  made  his  way, 
first,  to  Nara  and  thence  to  Kasagi  in  Yamato,  guarded  by  the  troops  of  Fujiwara 
Fujifusa.  Rokuhara  was  then  under  the  command  of  HojO  Nakatoki,  and  upon 
him  devolved  the  duty  of  seizing  the  Emperor 's  person.  He  directed  an  army 
against  Hiei-zan,  where  Go-Daigo  was  believed  to  have  found  asylum.  But 
Fujiwara  Morokata,  whojpersonified  the  sovereign,  managed  to  escape,  as  did- 
also  Prince  Morinaga  (Oto  no  Miya).  Go-Daigo  then  sent  to  Kusunoki 
Masashige  a  mandate  to  raise  troops  and  move  against  the  "rebels,"  for  to  that 
category  the  Hojo  now  belonged  in  the  absence  of  an  Imperial  commission. 

This  Kusunoki  Masashige  (called  Nanko)  is  one  of  Japan's  ideal  types  of 
loyalty  and  courage.  He  and  Nitta  Yoshisada  are  the  central  figures  in  the 
long  campaign  upon  which  Japan  now  entered.  Masashige  belonged  to  the 
Tachibana  family,  which  stood  second  among  the  four  great  septs  of  Japan  — 
the  Fujiwara,  the  Tachibana,  the  Minamoto,  and  the  Taira  —  and  Yoshisada 
claimed  kinship  with  the  Minamoto.  Receiving  Go-Daigo 's  order,  Kusunoki 
Masashige  quickly  collected  a  troop  of  local  bushi  and  constructed  entrenchments 
at  Akasaka,  a  naturally  strong  position  in  his  native  province  of  Kawachi. 
Takatoki  now  caused  Prince  Kazuhito  to  be  proclaimed  sovereign  under  the 
name  of  Kogon.  But  this  monarch  was  not  destined  to  find  a  place  among  the 
recognized  occupants  of  the  throne.  For  a  time,  indeed,  fortune  smiled  on  the 
Hojo.  Within  a  few  days  after  Kogon 's  assumption  of  the  sceptre,  Go-Daigo 's 
retreat  at  Kasagi  became  untenable,  and  he  fled,  still  escorted  by  the  faithful 
Fujiwara  Fujifusa.  It  must  be  recognized  that,  whatever  the  Fujiwara  family 's 
usurpations  hi  the  past,  their  loyalty  to  the  Throne  throughout  this  era  of  cruel 
vicissitudes  redeems  a  multitude  of  sins. 

During  his  flight  from  Kasagi,  the  Emperor  was  without  food  for  three  days, 
and  had  to  sleep  with  a  rock  for  pillow.  Overtaken  by  the  Rokuhara  troops, 
his  Majesty  was  placed  in  a  bamboo  palanquin  and  carried  to  the  temple  Byodo- 
in,  where,  after  the  battle  of  the  Uji  Bridge,  the  aged  statesman  and  general, 
Yorimasa,  had  fallen  by  his  own  hand,  a  century  and  a  half  previously.  Here 
Go-Daigo  received  a  peremptory  order  to  surrender  the  Imperial  insignia  to  the 
Hojo  nominee,  Kogon.  He  refused.  The  mirror  and  gem,  he  alleged,  had  been 
lost,  and  there  remained  only  the  sacred  sword,  which  he  kept  to  defend  himself 
against  the  traitors  when  they  fell  upon  him.  The  high  courage  of  this  answer 
would  have  been  finer  had  Go-Daigo 's  statement  been  true;  but  in  reality  the 
three  insignia  were  intact.  It  was  then  announced  to  his  Majesty  that  he  should 
be  removed  to  Rokuhara  where  he  would  be  entirely  in  the  power  of  the  Hojo. 
Nevertheless,  he  maintained  his  lofty  bearing,  and  refused  to  make  the  journey 
unless  all  appropriate  forms  of  etiquette  were  observed.  At  Rokuhara  the 
demand  for  the  insignia  was  repeated  and  the  Emperor  handed  over  duplicates, 
secretly  retaining  the  genuine  articles  himself.  Takatoki  now  issued  orders  for 
Go-Daigo  to  be  removed  to  the  island  of  Oki,  sent  all  the  members  of  his  family 
into  exile  elsewhere,  and  banished  or  killed  his  principal  supporters. 
"^Jltfl^ifpoh  bil/eofq  oriTT  <«PuT,abfl8  fibrfcyH'/!  vd  ! 

RAISING  OF  A  LOYAL  ARMY 

n ,  !>'*!rfiY9fq  o-jfrnS 

Kusunoki  Masashige  had  but  five  hundred  men  under  his  command  when  he 
entrenched  himself  at  Akasaka.  There  for  twenty  days  he  held  out  against  the 
attacks  of  the  greatly  superior  Hojo  forces,  until  finally,  no  help  arriving  and 
his  provisions  being  exhausted,  he  would  have  committed  suicide  had  he  not 
realized  that  his  life  belonged  to  the  Imperial  cause.  He  contrived  to  escape 


through  the  enemy 's  lines,  and  thus  the  only  organized  loyal  force  that  remained 
in  the  field  was  that  operating  in  Bingo  under  the  command  of  Sakurayama 
Koretoshi.  Thither  a  false  rumour  of  Masashige  's  death  having  been  carried, 
Koretoshi's  troops  dispersed  and  he  himself  committed  suicide.  Kojima 
Takanori,  too,  commonly  known  as  Bingo  no  Saburo,  was  about  to  raise  the 
banner  of  loyalty  when  the  false  news  of  Masashige 's  death  reached  him.  This 
Takanori  is  the  hero  of  an  incident  which  appeals  strongly  to  the  Japanese  love 
of  the  romantic.  Learning  that  the  Emperor  was  being  transported  into  exile 
in  the  island  of  Oki,  and  having  essayed  to  rescue  him  en  route,  he  made  his  way 
during  the  night  into  the  enclosure  of  the  inn  where  the  Imperial  party  had 
halted,  and  having  scraped  off  part  of  the  bark  of  a  cherry  tree,  he  inscribed  on 
the  trunk  the  couplet :  — • 

'/L  silt  Im«  w          ,    ,          ..v     „,.       to  aofch/h  ad*  to  ~A\p.i  oi 
Heaven  destroy  not  Kou  Chien, 
He  is  not  without  a  Fan  Li', 
icrt  onisiba  /;  ni  bota^ossfi  amuo-xi  «u/It  —  hlgoJ/^M  o-t  i£pqm3 

This  alluded  to  an  old-time  Chinese  king  (Kou  Chien)  who,  after  twenty 
years  of  exile,  was  restored  to  power  by  the  efforts  of  a  vassal  (Fan  Li).  The 
Emperor 's  guards,  being  too  illiterate  to  comprehend  the  reference,  showed  the 
writing  to  Go-Daigo,  who  thus  learned  that  friends  were  at  hand.  But  Takanori 
could  not  accomplish  anything  more,  and  for  a  season  the  fortunes  of  the  Throne 
were  at  a  very  low  ebb,  while  at  Kamakura  the  regent  resumed  his  life  of  de- 
bauchery. Neither  Prince  Morinaga  nor  Masashige  was  idle,  however.  By 
skilful  co-operation  they  recovered  the  entrenchments  at  Akasaka  and  overran 
the  two  provinces  of  Izumi  and  Kawachi,  gaining  many  adherents.  The  fall  of 
1332  saw  Masashige  strongly  posted  at  the  Chihaya  fortress  on  Kongo  Mountain; 
his  lieutenants  holding  Akasaka;  Prince  Morinaga  in  possession  of  Yoshino 
Castle,  and  Akamatsu  Norimura  of  Harima  blocking  the  two  highways  called 
the  Sanindo  and  the  Sanyodo. 

In  other  words,  the  Imperialists  held  the  group  of  provinces  forming  the 
northern  littoral  of  the  Inland  Sea  and  commanded  the  approaches  from  the 
south.  But  now  again  Kamakura  put  forth  its  strength.  At  the  close  of 
February,  1333,  a  numerous  force  under  the  Hojo  banners  attacked  Yoshino  and 
its  fall  became  inevitable.  Prince  Morinaga,  wounded  in  several  places,  had 
resolved  to  make  the  castle  his  "death-pillow,"  when  he  "was-  saved  by  one  of 
those  acts  of  heroic  devotion  so  frequently  recorded  in  the  annals  of  the  Japanese 
bushi.  Murakami  Yoshiteru  insisted  on  donning  the  prince's  armour  and 
personating  him  so  as  to  cover  his  retreat.  At  the  supreme  moment,  Yoshiteru 
ascended  the  tower  of  the  entrenchments  and  loudly  proclaiming  himself  the 
prince,  committed  suicide.  His  son  would  fain  have  shared  his  fate,  but 
Yoshiteru  bade  him  live  for  further  service.  Subsequently,  he  fell  fighting 
against  Morinaga 's  pursuers,  but  the  prince  escaped  safely  to  the  great  monas- 
tery of  Koya  in  Kisrm.1  The  victorious  Hojo  then  turned  their  arms  against 
Akasaka,  and  having  carried  that  position,  attacked  Chihaya  where  Masashige 
commanded  in  person.  But  the  great  soldier  held  his  foes  successfully  at  bay 
and  inflicted  heavy  losses  on  them.  Thus,  the  early  months  of  1333  witnessed  a 
brighter  state  of  affairs  for  the  Imperial  cause.  It  was  supported  by  Kusunoki 
Masashige,  in  Yamato,  with  Chihaya  for  headquarters;  Prince  Morinaga,  at 
Koya-san  in  Kishu;  Akamatsu  Norimura,  in  Harima  and  Settsu,  whence  his 

f1  Yoshiteru's  loyal  sacrifice  received  official  recognition,  in  1908,  on  the  occasion  of  military 
manoeuvres  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  scene  of  the  tragedy.  The  Emperor  honoured  his 
memory  by  bestowing  on  him  high  posthumous  rank.] 


382  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

fortress  of  Maya  menaced  Rokuhara,  and  by  Doi  Michiharu  and  TokunO 
Michikoto,  in  lyo,  whence,  crossing  to  Nagato,  they  had  attacked  and  defeated 
Hojo  Tokinao,  the  tandai  of  the  province. 


The  Oki  group  of  islands  lie  in  the  Sea  of  Japan  forty  miles  from  the  coast  of 
the  provinces  Izumo  and  Hoki.  Beppu,  in  Nishi-no-shima,  one  of  the  smallest 
of  the  group,  was  Go-Daigo 's  place  of  exile.  By  employing  the  services  of  a 
fishing-boat,  Prince  Morinaga  succeeded  in  conveying  to  his  Majesty  some  in- 
telligence of  the  efforts  that  were  being  made  in  the  Imperial  cause.  This  was 
early  in  1333,  and  when  the  news  spread  among  the  guards  at  Beppu,  they  began 
to  talk  of  the  duties  of  loyalty.  Narita  Kosaburo  and  the  Nawa  brothers, 
Yasunaga  and  Nagataka  —  the  name  of  the  last  was  afterwards  changed  by  the 
Emperor  to  Nagatoshi  —  thus  became  associated  in  a  scheme  for  assisting  the 
exile  to  recover  his  freedom.  To  remove  him  from  Nishi-no-Shima  was  not 
difficult  to  contrive,  but  to  traverse  the  provinces  of  Izumo  or  Hoki  en  route  for 
a  safe  asylum  seemed  at  first  impossible,  for  in  Izumo  not  only  the  governor  but 
also  the  chief  official  of  the  great  Shinto  shrine  were  hostile,  and  in  Hoki  the 
strictest  watchfulness  had  been  enjoined  from  Rokuhara. 

Nevertheless,  it  became  necessary  to  make  the  attempt  at  once  or  refrain 
altogether.  On  the  8th  of  April,  1333,  the  guards  at  Beppu  were  given  a 
quantity  of  sake  on  the  plea  that  the  accouchement  of  a  Court  lady  was  imminent. 
Custom  prescribed  that  in  such  a  case  the  lady  should  be  removed  to  a  different 
house,  and  therefore  when  the  guards  had  well  drunk,  a  palanquin  was  carried 
out,  bearing  ostensibly  this  lady  only,  but  in  reality  freighted  with  the  sovereign 
also.  The  night  was  passed  in  the  village,  and  at  daybreak  the  little  party, 
leaving  the  lady  behind,  set  out  on  foot  for  the  nearest  seaport,  Chiba.  The 
Emperor  could  scarcely  walk,  but  happily  a  man  was  encountered  leading  a 
pack-horse,  and  on  this  Go-Daigo  rode.  The  next  three  days  were  devoted  to 
seeking  a  safe  landing  in  Izumo  and  endeavouring  to  procure  provisions.  On 
one  occasion,  being  pursued  by  servants  of  the  great  shrine,  they  had  to  re-em- 
bark and  put  out  to  sea,  the  Emperor  and  his  sole  attendant,  Tadaaki,  lying  hid 
in  the  bottom  of  the  boat  beneath  a  quantity  of  seaweed  and  under  the  feet  of  the 
sailors.  Finally,  on  the  13th  of  April,  they  made  Katami  port  in  the  province 
of  Hoki,  and,  being  cordially  welcomed  by  Nawa  Nagataka,  Go-Daigo  was 
ultimately  taken  to  a  mountain  called  Funanoe,  which  offered  excellent  defensive 
facilities.  It  is  recorded  that  on  the  first  stage  of  this  journey  from  Nagataka 's 
residence  to  the  mountain,  the  Emperor  had  to  be  carried  on  the  back  of  Nagata- 
ka 's  brother,  Nagashige,  no  palanquin  being  available.  Very  soon  many  bushi 
flocked  to  the  Imperial  standard  and  Funanoe  was  strongly  entrenched.  It  was 
on  this  occasion  that  Go-Daigo  changed  Nagataka 's  name  to  Nagatoshi,  and 
conferred  on  him  the  title  of  "captain  of  the  Left  guards"  (saemon-no-jo). 
^{luf  h;  vih;'i--:  rr'U-i  fc'»oV  airf  I)K»/f  toifjl"*  Jf  £t  .HO'  i  .  n>  ; 

js  fv)>-  ;{:i  V»  =:U'ioir  jduwnit  f.ui\T     .majii.flo  ;-.o^o!  y/jioribg! 

DOWNFALL  OF  THE  HOJO 

When  the  Emperor 's  escape  from  Oki  became  known,  loyal  samurai  in  great 
numbers  espoused  the  Imperial  cause,  and  a  heavy  blow  was  given  to  the  prestige 
of  the  Hojo  by  Akamatsu  Norimura  who,  after  several  successful  engage- 
ments with  the  Rokuhara  army  in  Settsu,  pushed  northward  from  the  fortress 
of  Maya,  where  his  forces  were  almost  within  sight  of  Kyoto.  Takatoki,  appre- 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA 


383 


ciating  that  a  crisis  had  now  arisen  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Hojo,  ordered  Ashikaga 
Takau  j  i  to  lead  a  powerful  army  westward.  Takau  j  i  represented  a  j  unior  branch 
of  the  Minamoto  family.  He  was  descended  from  the  great  Yoshiiye,  and  when 
Yoritomo  rose  against  the  Taira,  in  1180,  he  had  been  immediately  joined  by  the 
then  Ashikaga  chieftain,  who  was  his  brother-in-law.  Takau  ji,  therefore,  had 
ambitions  of  his  own,  and  his  mood  towards  the  Hojo  had  been  embittered  by 
two  recent  events;  the  first,  that,  though  in  mourning  for  the  death  of  his  father, 
he  had  been  required  to  join  the  attack  on  Masashige's  fortress  at  Kasagi;  the 
second,  that  his  own  illness  after  returning  from  that  campaign  had  not  availed 
to  save  him  from  frequent  summonses  to  conference  with  Takatoki. 

Thus,  this  second  order  to  take  the  field  found  him  disposed  to  join  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  Hojo  rather  than  in  their  support.     Learning  something  of 

I  wrootf  > 
l>i>br 
VIST/ 


ASHIKAQA  TAKAUJI 


i  •*  ctf 


this  mood,  Takatoki  demanded  that  the  Ashikaga  chief,  before  commencing  his 
march,  should  hand  in  a  written  oath  of  loyalty,  and  further,  should  leave  his 
wife,  his  children,  and  his  brother-in-law  as  hostages  in  Kamakura.  Takau  ji, 
who  shrunk  from  no  sacrifice  oil  the  altar  of  his  ambition,  complied  readily,  and 
the  confidence  of  the  Bakufu  having  thus  been  restored,  a  parting  banquet  was 
given  in  his  honour,  at  which  the  Hojo  representative  presented  him  with  a  steed, 
a  suit  of  armour,  a  gold-mounted  sword,  and  a  white  flag,  this  last  being  an  heir- 
loom from  the  time  of  Hachiman  (Yoshiiye),  transmitted  through  the  hands  of 
Yoritomo  's  spouse,  Masa. 

All  these  things  did  not  turn  Takau  ji  by  a  hair  's-breadth  from  his  purpose. 
His  army  had  not  marched  many  miles  westward  before  he  despatched  a  message 
to  the  entrenchments  in  Hoki  offering  his  services  to  the  Emperor,  who  welcomed 
this  signal  accession  of  strength  and  commissioned  Takau  ji  to  attack  the  Bakufu 
forces.  Entirely  ignorant  of  these  things,  Hojo  Takaiye,  who  commanded  at 
Rokuhara,  made  dispositions  to  move  against  the  Hoki  fortress  in  co-operation 
with  Takauji.  The  plan  of  campaign  was  that  Takaiye  's  army  should  march 


384  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

southward  through  Settsu,  and,  having  crushed  Akamatsu  Norimura,  who 
occupied  that  province,  should  advance  through  Harima  and  Mimasaka  into 
Hoki;  while  Takauji,  moving  northward  at  first  by  the  Tamba  highway,  should 
ultimately  turn  westward  and  reach  Hoki  by  the  littoral  road  of  the  Japan  Sea. 
In  addition  to  these  two  armies,  the  Hojo  had  a  powerful  force  engaged  in 
beleaguering  the  fortress  of  Chihaya,  in  Yamato,  where  Kusunoki  Masashige 
commanded  in  person. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that,  at  this  time  (May,  1333),  the  Imperialists  were 
everywhere  standing  on  the  defensive,  and  the  Bakufu  armies  were  attacking 
on  the  southeast,  south,  and  north  of  Kyoto.  Nothing  seemed  less  probable  than 
that  the  Imperial  capital  itself  should  become  the  object  of  an  assault  by  the 
partisans  of  Go-Daigo.  But  the  unexpected  took  place.  Hojo  Takaiye  was 
killed  and  his  force  shattered  in  the  first  collision  with  Norimura,  who  immediate- 
ly set  his  troops  in  motion  towards  Kyoto,  intending  to  take  advantage  of  Roku- 
hara's  denuded  condition.  Meanwhile,  Takauji,  whose  march  into  Tamba 
had  been  very  deliberate,  learned  the  course  events  had  taken  hi  Settsu,  and 
immediately  proclaiming  his  allegiance  to  the  Imperial  cause,  countermarched 
for  Kyoto,  his  army  receiving  constant  accessions  of  strength  as  it  approached 
the  city.  Rokuhara,  though  taken  by  surprise,  fought  stoutly.  Attacked 
simultaneously  from  three  directions  by  the  armies  of  Norimura,  Takauji,  and 
Minamoto  Tadaaki,  and  in  spite  of  the  death  of  their  commandant,  Hojo 
Tokimasu,  they  held  out  until  the  evening,  when  Hojo  Nakatoki  escaped  under 
cover  of  darkness,  escorting  the  titular  sovereign,  Kogon,.and  the  two  ex-Emper- 
ors. Their  idea  was  to  flee  to  Kamakura,  but  taking  an  escort  too  large  for 
rapid  movement,  they  were  overtaken ;  the  three  leaders  together  with  four  hun- 
dred men  killed,  and  Kogon  together  with  the  two  ex-Emperors  seized  and 
carried  back  to  Kyoto. 

v  \ 

THE  FALL  OF  KAMAKURA 

These  things  happened  at  the  close  of  June,  1333,  and  immediately  after  the 
fall  of  Rokuhara,  Nitta  Yoshisada  raised  the  Imperial  standard  in  the  province 
of  Kotsuke.  Yoshisada  represented  the  tenth  generation  of  the  great  Yoshiiye  's 
family.  Like  Ashikaga  Takauji  he  was  of  pure  Minamoto  blood,  though 
Takauji  belonged  to  a  junior  branch.  The  Nitta  estates  were  in  the  district 
of  that  name  in  the  province  of  Kotsuke;  that  is  to  say,  hi  the  very  heart  of  the 
Kwanto.  Hitherto,  the  whole  of  the  eastern  region  had  remained  loyal  to  the 
Hojo;  but  the  people  were  growing  weary  of  the  heavy  taxes  and  requisitions 
entailed  by  this  three-years '  struggle,  and  when  Nitta  Yoshisada  declared  against 
the  Hojo,  his  ranks  soon  swelled  to  formidable  dimensions.  It  has  been  stated 
by  some  historians  that  Yoshisada 's  resolve  was  first  taken  on  receipt  of  news 
that  Rokuhara  was  lost  to  the  Hojo.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that,  like  others 
of  his  sept,  he  had  long  resented  the  comparatively  subordinate  position  occupied 
by  Yoritomo  's  descendants,  and  the  most  trustworthy  annals  show  that  already 
while  engaged  in  besieging  Masashige  in  Chihaya  fortress,  he  conceived  the  idea 
of  deserting  the  Hojo 's  cause.  Through  one  of  his  officers,  Funada  Yoshimasa, 
he  obtained  a  mandate  from  Prince  Morinaga,  and  then,  feigning  sickness, 
he  left  the  camp  in  Yamato  and  returned  to  Kotsuke,  where  he  lost  no  time  in 
making  preparations  for  revolt. 

This  actual  declaration  did  not  come,  however,  until  the  arrival  of  an  officer 
from  Kamakura,  carrying  a  requisition  for  a  great  quantity  of  provisions  to 


385 

victual  an  army  which  the  Hojo  were  hastily  equipping  to  recover  Rokuhara. 
The  officer  was  put  to  death,  and  Yoshisada  with  his  brother,  Yoshisuke,  set 
their  forces  in  motion  for  Kamakura.  Menaced  thus  closely,  the  Hojo  made  a 
supreme  effort.  They  put  into  the  field  an  army  said  to  have  numbered  one 
hundred  thousand  of  all  arms.  But  their  ranks  were  perpetually  reduced  by 
defections,  whereas  those  of  the  Imperialists  received  constant  accessions.  The 
campaign  lasted  only  a  fortnight.  For  the  final  attack  Yoshisada  divided  his 
army  into  three  corps  and  advanced  against  Kamakura  from  the  north,  the  east, 
and  the  west.  The  eastern  column  was  repulsed  and  its  general  slain,  but  the 
western  onset,  commanded  by  Yoshisada  himself,  succeeded.  Taking  advantage 
of  a  low  tide,  he  led  his  men  over  the  sands  and  round  the  base  of  a  steep  cliff,1 
and  carried  the  city  by  storm,  setting  fire  to  the  buildings  everywhere.  The 
Hojo  troops  were  shattered  and  slaughtered  relentlessly.  Takatoki  retreated 
to  his  ancestral  cemetery  at  the  temple  Tosho-ji,  and  there  committed  suicide 
with  all  the  members  of  his  family  and  some  eight  hundred  officers  and  men  of 
his  army.  Thus,  Kamakura  fell  on  the  5th  of  July,  1333,  a  century  and  a  half 
after  the  establishment  of  the  Bakufu  by  Yoritomo.  Many  heroic  incidents 
marked  the  catastrophe  and  showed  the  spirit  animating  the  bushi  of  that  epoch. 

A  few  of  them  will  find  a  fitting  place  here. 

1      t:';V>dVit  te/i}  oonyn^qxo  bft£  lioifjj'h^cfd '  vff  bsonr' 

ui^ml^jfibluo^rcit! iiiiB  >,fa  ti  riizmlpwli&dfififiiufiQl  t=  -•  "i: 

HEROIC  DEATHS 

It  has  been  related  above  that,  when  Ashikaga  Takauji  marched  westward 
from  Kamakura,  he  left  his  family  and  his  brother-in-law  as  hostages  in  the  hands 
of  the  Bakufu.  Subsequently,  on  the  occasion  of  the  assault  by  Nitta  Yoshisada, 
this  brother-in-law  (Akabashi  Moritoki)  resisted  stoutly  but  was  defeated  at  the 
pass  of  Kobukoro.  He  committed  suicide,  remarking  calmly,  "It  is  better  to 
die  trusted  than  to  live  doubted." 

Osaragi  Sadanao,  one  of  the  Hojo  generals,  was  in  danger  of  defeat  by  Odate 
Muneuji  at  the  defence  of  Kamakura,  when  Homma  Saemon,  a  retainer  of  the 
former,  who  was  under  arrest  for  an  offence,  broke  his  arrest  and  galloping  into 
the  field,  restored  the  situation  by  killing  the  enemy's  general,  Odate  Muneuji. 
Carrying  the  head  of  Muneuji,  Saemon  presented  it  to  his  chief  and  then  dis- 
embowelled himself  in  expiation  of  his  disobedience.  Sadanao,  crying  that  his 
faithful  follower  should  not  go  unaccompanied  to  the  grave,  dashed  into  the 
enemy 's  ranks  and  fell,  covered  with  wounds. 

Ando  Shoshu,  returning  from  the  successful  defence  of  the  eastern  approaches 
to  Kamakura  on  the  5th  of  July,  1333,  found  the  Government  buildings  a  mass 
of  charred  ruins,  and  being  ignorant  of  the  multitude  of  suicides  that  had  taken 
place  in  the  cemetery  at  Tosho-ji,  cried  out:  "The  end  of  a  hundred  years! 
How  is  it  that  none  was  found  to  die  the1  death  of  fidelity?"  Dismounting  he 
prepared  to  take  his  own  life  when  a  messenger  arrived  carrying  a  letter  from 
his  niece,  the  wife  of  Nitta  Yoshisada.  This  letter  counselled  surrender. 
Shoshu  exclaimed  furiously:  "My  niece  is  a  samurai's  daughter.  How  could 
she  venture  to  insult  me  with  words  so  shameless?  And  how  was  it  that  Yoshi- 
sada allowed  her  to  do  such  a  thing?"  Then,  wrapping  the  letter  round  the 
hilt  of  his  sword,  he  disembowelled  himself. 

!•)  siii  lojlA  ;  :  i  iirwh 

P  This  cliff  —  Inamura-ga-saki  —  may  be  seen  at  Kamakura  to-day.  Tradition  says  that 
Yoshisada  threw  his  sword  into  the  waves,  supplicating  the  god  of  the  Sea  to  roll  back  the  water 
and  open  a  path  for  the  loyal  army.  At  dawn  on  the  following  day  the  tide  was  found  to  have 
receded  sufficiently.] 


386  HISTOKY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

THE  LAST  SCENE 

The  last  act  of  the  Hojo  tragedy,  which  took  place  in  the  cemetery  of  the 
temple  Tosho-ji,  showed  the  fidelity  of  the  samurai  character  at  its  best.  Among 
the  Kamakura  warriors  was  one  Takashige,  son  of  that  Nagasaki  Takasuke  who 
had  made  himself  notorious  by  corrupt  administration  of  justice.  Takashige,  a 
skilled  soldier  of  enormous  physical  power,  returned  from  the  battle  when  all 
hope  of  beating  back  Nitta  Yoshisada's  army  had  disappeared,  and  having 
warned  the  regent,  Takatoki,  that  the  bushi  's  last  resource  alone  remained,  asked 
for  a  few  moments'  respite  to  strike  a  final  stroke.  Followed  by  a  hundred 
desperate  men,  he  plunged  into  the  thick  of  the  fight  and  had  almost  come  within 
reach  of  Yoshisada  when  he  was  forced  back.  Galloping  to  Tosho-ji,  he  found 
Takatoki  and  his  comrades  drinking  their  farewell  cup  of  sake.  Takatoki 
handed  the  cup  to  Takashige,  and  he,  after  draining  it  thrice,  as  was  the  samurai 's 
wont,  passed  it  to  Settsu  Dojun,  disembowelled  himself,  and  tore  out  his  intes- 
tines. "That  gives  a  fine  relish  to  the  wine,"  cried  Dojun,  following  Takashige 's 
example.  Takatoki,  being  of  highest  rank,  was  the  last  to  kill  himself. 

Eight  hundred  suicides  bore  witness  to  the  strength  of  the  creed  held  by  the 
Kamakura  bushi.  An  eminent  Japanese  author1  writes:  "Yoritomo,  con- 
vinced by  observation  and  experience  that  the  beautiful  and  the  splendid  appeal 
most  to  human  nature,  made  it  his  aim  to  inculcate  frugality,  to  promote  military 
exercises,  to  encourage  loyalty,  and  to  dignify  simplicity.  Moral  education  he 
set  before  physical.  The  precepts  of  bushido  he  engraved  on  the  heart  of  the 
nation  and  gave  to  them  the  honour  of  a  precious  heirloom.  The  Hojo,  by 
exalting  bushido,  followed  the  invaluable  teaching  of  the  Genji,  and  supplemented 
it  with  the  doctrines  of  Shinto,  Confucianism,  and  Buddhism.  Thus  every 
bushi  came  to  believe  that  the  country's  fate  depended  on  the  spirit  of  the 
samurai."  Another  and  more  renowned  annalist 2  wrote:  "The  Hojo,  rising 
from  a  subordinate  position,  flourished  for  nine  generations.  Their  success  was 
due  to  observing  frugality,  treating  the  people  with  kindness,  meting  out  strict 
justice,  and  faithfully  obeying  the  ancestral  behest  to  abstain  from  seeking  high 
titles."  They  took  the  substance  and  discarded  the  shadow.  The  bushido 
that  they  developed  became  a  model  in  later  ages,  especially  in  the  sixteenth 

century. 

J 

LAST  HOJO  ARMY 

When  Kamakura  fell  the  only  Hojo  force  remaining  in  the  field  was  that  which 
had  been  engaged  for  months  in  the  siege  of  Chihaya,  where  Kusunoki  Masashige 
held  his  own  stoutly.  This  army  had  retired  to  Nara  on  receipt  of  the  news  of 
Rokuhara's  capture,  and  when  Kamakura  met  with  the  same  fate,  the  leaders 
of  the  last  Hojo  force  surrendered  >at  the  summons  of  Ashikaga  Takauji's 
emissaries.  Subsequently,  fifteen  of  these  leaders  were  led  out  at  midnight  and 
beheaded. 

•liiilOO  iK'-fl         •.-,Kft>m:ti  *'\ 

THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  KEMMU  ERA 

The  conditions  that  now  resulted  are  spoken  of  in  Japanese  history  as  "the 
Restoration  of  the  Kemmu  era"  (1334-1336).  It  will  be  presently  seen  that  the 
term  is  partly  misleading.  After  his  escape  from  Oki,  Go-Daigo  remained  for 
some  time  in  the  fortress  of  Funanoe,  in  Hoki.  Kamakura  fell  on  the  5th  of 
July,  and  his  Majesty  entered  Kyoto  on  the  17th  of  that  month.  While  in  Hoki 
I1  Yamada  Tesshu  (modern).]  [*  Rai  Sanyo  (1780-1832).] 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  387 

he  issued  various  rescripts  having  special  significance.    They  may  be  summarized 
as  follows: 

From  bushi  down  to  priests,  any  man  who  performs  meritorious  deeds  in  battle  will  be 
duly  recompensed,  in  addition  to  being  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  his  previously  held 
domain,  and  that  possession  will  be  continued  in  perpetuity  to  his  descendants.  In  the  case 
of  persons  killed  in  fight,  suitable  successors  to  their  domains  will  be  selected  from  their  kith 
and  kin. 

With  regard  to  Court  officials  and  bushi  down  to  temple  priests  and  functionaries  of  Shinto 
shrines,  any  that  come  immediately  to  join  the  Imperial  forces  will  be  rewarded,  in  addition 
to  being  confirmed  in  the  tenure  of  their  original  estates. 

Similar  consideration  will  be  shown  to  all  who,  though  unable  to  come  in  person,  supply 
provisions  or  military  necessaries,  submit  suggestions  with  loyal  intent,  or  otherwise  work  in 
the  interests  of  the  Imperial  army.  Men  surrendering  in  battle  will  be  pardoned  for  their 
previous  offences,  and  will  be  rewarded  for  services  subsequently  rendered. 

The  fate  of  the  eastern  outlaws  (i.e.  the  Hojo)  being  sealed,  their  destruction  is  imminent. 
They  have  slain  many  innocent  people;  plundered  the  property  of  all  classes,  despoiled  temples, 
burned  houses,  and  conducted  themselves  with  extreme  wickedness.  Unless  they  be  punished, 
public  peace  cannot  be  restored.  Our  army  has  to  remove  those  evils,  and  therefore  all  in  its 
ranks,  while  uniting  to  attack  the  rebels,  will  be  careful  not  to  inflict  any  suffering  on  the 
people  or  to  plunder  them  and  will  treat  them  with  all  benevolence.  If  prisoners  be  common 
soldiers,  they  shall  be  released  at  once,  and  if  officers,  they  shall  be  held  in  custody  pending 
Imperial  instructions.  They  shall  not  be  punished  without  judgment.  No  buildings  except 
the  enemy 's  fortresses  and  castles  shall  be  burned,  unless  the  conditions  of  a  battle  dictate  such 
a  course,  and  it  is  strictly  forbidden  to  set  fire  to  shrines  and  temples.  When  the  Imperial 
forces  enter  a  city  and  have  to  be  quartered  in  private  houses,  the  owners  of  the  latter  shall  be 
duly  recompensed.  If  these  injunctions  be  obeyed,  the  deities  of  heaven  and  earth  and  the 
ancestral  Kami  will  protect  the  virtuous  army  in  its  assault  upon  the  wicked  traitors. 

These  edicts  make  it  clear  that  in  one  most  important  respect,  namely,  the 
terms  of  land  tenure,  there  was  no  idea  of  reverting  to  the  old-time  system  which 
recognized  the  right  of  property  to  be  vested  in  the  Throne  and  limited  the  period 
of  occupation  to  the  sovereign 's  will. 

.     ~i.i  L        .» -fTOnt  lf;'/pl  >B  riO'lfl  VI ;iifOI'/''J'K[  DiJil 'T-'l  ?;G''<*i!!Ofll) 

..-hon-i  wAr.m&'AM-)  lo'Y&wfl  siii'vd  ty&n&b  w:»  r>ii6m-& 

Wb9  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT 

When  Go-Daigo  entered  Kyoto  on  the  17th  of  July,  1333,  it  was  suggested 
by  some  of  his  advisers  that  a  ceremony  of  coronation  should  be  again  held. 
But  the  sa-daijin,  Nijo  Michihira,  opposed  that  course.  He  argued  that  although 
his  Majesty  had  not  resided  in  the  capital  for  some  time,  the  sacred  insignia  had 
been  always  in  his  possession,  and  that  his  re-entering  the  capital  should  be 
treated  as  returning  from  a  journey.  This  counsel  was  adopted.  It  involved 
the  exclusion  of  Kogon  from  the  roll  of  sovereigns,  though  the  title  of  "retired 
Emperor"  was  accorded  to  him. 

There  were  thus  three  ex-Emperors  at  the  same  time.  Go-Daigo  assigned 
the  Chokodo  estates  for  their  support,  retaining  for  himself  only  the  provincial 
taxes  of  Harima.  The  Bakufu  no  longer  having  any  official  existence,  the  ma- 
chinery of  the  Government  in  Kyoto  was  organized  on  the  hypothesis  of  genuine 
administrative  efficiency.  There  was  no  chancellor  (dajo  daijiri)  or  any  regent 
(kwampaku).  These  were  dispensed  with,  in  deference  to  the  "Restoration" 
theory,  namely,  that  the  Emperor  himself  should  rule,  as  he  had  done  in  the 
eras  of  Engi  and  Tenryaku  (901-957).  But  for  the  rest,  the  old  offices  were 
resuscitated  and  filled  with  men  who  had  deserved  well  in  the  recent  crisis  or 
who  possessed  hereditary  claims.  Prince  Morinaga,  the  sometime  lord-abbot  of 
Hiei-zan,  was  nominated  commander-in-chief  (tai-shoguri),  and  for  the  sake  of 
historical  lucidity  hereafter  the  following  appointments  should  be  noted: 

Prince  Narinaga  to  be  governor-general  (kwanryo)  of  the  Kwanto,  with  his 
headquarters  at  Kamakura,  and  with  Ashikaga  Tadayoshi  (brother  of  Takauji) 
for  second  in  command. 


388  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Prince  Yoshinaga  to  be  governor-general  of  O-U  (Mutsu  and  Dewa), assisted 
by  Kitabatake  Chikafusa  (an  able  statesman  and  a  historian),  and  the  latter 's 
son,  Akiiye,  as  well  as  by  the  renowned  warrior,  Yuki  Munehiro. 

Nijo  Michihira  to  be  sa-daijin. 

Kuga  Nagamichi  to  be  u-daijin. 

Doin  Kinkata  to  be  nai-daijin. 

It  is  observable  that  the  occupants  of  all  these  great  offices  were  Court 
nobles.  The  creed  of  the  Kemmu  era  was  that  the  usurping  buke  (military  fami- 
lies) had  been  crushed  and  that  the  kuge  (Court  nobility)  had  come  to  their  own 
again.  As  for  the  provinces,  the  main  purpose  kept  in  view  by  the  new  Govern- 
ment was  to  efface  the  traces  of  the  shugo  system.  Apparently  the  simplest 
method  of  achieving  that  end  would  have  been  to  appoint  civilian  governors 
(kokushi)  everywhere.  But  in  many  cases  civilian  governors  would  have  been 
powerless  in  the  face  of  the  conditions  that  had  arisen  under  military  rule,  and 
thus  the  newly  nominated  governors  included  — 

Ashikaga  Takauji,  governor  of  Musashi,  Hitachi,  and  Shimosa. 

Ashikaga  Tadayoshi  (brother  of  Takauji),  governor  of  Totomi. 

Kusunoki  Masashige,  governor  of  Settsu,  Kawachi,  and  Izumi. 

Nawa  Nagatoshi,  governor  of  Inaba  and  Hoki. 

Nitta  Yoshisada,  governor  of  K5tsuke  and  Harima. 

Nitta  Yoshiaki  (son  of  Yoshisada),  governor  of  Echigo. 

Wakiya  Yoshisuke  (brother  of  Yoshisada),  governor  of  Suruga. 

One  name  left  out  of  this  list  was  that  of  Akamatsu  Norimura,  who  had 
taken  the  leading  part  in  driving  the  Hojo  from  Rokuhara,  and  who  had  been 
faithful  to  the  Imperial  cause  throughout.  He  now  became  as  implacable  an 
enemy  as  he  had  previously  been  a  loyal  friend.  The  fact  is  significant.  Money 
as  money  was  despised  by  the  bushi  of  the  Kamakura  epoch.  He  was  educated 
to  despise  it,  and  his  nature  prepared  him  to  receive  such  education.  But  of 
power  he  was  supremely  ambitious  —  power  represented  by  a  formidable  army 
of  fully  equipped  followers,  by  fortified  castles,  and  by  widely  recognized  authori- 
ty. The  prime  essential  of  all  these  things  was  an  ample  landed  estate  To 
command  the  allegiance  of  the  great  military  families  without  placing  them  under 
an  obligation  by  the  grant  of  extensive  manors  would  have  been  futile.  On  the 
other  hand,  to  grant  such  manors  in  perpetuity  meant  the  creation  of  practically 
independent  feudal  chiefs. 

The  trouble  with  the  restored  Government  of  Go-Daigo  was  that  it  halted 
between  these  two  alternatives.  Appreciating  that  its  return  to  power  had  been 
due  to  the  efforts  of  certain  military  magnates,  it  rewarded  these  in  a  measure; 
but  imagining  that  its  own  administrative  authority  had  been  replaced  on  the 
ancient  basis,  it  allowed  itself  to  be  guided,  at  the  same  time,  by  capricious  fa- 
vouritism. Even  in  recognizing  the  services  of  the  military  leaders,  justice  was 
not  observed.  The  records  clearly  show  that  on  the  roll  of  merit  the  first  place, 
after  Prince  Morinaga,  should  have  been  given  to  Kusunoki  Masashige 's  name. 
When  Kasagi  fell  and  when  the  Emperor  was  exiled,  Masashige,  alone  among 
the  feudatories  of  sixty  provinces,  continued  to  fight  stoutly  at  the  head  of  a  small 
force,  thus  setting  an  example  of  steadfast  loyalty  which  ultimately  produced 
many  imitators.  Nitta  Yoshisada  ought  to  have  stood  next  in  order;  then 
Akamatsu  Norimura;  then  Nawa  Nagatoshi,  and  finally  Ashikaga  Takauji.1 
In  the  case  of  Takauji,  there  was  comparatively  little  merit.  He  had  taken  up 
arms  against  the  Imperial  cause  at  the  outset,  and  even  in  the  assault  on  Roku- 

[l  Arai  Hakuseki  (1656-1725).] 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  389 

hara  he  had  been  of  little  serivce.  Yet  to  him  the  Crown  allotted  the  greatest 
honour  and  the  richest  rewards.  Some  excuse  may  be  found  in  Takauji  's  lineage, 
but  in  that  respect  he  was  inferior  to  Nitta  Yoshisada. 

Still  more  flagrant  partiality  was  displayed  in  other  directions.  Relying  on 
the  promises  of  the  Funanoe  edicts  epitomized  above,  thousands  of  military 
officers  thronged  the  Court  in  Kyoto,  clamouring  for  recognition  of  their  services. 
Judges  were  appointed  to  examine  their  pleas,  but  that  proved  a  tedious  task, 
and  in  the  meanwhile  all  the  best  lands  had  been  given  away  by  favour  or 
affection.  Go-Daigo  himself  appropriated  the  manors  of  Hojo  Takatoki; 
those  of  Hojo  Yasuie  were  assigned  to  Prince  Morinaga;  those  of  Osaragi  Sadanao 
went  to  the  Imperial  consort,  Renko.  The  immediate  attendants  of  the  sov- 
ereign, priests,  nuns,  musicians,  litterateurs  —  all  obtained  broad  acres  by  the 
Imperial  fiat,  and  when,  in  the  tardy  sequel  of  judicial  procedure,  awards  were 
made  to  military  men,  no  spoil  remained  to  be  divided.  Soon  a  cry  went  up, 
and  gained  constantly  in  volume  and  vehemence,  a  cry  for  the  restoration  of  the 
military  regime.  As  for  Go-Daigo,  whatever  ability  he  had  shown  in  misfortune 
seemed  to  desert  him  in  prosperity.  He  neglected  his  administrative  duties, 
became  luxurious  and  arrogant,  and  fell  more  and  more  under  the  influence  of 
the  lady  Ren.  Of  Fujiwara  lineage,  this  lady  had  shared  the  Emperor's  exile 
and  assisted  his  escape  from  Oki.  It  had  long  been  her  ambition  to  have  her 
son,  Tsunenaga,  nominated  Crown  Prince,  but  as  Prince  Morinaga  was  older 
and  had  established  a  paramount  title  by  his  merits,  his  removal  must  precede 
the  accomplishment  of  her  purpose.  Fate  furnished  a  powerful  ally.  Prince 
Morinaga,  detecting  that  Ashikaga  Takauji  concealed  a  treacherous  purpose 
under  a  smooth  demeanour,  solicited  the  Emperor 's  mandate  to  deal  with  him. 
Go-Daigo  refused,  and  thereafter  the  lady  Ren  avnd  the  Ashikaga  chief,  whose 
influence  increased  daily,  entered  into  a  league  for  the  overthrow  of  Prince 
Morinaga. 

It  was  at  this  time,  when  symptoms  of  disorder  were  growing  more  and  more 
apparent,  that  Fujiwara  Fujifusa,  a  high  dignitary  of  the  Court  and  one  of  the 
great  statesmen  of  his  era,  addressed  a  solemn  warning  to  Go-Daigo.  The 
immediate  occasion  was  curious.  There  had  been  presented  to  the  Court  by 
the  governor  of  Izumo  a  horse  of  extraordinary  endurance,  capable  of  travelling 
from  Tomita,  in  that  province,  to  Kyoto,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  sixty 
miles,  between  dawn  and  darkness.  The  courtiers  welcomed  the  appearance  of 
this  horse  as  an  omen  of  peace  and  prosperity,  but  Fujiwara  Fujifusa  interpreted 
it  as  indicating  that  occasion  to  solicit  speedy  aid  from  remote  provinces  would 
soon  arise.  He  plainly  told  the  Emperor  that  the  officials  were  steeped  in  de- 
bauchery; that  whereas,  in  the  early  days  of  the  restoration,  the  palace  gates  had 
been  thronged  with  warriors,  to-daynone  could  be  seen,  thousands  upon  thou- 
sands having  left  the  capital  disgusted  and  indignant  to  see  Court  favourites 
enriched  with  the  rewards  which  should  have  fallen  to  the  military;  that  the 
already  distressed  people  were  subjected  to  further  heavy  exactions  for  build- 
ing or  beautifying  Imperial  palaces;  that  grave  injustice  had  been  done  to 
Akamatsu  Norimura,  and  that  unless  the  sovereign  refrained  from  self-indulgence 
and  sought  to  govern  benevolently,  a  catastrophe  could  not  be  averted.  But 
Go-Daigo  was  not  moved,  and  finally,  after  repeating  his  admonition  on  several 
occasions,  Fujifusa  left  the  Court  and  took  the  tonsure.  It  says  much  for  the 
nobility  of  the  Emperor's  disposition  that  he  commissioned  Nobufusa,  father 
of  Fujifusa,  to  seek  out  the  persistent  critic  and  offer  him  a  greatly  higher  office 
if  he  would  consent  to  return,  and  it  says  much  for  Fujifusa's  sincerity  that, 


390  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

hoping  to  give  weight  to  his  counsels,  he  embraced  the  life  of  a  recluse  and  was 
never  seen  in  public  again. 

DEATH  OF  PRINCE  MORINAG^  ,){   , 

Things  now  went  from  bad  to  worse  in  Kyoto,  while  in  the  provinces  the 
remnants  of  the  Hojo's  partisans  began  to  raise  their  heads.  The  ever-loyal 
Kusunoki  Masashige  and  Nawa  Nagatoshi  entered  the  capital  to  secure  it  against 
surprise;  Ashikaga  Takauji,  ostensibly  for  the  same  purpose,  summoned  large 
forces  from  the  provinces,  and  Prince  Morinaga  occupied  Nawa  with  a  strong 
army.  Takauji  saw  that  the  time  had  come  to  remove  the  prince,  in  whom  he 
recognized  the  great  obstacle  to  the  consummation  of  his  ambitious  designs. 
Securing  the  co-operation  of  the  lady  Ren  by  a  promise  that  her  son,  Narinaga, 
should  be  named  Crown  Prince  and  commander-in-chief  (shoguri)  in  succession 
to  Morinaga,  he  informed  the  Emperor  that  Prince  Morinaga  was  plotting 
Go-Daigo 's  deposition  and  the  elevation  of  his  own  son  to  the  throne.  The 
Emperor  credited  the  accusation,  summoned  the  usurping  Morinaga  to  the 
palace,  and  caused  him  to  be  arrested.  This  happened  in  November,  1334. 
Morinaga  vehemently  declared  his  innocence.  In  a  memorial  to  the  Throne  he 
recounted  the  loyal  service  he  had  rendered  to  his  sovereign  and  father,  and 
concluded  with  these  words:  — 

In  spite  of  all  this  I  have  unwittingly  offended.  I  would  appeal  to  heaven,  but  the  sun 
and  moon  have  no  favour  for  an  unfilial  son.  I  would  bow  my  head  and  cry  to  the  earth  for 
help,  but  the  mountains  and  the  rivers  do  not  harbour  a  disloyal  subject.  The  tie  between 
father  and  son  is  severed,  and  I  am  cast  away.  I  have  no  longer  anything  to  hope  in  the  world. 
If  I  may  be  pardoned,  stripped  of  my  rank,  and  permitted  to  enter  religion,  there  will  be  no 
cause  for  regret.  In  my  deep  sorrow  I  cannot  say  more. 

Had  this  piteous  appeal  reached  Go-Daigo,  he  might  have  relented.  But 
just  as  the  memorial  addressed  by  Yoshitsune  to  his  brother,  Yoritomo,  was 
suppressed  by  Hiromoto,  so  the  chamberlain  to  whom  Prince  Morinaga  entrusted 
his  protest  feared  to  carry  it  to  the  sovereign.  Before  the  close  of  the  year,  the 
prince  was  exiled  to  Kamakura,  and  there  placed  in  charge  of  Takauji's  brother, 
Tadayoshi,  who  confined  him  in  a  cave  dug  for  the  purpose.  He  never  emerged 
alive.  Seven  months  later,  Tadayoshi,  on  the  eve  of  evacuating  Kamakura 
before  the  attack  of  Hojo  Tokiyuki,  sent  an  emissary  to  assassinate  Morinaga  in 
the  cave.  The  unfortunate  prince  was  in  his  twenty-eighth  year.  His  name 
must  be  added  to  the  long  list  of  noble  men  who  fell  victims  to  slander  in  Japan. 
A  Japanese  annalist l  contends  that  Morinaga  owed  his  fate  as  much  to  his  own 
tactlessness  as  to  the  wiles  of  his  enemies,  and  claims  that  in  accusing  Takauji  to 
the  throne,  the  prince  forgot  the  Emperor 's  helplessness  against  such  a  military 
magnate  as  the  Ashikaga  chief.  However  that  may  have  been,  subsequent  events 
clearly  justified  the  prince 's  suspicions  of  Takauji 's  disloyalty.  It  must  also  be 
concluded  that  Go-Daigo  deliberately  contemplated  his  son's  death  when  he 
placed  him  in  charge  of  Takauji's  brother. 

ASHIKAGA  TAKAUJI  OCCUPIES  KAMAKURA 

The  course  of  events  has  been  somewhat  anticipated  above  in  order  to  relate 
the  end  of  Prince  Morinaga 's  career.  It  is  necessary,  now,  to  revert  to  the  inci- 
dent which  precipitated  his  fate,  namely,  the  capture  of  Kamakura  by  Hoj5 
Tokiyuki.  This  Tokiyuki  was  a  son  of  Takatoki.  He  escaped  to  Shinano 

[i  Raj  Sanyo.] 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  391 

province  at  the  time  of  the  Hojo  downfall,  and  being  joined  there  by  many  of  his 
family's  vassals,  he  found  himself  strong  enough  to  take  the  field  openly  in 
July,  1335,  and  sweeping  away  all  opposition,  he  entered  Kamakura  in  August. 
Ashikaga  Takauji's  brother  was  then  in  command  at  Kamakura.  It  seemed, 
indeed,  as  though  the  Emperor  deliberately  contemplated  the  restoration  of  the 
old  administrative  machinery  in  the  Kwanto,  changing  only  the  personnel;  for  his 
Majesty  appointed  his  tenth  son,  Prince  Narinaga,  a  boy  of  ten,  to  be  shogun  at 
Kamakura,  and  placed  Ashikaga  Tadayoshi  in  a  position  amounting,  in  fact 
though  not  in  name,  to  that  of  regent  (shikken) .  Probably  these  measures  were 
merely  intended  to  placate  the  Kwanto.  Before  there  had  been  time  to  test 
their  efficacy,  the  Hojo  swept  down  on  Kamakura,  and  Tadayoshi  and  the  young 
shogun  found  themselves  fugitives.  Meanwhile,  Ashikaga  Takauji  in  Kyoto 
had  been  secretly  fanning  the  discontent  of  the  unrecompensed  bushi,  and  had 
assured  himself  that  a  reversion  to  the  military  system  would  be  widely  welcomed. 
He  now  applied  for  a  commission  to  quell  the  Hojo  insurrection,  and  on  the  eve 
of  setting  out  for  that  purpose,  he  asked  to  be  nominated  shogun,  which  request 
being  rejected,  he  left  the  capital  without  paying  final  respects  to  the  Throne,  an 
omission  astutely  calculated  to  attract  partisans. 

The  Hojo's  resistance  was  feeble,  and  in  a  few  weeks  the  Ashikaga  banners 
were  waving  again  over  Kamakura.  The  question  of  returning  to  Kyoto  had 
now  to  be  considered.  Takauji's  brother,  Tadayoshi,  strongly  opposed  such  a 
step.  He  compared  it  to  putting  one 's  head  into  a  tiger 's  mouth,  and  in  fact 
information  had  already  reached  Kamakura  in  the  sense  that  the  enemies  of  the 
Ashikaga  were  busily  slandering  the  victorious  general.  It  may  fairly  be  as- 
sumed, however,  that  Takauji  had  never  intended  to  return  to  Kyoto  except  as 
dictator.  He  assumed  the  title  of  shogun;  established  his  mansion  on  the  site 
of  Yoritomo's  old  yashiki;  undertook  control  of  the  whole  Kwanto;  confiscated 
manors  of  his  enemies;  recompensed  meritorious  deeds  liberally,  and  granted 
pardons  readily.  In  fact,  he  presented  to  public  gaze  precisely  the  figure  he 
desired  to  present,  the  strong  ruler  who  would  unravel  the  perplexities  of  a 
distraught  age.  From  all  quarters  the  malcontent  bushi  flocked  to  his  flag. 

:j(iwollol 
- 
TAKAUJI  AND  YOSHISADA 

A  serious  obstacle  to  the  achievement  of  the  Ashikaga  chief's  purpose  was 
Nitta  Yoshisada.  Both  men  were  of  the  Minamoto  family,  but  Yoshisada's 
kinship  was  the  closer  and  his  connexion  with  the  Hojo  had  always  been  less 
intimate.  Further,  he  had  never  borne  arms  against  Go-Daigo's  cause,  as 
Takauji  had  done,  and  his  unswerving  loyalty  made  him  an  inconvenient  rival. 
Therefore,  the  Ashikaga  leader  took  an  extreme  step.  He  seized  the  domains 
of  the  Nitta  family  in  the  Kwanto  and  distributed  them  among  his  own  followers; 
he  caused  his  brother,  Tadayoshi,  to  send  letters  inviting  the  adherence  of  many 
bushi;  he  addressed  to  the  Throne  a  memorial  impeaching  Yoshisada  on  the 
ground  that,  whereas  the  latter 's  military  successes  had  been  the  Outcome  en- 
tirely of  opportunities  furnished  by  the  prowess  of  the  Ashikaga,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  slander  Takauji  to  the  sovereign,  and  he  asked  for  an  Imperial 
commission  to  destroy  the  Nitta  leader,  whom  he  dubbed  a  "national  thief." 

Yoshisada,  when  he  learned  of  the  presentation  of  this  memorial,  seized  the 
Ashikaga  manors  within  his  jurisdiction  and  addressed  to  the  Throne  a  counter- 
memorial  in  which  he  conclusively  proved  the  falsehood  of  Takauji's  assertion 
with  reference  to  military  affairs;  charged  him  with  usurping  the  titles  of 


392  tCA I }  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE    J.IAI 

governor-general  of  the  K wants,  and  shogun;  declared  that  Prince  Morinaga, 
the  mainstay  of  the  restoration,  had  become  the  victim  of  Takauji  's  slanders, 
and  asked  for  an  Imperial  mandate  to  punish  Takauji  and  his  brother,  Tadayo- 
shi.  It  is  significant  that  the  leal  and  gallant  Yoshisada  did  not  hesitate  thus 
openly  to  assert  the  innocence  and  merits  of  Prince  Morinaga,  though  only  a 
few  months  had  elapsed  since  the  Emperor  himself  had  credited  his  most  unhappy 
son 's  guilt.  While  Go-Daigo  hesitated,  news  from  various  provinces  disclosed 
the  fact  that  Takauji  had  been  tampering  with  the  bushi  in  his  own  interests. 
This  settled  the  question.  Takauji  and  Tadayoshi  were  proclaimed  rebels,  and 
to  Nitta  Yoshisada  was  entrusted  the  task  of  chastising  them  under  the  nominal 
leadership  of  Prince  Takanaga,  the  Emperor's  second  son,  to  whom  the  title 
of  shogun  was  granted. 
.i'liii  hn/:  ,\fei<4  LoairxfOKmiau  afc  lo  .•Ja^notigib/jdJ.  gat' 

/?*AKAUJI  ENTERS  KY6TO'; 
*v:>  oiit  no  bits  <ripitoyniis£n  ej.6H  urij  Jl  »up  i>J  uui-*zumn<r.)  £  •< 

In  the  beginning  of  November,  1335,  the  Imperial  force  moved  eastward. 
It  was  divided  into  two  armies.  One,  under  Yoshisada 's  direct  orders,  marched 
by  the  Tokaido,  or  eastern  littoral  road;  the  other,  under  Yoshisada's  brother, 
Wakiya  Yoshisuke,  with  Prince  Takanaga  for  titular  general,  advanced  along 
the  Nakasen-do,  or  inland  mountain-road.  The  littoral  army,  carrying  every- 
thing before  it,  pushed  on  to  the  capital  of  Izu,  and  had  it  forced  its  attack  home 
at  once,  might  have  captured  Kamakura.  But  the  Nitta  chief  decided  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  Nakasen-do  army,,  and  the  respite  thus  afforded  enabled  the 
Ashikaga  forces  to  rally.  Tadayoshi  reached  the  Hakone  Pass  and  posted 
his  troops  on  its  western  slopes  in  a  position  of  immense  natural  vantage, 
while  Takauji  himself  occupied  the  routes  on  the  north,  his  van  being  at 
Takenoshita. 

The  Imperialists  attacked  both  positions  simultaneously.  Takauji  not  only 
held  his  ground,  but  also,  being  joined  by  a  large  contingent  of  the  Kyoto  men 
who,  under  the  leadership  of  Enya  Takasada,  had  deserted  in  the  thick  of  the 
fight,  he  shattered  his' opponents,  and  when  this  news  reached  Hakone  on  the 
following  morning,  a  panic  seized  Yoshisada 's  troops  so  that  they  either  fled  or 
surrendered.  The  Nitta  chieftain  himself  retired  rapidly  to  Kyoto  with  a  mere 
remnant  of  his  army,  and  effected  a  union  with  the  forces  of  the  ever-loyal 
Kusunoki  Masashige  and  Nawa  Nagatoshi,  who  had  given  asylum  to  Go-Daigo 
at  the  time  of  the  escape  from  Oki.  The  cenobites  of  Hiei-zan  also  took  the 
field  in  the  Imperial  cause.  Meanwhile,  Takauji  and  Tadayoshi,  utilizing  their 
victories,  pushed  rapidly  towards  Kyoto.  The  heart  of  the  samurai  was  with 
them,  and  they  constantly  received  large  accessions  of  strength.  Fierce  fighting 
now  took  place  on  the  south  and  east  of  the  capital.  It  lasted  for  several 
days  and,  though  the  advantage  was  with  the  Ashikaga,  their  victory  was  not 
decisive. 

An  unlooked-for  .event  turned  the  scale.  It  has  been  related  above  that,  in 
the  struggle  which  ended  in  the  restoration  of  Go-Daigo,  Akamatsu  Norimura 
was  chiefly  instrumental  in  driving  the  Hojo  from  Rokuhara;  and  it  has  also  been 
related  that,  in  the  subsequent  distribution  of  rewards,  his  name  was  omitted 
for  the  slight  reason  that  he  had,  at  one  period,  entered  religion.  He  now 
moved  up  from  Harima  at  the  head  of  a  strong  force  and,  attacking  from  the 
south,  effected  an  entry  into  Kyoto,  just  as  he  hacl  done  three  years  previously. 
Go-Daigo  fled  to  Hiei,  carrying  the  sacred  insignia  with  him,  and  on  the  24th  of 
February,  1336,  the  Ashikaga  armies  marched  into  the  Imperial  capital. 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  393 

Itf  ii  .feusili'Jw-  ' 


. .  ..  , 

,,  TAKAUJI    RETIRE^^KYUSHU 

At  this  stage  succour  arrived  for  the  Imperialists  from  the  extreme  north. 
In  the  arrangement  of  the  local  administration  after  Go-Daigo  re-occupied  the 
throne,  the  two  northern  provinces  of  Mutsu  and  Dewa  had  been  separated  from 
the  Kwanto  and  placed  under  the  control  of  Prince  Yoshinaga,  with  Kitabatake 
Akiiye  for  lieutenant.  The  latter,  a  son  of  the  renowned  Chikafusa,  was  in  his 
nineteenth  year  when  the  Ashikaga  revolted.  He  quickly  organized  a  powerful 
army  with  the  intention  of  joining  Yoshisada's  attack  upon  Kamakura,  but  not 
being  in  time  to  carry  out  that  programme,  he  changed  the  direction  of  his  march 
and  hastened  towards  Kyoto.  He  arrived  there  when  the  Ashikaga  troops  were 
laying  siege  to  Hiei-zan,  and  effecting  a  union  with  the  Imperialists,  he  succeeded 
in  raising  the  siege  and  recovering  the  city. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  in  detail  the  vicissitudes  that  ensued.  Stratagems 
were  frequent.  At  one  time  we  find  a  number  of  Yoshisada's  men,  officers  and 
privates  alike,  disguising  themselves,  mingling  with  the  Ashikaga  army,  and 
turning  their  arms  against  the  latter  at  a  critical  moment.  At  another,  Kusuno- 
ki  Masashige  spreads  a  rumour  of  Yoshisada's  death  in  battle,  and  having  thus 
induced  Takauji  to  detach  large  forces  in  pursuit  of  the  deceased's  troops,  falls 
on  him,  and  drives  him  to  Hyogo,  where,  after  a  heavy  defeat,  he  has  to  flee  to 
Bingo.  Now,  for  a  second  time,  the  Ashikaga  cause  seemed  hopeless  when 
Akamatsu  Norimura  again  played  a  most  important  role.  He  provided  an 
asylum  for  Takauji  and  Tadayoshi;  counselled  them  to  go  to  the  west  for  the 
purpose  of  mustering  and  equipping  their  numerous  partisans;  advised  them  to 
obtain  secretly  a  mandate  from  the  senior  branch  of  the  Imperial  family  so  that 
they  too,  as  well  as  their  opponents,  might  be  entitled  to  fly  the  brocade  banner, 
and  having  furnished  them  with  means  to  effect  their  escape,  returned  to  Harima 
and  occupied  the  fortress  of  Shirahata  with  the  object  of  checking  pursuit.  At 
this  point  there  is  a  break  in  the  unrelenting  continuity  of  the  operations.  It 
should  obviously  have  been  the  aim  of  the  Imperialists  to  strike  a  conclusive 
blow  before  the  Ashikaga  leaders  had  time  to  assemble  and  organize  their  multi- 
tudinous supporters  in  Shikoku,  Kyushu,  and  the  provinces  on  the  north  of  the 
Inland  Sea.  This  must  have  been  fully  apparent  to  Kusunoki  Masashige,  an 
able  strategist.  Yet  a  delay  of  some  weeks  occurred. 

A  quasi-historical  record,  the  Taiheiki,  ascribes  this  to  Yoshinaga 's  infatuat- 
ed reluctance  to  quit  the  company  of  a  Court  beauty  whom  the  Emperor  had 
bestowed  on  him.  Probably  the  truth  is  that  the  Imperialists  were  seriously 
in  want  of  rest  and  that  Yoshisada  fell  ill  with  fever.  Something  must  also  be 
attributed  to  a  clever  ruse  on  the  part  of  Akamatsu  Norimura.  He  sent  to 
Yoshisada's  headquarters  a  message  promising  to  give  his  support  to  the 
Imperialists  if  he  was  appointed  high  constable  of  Harima.  Ten  days  were 
needed  to  obtain  the  commission  from  Kyoto,  and  Norimura  utilized  the  interval 
to  place  'the  defenses  of  Shirahata  fortress  in  a  thoroughly  secure  condition. 
Thus,  when  his  patent  of  high  constable  arrived,  he  rejected  it  with  disdain, 
saying  that  he  had  already  received  a  patent  from  the  shogun,  Takauji,  and  was 
in  no  need  of  an  Imperial  grant  which  "  could  be  altered  as  easily  as  turning  one 's 
hand." 

'noIYoshisada,  enraged  at  having  been  duped,  laid  siege  to  Shirahata  but  found 
it  almost  invulnerable.  It  was  on  March  11,  1336,  that  Takauji  went  westward 
from  Bingo;  it  was  on  the  2nd  of  April  that  Yoshisada  invested  Shirahata,  and  it 
was  on  the  3rd  of  July  that  the  siege  was  raised.  The  Ashikaga  brothers  had 


394 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


enjoyed  a  respite  of  more  than  three  months,  and  had  utilized  it  vigorously. 
They  were  at  the  Dazai-fu  in  Chikuzen  in  June  when  a  message  reached  them 
that  Shirahata  could  not  hold  out  much  longer.  Immediately  they  set  their 
forces  in  motion,  advancing  by  land  and  water  with  an  army  said  to  have 
numbered  twenty  thousand  and  a  fleet  of  transports  and  war-junks  totalling 
seven  thousand.  At  the  island,  Itsukushima,  they  were  met  by  a  Buddhist 
priest,  Kenshun,  bearer  of  a  mandate  signed  by  the  ex-Emperor  KSgon  of  the 
senior  branch,  and  thus,  in  his  final  advance,  the  Ashikaga  chief  was  able  to  fly 
the  brocade  banner.  In  the  face  of  this  formidable  force  the  Imperialists  fell 
back  to  Hyogo  —  the  present  Kobe  —  and  it  became  necessary  to  determine  a 
line  of  strategy. 

DEATH    OF   MASASHIGE1 

Go-Daigo,  in  Kyoto,  summoned  Kusunoki  Masashige  to  a  conference.     That 
able  general  spoke  in  definite  tones.     He  declared  it  hopeless  for  the  Imperialists 

with  their  comparatively 
g^  petty  force  of  worn-out 

IHK^  warriors  to  make  head 

^^^•^ 

against  the  great  Ashiku- 
ga  host  of  fresh  fighters. 
The  only  wise  course  was 
to  suffer  the  enemy  to 
enter  Kyoto,  and  then, 
while  the  sovereign  took 
refuge  at  Hiei-zan,  to 
muster  his  Majesty's 
partisans  in  the  home 
%  lo  provinces  for  an  unceas- 
ing war  upon  the  Ashika- 
ga 's  long  line  of  commu- 
nications— a  war  culmi- 
nating in  an"  attack  from 
the  front  and  the  rear 
simultaneously.  Thus, 
out  of  temporary  defeat, 
final  victory  would  be 
wrested. 

All  present  at  the  con- 
ference, with  one  excep- 
tion, endorsed  Masashi- 
ge's  view  as  that  of  a 
proved  strategist.  The 
exception  was  a  council- 
lor, Fujiwara  Kiyotada. 
He  showed  himself  a 


H     .oloi 
oto§ 

?.rrb&  janfisi 
J«h-jguil 

orf.f  " 
' 


THE  PARTING  OF  KDBUNOM  MASASHIGB  AND  HIS  SON  MASATSUBA 

i>n;i  j^ffi/fcT  .M<','r''H  i/ft  moil  til'.' 


veritable  example  of  "those  whom  the  gods  wish  to  destroy."  Declaring  that 
all  previous  successes  had  been  achieved  by  divine  aid,  which  took  no  count 
of  numerical  disparity,  he  urged  that  if  the  sovereign  quitted  the  capital  before 
his  troops  had  struck  a  blow,  officers  and  men  alike  would  be  disheartened; 
and  if  refuge  was  again  taken  at  Hiei-zan,  the  Imperial  prestige  would  suffer. 
To  these  light  words  the  Emperor  hearkened.  Masashige  uttered  no  remon- 


FALL  OF  THE  HOJO  AND  RISE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA 


395 


strance.  The  time  for  controversy  had  passed.  He  hastened  to  the  camp 
and  bid  farewell  to  his  son,  Masatsura:  "I  do  not  think  that  I  shall  see  you 
again  in  life.  If  I  fall  to-day,  the  country  will  pass  under  the  sway  of  the 
Ashikaga.  It  will  be  for  you  to  judge  in  which  direction  your  real  welfare  lies. 
Do  not  sully  your  father's  loyalty  by  forgetting  the  right  and  remembering 
only  the  expedient.  So  long  as  a  single  member  of  our  family  remains  alive,  or 
so  much  as  one  of  our  retainers,  you  will  defend  the  old  castle  of  Kongo-zan  and 
give  your  life  for  your  native  land." 

He  then  handed  to  his  son  a  sword  which  he  himself  had  received  from  the 
Emperor/Passing  thence  to  Hyogo,  Masashige  joined  Nitta  Yoshisada,  and 
the  two  leaders  devoted  the  night  to  a  farewell  banquet.  The  issue  of  the  next 
day's  combat  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  .Masashige  had  but  seven  hundred 
men  under  his  command.  He  posted  this  little  band  at  Minato-gawa,  near  the 
modern  Kobe,  and  with  desperate  courage  attacked  the  van  of  the  Ashikaga 
army.  Gradually  he  was  enveloped,  and  being  wounded  in  ten  places  he,  with 
his  brother  and  sixty  followers,  entered  the  precincts  of  a  temple  and  died  by 
their  own  hands.1  Takauji  and  his  captains,  lamenting  the  brave  bushi's  death, 
sent  his  head  to  his  family;  and  history  recognizes  that  his  example  exercised  an 
ennobling  influence  not  only  on  the  men  of  his  era  but  also  on  subsequent  gen- 
erations. After  Masashige 's  fall  a  similar  fate  must  have  overtaken  Yoshisada, 
had  not  one  of  those  sacrifices  familiar  on  a  Japanese  field  of  battle  been  made  for 
his  sake.  Oyamada  Takaiye  gave  his  horse  to  the  Nitta  general  and  fell  fighting 
in  his  stead,  while  Yoshisada  rode  away.  At  first  sight  these  sacrifices  seem  to 
debase  the  saved  as  much  as  they  exalt  the  saver.  But,  according  to  Japanese 
ethics,  an  institution  was  always  more  precious  than  the  person  of  its  representa- 
tive, and  a  principle  than  the  life  of  its  exponent.  Men  sacrificed  themselves  in 
battle  not  so  much  to  save  the  life  of  q,  commanding  officer,  as  to  avert  the  loss 
his  cause  would  suffer  by  his  death.  Parity  of  reasoning  dictated  acceptance  of 
the  sacrifice.  lf.  ,,j  ;...;;i]  ,,  ,  n.pj'jtfjRCr 

Kr«n       .    '  f-V   :  \k    f  ivl ••'•  or    &$tifahtt^tf¥\r&'ff*^riiffi$P^i&i\$Wfatti¥l**lff$'' 

[l  Kusunoki  Masashige  is  the  Japanese  type  of  a  loyal  and  true  soldier.     He  was  forty-three 

at  the  time  of  his  death.     Three  hundred  and  fifty-six  years  later  (1692),  Minamoto  Mitsukuni, 

feudal  chief  of  Mito,  caused  a  monument  to  be  erected  to  his  memory  at  the  place  of  his  last 

fight.     It  bore  the  simple  epitaph  "The  Tomb  of  Kusunoki,. a  loyal  subject."] 


.nrY 
:/f  ,t 
,/joqp 


fal9/Tt;h":i;.'ui  9tT'i  .'jliif'fl  rtctvM'-* 
ioB^tt'of  ^/ifivwi  hart  UN-'1    • 


oi  ni 

thrfi  MB  fon-B^irriJoO  wit  ot  -i 


f)  ;4poqirjq'  ''M 


no  3ori  b^ihib'fq'  brtg '«6kw X 
fiortjvi h''fiiriib.B  'silt  l-firfJ  O*I.K 


OSONAB 

(New  Year  Offering  to  Family  Tutelary  Deity) 


-•'Oqrrii  brf  * 


&>8          AOAiiaioA  SB-IT  -so  -Tain'  tivu  ^.On  arrr  r*o  JJA'-I 

I        : _^_ — 


rfi't  .6  ot  tdgm  ari 
. 


oh  1"     :fmj* 


I 

(Used  in  Old  Japan  Only  by  the  Nobility) 

vd  '>  ib  ban  jsiqrnot  ^5  "<o  etoitmiq  9ffi  boT>-tfl9  ,ai9T/rt>IJdl 


r«TT  A  DT'TPT?      VW      {^tt0 

\^tiA.r  1  rLrv    -A.A.A. 

gb-BfUfi^Ox   il'J/l.G.t'iy"/;>  9V,Sfl  T;in  niur?;        .  n.    ;  '/ajiflBiJaBHI. 

nol  '>bfiru  !> vxi  sl.tia:d  lo  !  './  i  o.vj'  .nin;/'.!  --  >'j 

R  i JTHE  WAR  OF  THE   DYNASTIES 


IN  July,  1336,  Takauji  entered  Kyoto  and  established  his  headquarters  at  the 
temple  Higashi-dera.  Go-Daigo  had  previously  taken  refuge  at  the  Hiei-zan 
monastery,  the  ex-Emperors,  Hanazono  and  Kogon,  remaining  in  the  capital 
where  they  looked  for  the  restoration  of  their  branch  of  the  Imperial  family. 
The  Ashikaga  leader  lost  no  time  in  despatching  a  force  to  attack  Hiei-zan,  but 
the  Imperialists,  supported  by  the  cenobites,  resisted  stoutly,  and  no  impression 
was  made  on  the  defences  for  a  considerable  time.  In  one  of  the  engagements, 
however,  Nawa  Nagatoshi,  who  had  harboured  Go-Daigo  after  the  flight  from 
Oki,  met  his  death,  and  the  Imperialist  forces  gradually  dwindled.  Towards 
the  close  of  August,  Takauji  caused  Prince  Yutahito  (or  Toyohito,  according  to 
gome  authorities),  younger  brother  of  Kogon.  to  be  proclaimed  Emperor,  and  he 
is  known  as  Komyo.  Characteristic  of  the  people  's  political  ignorance  at  that 
time  is  the  fact  that  men  spoke  of  the  prince  's  good  fortune  since,  without  any 
special  merit  of  his  own,  he  had  been  granted  the  rank  of  sovereign  by  the 
shogun. 

Meanwhile,  the  investment  of  the  Hiei  monastery  made  little  progress,  and 
Takauji  had  recourse  to  treachery.  At  the  close  of  October  he  opened  secret 
communications  with  Go-Daigo;  assured  him  that  the  Ashikaga  did  not  entertain 
any  disloyal  purpose;  declared  that  their  seemingly  hostile  attitude  had  been 
inspired  by  the  enmity  of  the  Nitta  brothers;  begged  Go-Daigo  to  return  to 
Kyoto,  and  promised  not  only  that  should  all  ideas  of  revenge  be  foregone,  but 
also  that  the  administration  should  be  handed  over  to  the  Court,  and  all  their 
ranks  and  estates  restored  to  the  Emperor  's  followers. 

Go-Daigo  ought  surely  to  have  distrusted  these  professions.  He  must  have 
learned  from  Takauji's  original  impeachment  of  Yoshisada  how  unscrupulous 
the  Ashikaga  leader  could  be  on  occasion,  and  he  should  have  well  understood 
the  impossibility  of  peace  between  these  two  men.  Yet  his  Majesty  relied  on 

396 


THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  397 

Takauji's  assurances.  It  was  in  vain  that  Horiguchi  Sadamitsu  recounted 
Yoshisada  's  services,  detailed  the  immense  sacrifices  he  had  made  in  the  Imperial 
cause,  and  declared  that  if  the  Emperor  were  determined  to  place  himself  in 
Takauji's  hands,  he  should  prepare  his  departure  from  Hiei-zan  by  summoning 
to  his  presence  Yoshisada  with  the  other  Nitta  leaders  and  sentencing  them  to 
death.  Go-Daigo  was  not  to  be  moved  from  his  purpose.  He  gave  Yoshisada 
fair  words  indeed:  "I  profoundly  praise  your  loyal  services.  My  wish  is  to 
pacify  the  country  by  the  assistance  of  your  family,  but  heaven  has  not  yet 
vouchsafed  its  aid.  Our  troops  are  worn  out  and  the  hour  is  unpropitious. 
Therefore,  I  make  peace  for  the  moment  and  bide  my  time.  Do  you  repair  to 
Echizen  and  use  your  best  endeavours  to  promote  the  cause  of  the  restoration. 
Lest  you  be  called  a  rebel  after  my  return  to  Kyoto,  I  order  the  Crown  Prince 
to  accompany  you." 

Thus  Go-Daigo,  truly  faithful  neither  to  the  one  side  nor  to  the  other,  set 
out  for  the  capital.  That  night,  Yoshisada  prayed  at  the  shrine  of  Hiyoshi: 
"Look  down  on  my  loyalty  and  help  me  to  perform  my  journey  safely  so  that  I 
may  raise  an  army  to  destroy  the  insurgents.  If  that  is  not  to  be,  let  one  of  my 
descendants  achieve  my  aim."  Two  hundred  and  six  years  later,  there  was 
born  in  Mikawa  of  the  stock  of  Yoshisada  one  of  the  greatest  generals  and 
altogether  the  greatest  ruler  that  Japan  has  ever  produced,  Minamoto  leyasu. 
Heaven  answered  Yoshisada 's  prayer  tardily  but  signally. 
' 

- 

TAKAUJI'S    FAITH 

Not  one  of  Takauji's  promises  did  he  respect.  He  imprisoned  Go-Daigo; 
he  stripped  all  the  courtiers  of  their  ranks  and  titles;  he  placed  in  confinement  all 
the  generals  and  officers  of  the  Imperial  forces,  and  he  ordered  the  transfer  of  the 
insignia  to  the  sovereign  of  his  own  nomination,  Komyo.  Tradition  has  it  that 
Go-Daigo,  victim  of  so  many  treacheries,  practised  one  successful  deception 
himself:  he  reserved  the  original  of  the  sacred  sword  and  seal  and  handed 
counterfeits  to  Komyo.  This  took  place  on  November  12,  1336.  Some  two 
months  later,  January  23,  1337,  Go-Daigo,  disguised  as  a  woman  for  the  second 
time  in  his  career,  fled  from  his  place  of  detention  through  a  broken  fence,  and 
reached  Yoshino  in  Yamato,  where  he  was  received  by  Masatsura,  son  of 
Kusunoki  Masashige,  and  by  Kitabatake  Chikafusa. 

Yoshino  now  became  the  rendez-vous  of  Imperialists  from  the  home  provinces, 
and  Go-Daigo  sent  a  rescript  to  Yoshisada  in  Echizen,  authorizing  him  to  work 
for  the  restoration. 

Thus  commenced  the  War  of  the  Dynasties,  known  in  history  as  the  Conflict 
of  the  Northern  and  Southern  Courts,  terms  borrowed  from  the  fact  that  Yoshi- 
no, where  Go-Daigo  had  his  headquarters,  lay  to  the  south  of  Kyoto.  Hereafter, 
then,  the  junior  branch  of  the  Imperial  Family  will  be  designated  the  Southern 
Court  and  the  senior  brancri  will  be  spoken  of  as  the  Northern  Court. 

The  struggle  lasted  from  1337  to  1392,  a  period  of  fifty-five  years.  Much 
has  been  written  and  said  about  the  relative  legitimacy  of  the  two  Courts.  It 
does  not  appear  that  there  is  any  substantial  material  for  doubt.  Go-Daigo 
never  abdicated  voluntarily,  or  ever  surrendered  the  regalia.  Before  his  time 
many  occupants  of  the  throne  had  stepped  down  at  the  suggestion  of  a  Fujiwara 
or  a  Hojo.  But  always  the  semblance  of  free-will  had  been  preserved.  More- 
over, the  transfer  of  the  true  regalia  constituted  the  very  essence  of  legitimate 
succession.  But  these  remained  always  in  Go-Daigo 's  possession.  Therefore, 


398  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

although  in  the  matter  of  lineage  no  distinction  could  be  justly  set  up  between 
the  Northern  and  the  Southern  Courts,  the  collaterals  of  legitimacy  were  all  with 
the  latter. 

Of  course  each  complied  with  all  the  forms  of  Imperialism.  Thus,  whereas 
the  Southern  Court  used  the  year-name  Engen  for  1336-1339,  the  North  kept 
the  year-name  Kemmu  for  two  years,  and  as  there  were  different  nengo  names 
for  half  a  century,  a  new  element  of  confusion  was  added  to  the  already  perplexing 
chronology  of  Japan.  In  administrative  methods  there  was  a  difference.  The 
Northern  Court  adhered  to  the  camera  system:  that  is  to  say,  the  actual  oc- 
cupant of  the  throne  was  a  mere  figurehead,  the  practical  functions  of  Govern- 
ment being  discharged  by  the  cloistered  sovereign.  In  the  Southern  Court  the 
Emperor  himself,  nominally  at  all  events,  directed  the  business  of  administra^ 
tion.  Further,  the  office  of  shogun  in  the  Southern  Court  was  held  generally  by 
an  Imperial  Prince,  whereas  in  the  Northern  Court  its  holder  was  an  Ashikaga. 
In  brief,  the  supporters  of  the  Northern  Court  followed  the  military  polity  of  the 
Bakufu  while  the  Southern  adopted  Imperialism. 
m  lo  oiio  d-jJ  3<J  ol  ion  ai  itfil*  II  .ainyTUr-.m  yd  j  voit=ob  oJ  ytm, 


et'idt  ,T*.reI  f-TftT/  XIH  hri-ii  I>-yi!jfl'.:,l  ov/1"     ".iiiic  vm  o'/oirfoj. 
fclwwn   cJ^t^  NATURE  OF  THE  ;W,M>  -",  :!1  lo  «v 


.  .  As  the  question  at  issue  lay  solely  between  two  claimants  to  the  succession, 
readers  of  history  naturally  expect  to  find  the  war  resolve  itself  into  a  campaign, 
or  a  succession  of  campaigns,  between  two  armies.  Such  was  by  no  means  the 
case.  Virtually  the  whole  empire  was  drawn  into  the  turmoil,  and  independent 
fighting  went  on  at  several  places  simultaneously.  The  two  Courts  perpetually 
made  Ky5to  their  objective.  Regardless  of  its  strategical  disadvantages,  they 
deemed  its  possession  cardinal.  Takauji  had  been  more  highly  lauded  and 
more  generously  rewarded  than  Yoshisada,  because  the  former  had  recovered 
Kyoto  whereas  the  latter  had  only  destroyed  Kamakura.  Thus,  while  Go-Daigo 
constantly  struggled  to  capture  Kyoto,  Komyo  's  absorbing  aim  was  to  retain  it. 
This  obsession  in  favour  of  the  Imperial  metropolis  left  its  mark  upon  many 
campaigns;  as  when,  in  the  spring  operations  of  1336,  Yoshisada,  instead  of 
being  allowed  to  pursue  and  annihilate  Takauji,  was  recalled  to  guard  Kyoto, 
and  when,  in  July  of  the  same  year,  Kusunoki  Masashige  was  sent  to  his  death 
rather  than  temporarily  vacate  the  capital.  It  must  have  been  fully  apparent 
to  the  great  captains  of  the  fourteenth  century  that  Kyoto  was  easy  to  take  and 
hard  to  hold.  Lake  Biwa  and  the  river  Yodo  are  natural  bulwarks  of  Yamato, 
not  of  Yamashiro.  Hiei-zan  looks  down  on  the  lake,  and  Kyoto  lies  on  the  great 
plain  at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  If,  during  thirteen  generations,  the  Ashikaga 
family  struggled  for  Kyoto,  they  maintained,  the  while,  their  ultimate  base  and 
rally  ing-place  at  Kamakura,  and  thus,  even  when  shattered  in  the  west,  they 
could  recuperate  in  the  east.  The  Southern  Court  had  no  such  depot  and 
recruiting-ground.  They  had,  indeed,  a  tolerable  place  of  arms  in  the  province 
of  Kawachi,  but  in  the  end  they  succumbed  to  topographical  disadvantages. 


(jffj  ')dl  V)  Y';r 

DEATHS   OF   YOSHISADA   AND   AKIIYl^ 

In  the  fact  that  he  possessed  a  number  of  sons,  Go-Daigo  had  an  advantage 
over  his  fourteen-year-old  rival,  Komyo,  for  these  Imperial  princes  were  sent 
out  to  various  districts  to  stimulate  the  loyal  efforts  of  local  bushi.  With 
Yoshisada  to  Echizen  went  the  Crown  Prince  and  his  brother  Takanaga.  They 
entrenched  themselves  at  Kana-ga-saki,  on  the  seacoast,  whence  Yoshisada  's 


THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  399 

eldest  son,  Yoshiaki,  was  despatched  to  Echigo  to  collect  troops,  and  a  younger 
brother,  Yoshisuke,  to  Soma-yama  on  a  similar  errand.  Almost  immediately, 
Ashikaga  Takatsune  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  laid  siege  to  Kana- 
ga-saki.  But  Yoshiaki  and  Yoshisuke  turned  in  their  tracks  and  delivered  a 
rear  attack  which  scattered  the  besiegers.  This  success,  however,  proved  only 
temporary.  The  Ashikaga  leader 's  deep  resentment  against  Yoshisada  inspired 
a  supreme  effort  to  crush  him,  and  the  Kana-ga-saki  fortress  was  soon  invested 
by  an  overwhelming  force  on  sea  and  on  shore.  Famine  necessitated  surrender. 
Yoshiaki  and  Prince  Takanaga  committed  suicide,  the  latter  following  the  form- 
er's  example  and  using  his  blood-stained  sword.  The  Crown  Prince  was  made 
prisoner  and  subsequently  poisoned  by  Takauji's  orders.  Yoshisada  and  his 
brother  .Yoshisuke  escaped  to  Soma-yama  and  rallied  their  partisans  to  the 
number  of  three  thousand.  i'.)  ^ 

The  fall  of  Kana-ga-saki  occurred  in  April,  1338,  and,  two  months  later, 
Go-Daigo  took  the  very  exceptional  course  of  sending  an  autograph  letter  to 
Yoshisada.  The  events  which  prompted  his  Majesty  were  of  prime  moment  to 
the  cause  of  the  Southern  Court.  Kitabatake  Akiiye,  the  youthful  governor  of 
Mutsu  and  son  of  the  celebrated  Chikafusa,  marched  southward  at  the  close  of 

1337,  his  daring  project  being  the  capture,  first,  of  Kamakura,  and  next,  of  Kyoto 
The  nature  of  this  gallant  enterprise  may  be  appreciated  by  observing  that 
Mutsu  lies  at  the  extreme  north  of  the  main  island,  is  distant  some  five  hundred 
miles  from  Kyoto,  and  is  separated  from  the  latter  by  several  regions  hostile  to 
the  cause  which  Akiiye  represented.     Nevertheless,  the  brilliant  captain,  then  in 
his  twenty-first  year,  seized  Kamakura  in  January,  1338,  and  marched  thence 
in  February  for  Yoshino.     He  gained  three  victories  on  the  way,  and  had  nearly 
reached  his  objective  when,  at  Ishizu,  he  encountered  a  great  army  of  Ashikaga 
troops  under  an  able  leader,  Ko  no  Moronao,  and  after  a  fierce  engagement  the 
Southern  forces  were  shattered,  Akiiye  himself  falling  in  the  fight.   This  disaster 
occurred  on  June  11, 1338.    A  brave  rally  was  made  by  Akiiye 's  younger  brother, 
Akinobu.     He  gathered  the  remnants  of  the  Mutsu  army  and  occupied  Otoko- 
yama,  which  commands  Kyoto. 

It  was  at  this  stage  of  the  campaign  that  Go-Daigo  resorted  to  the  exceptional 
measure  of  sending  an  autograph  letter  to  Yoshisada,  then  entrenched  at  Soma- 
yama,  in  Echizen.  His  Majesty  conjured  the  Nitta  leader  to  march  to  the  as- 
sistance of  Akinobu  at  Otoko-yama.  Yoshisada  responded  at  once.  He 
despatched  his  brother,  Yoshisuke,  with  twenty  thousand  men,  remaining  him- 
self to  cover  the  rear  of  the  expedition.  But  Otoko-yama  surrendered  before 
this  succour  reached  it,  and  the  Nitta  brothers  then  combined  their  forces  to 
operate  against  the  Ashikaga.  Nothing  decisive  resulted,  and  in  September, 

1338,  Yoshisada  fell  in  an  insignificant  combat  near  the  fortress  of  Fujishima  in 
Echizen.     He  caused  a  comrade  to  behead  him  and  carry  off  the  head,  but  the 
enemy  identified  him  by  means  of  the  Imperial  letter  found  on  his  person. 

Yoshisada  was  only  thirty-eight  at  the  time  of  his  death  (September,  1338). 
Rai  Sanyo  (1780-1832),  the  great  Japanese  historian,  says:  "I  saw  a  letter 
written  by  Yoshisada  with  his  own  hand  for  the  purpose  of  admonishing  the 
members  of  his  family.  In  it  he  wrote:  'An  officer  in  command  of  an  army 
should  respect  the  sovereign;  treat  his  subordinates  with  clemency  but  decision; 
leave  his  fate  in  heaven's  hands,  and  not  blame  others/  Yoshisada  is  open  to 
criticism  for  not  pursuing  the  Ashikaga  when  they  fled  westward  from  Kyoto; 
yet  it  must  be  remembered  that  he  had  no  firm  base,  being  hurried  from  one 
quarter  to  another.  The  strategy  he  used  was  not  his  own  free  choice  nor  were 


400  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  battles  he  fought  contrived  by  himself.  But  his  devotion  to  the  Imperial 
cause,  his  unfailing  loyalty,  and  his  indifference  to  self-interest  have  kept  his 
memory  fresh  and  will  always  keep  it  fresh.  If,  two  hundred  years  after  his 
death,  a  chieftain  was  born  of  his  blood  to  carry  the  Minamoto  name  to  the 
pinnacle  of  glory,  who  shall  say  that  heaven  did  not  thus  answer  the  prayer  put 
up  by  YoshisadJa  at  the  shrine  of  Hiyoshi?" 

During  these  events,  Go-Daigo  sojourned  at  Yoshino,  which  was  protected 
by  Kusunoki  Masatsura,  Wada  Masatomo,  and  others.  At  the  close  of  August, 
1339,  his  Majesty  falling  ill,  and  feeling  that  his  end  was  near,  resigned  the 
throne  to  his  twelve-year-old  son,  the  Crown  Prince  Yoshinaga,  whose  historical 
name  is  Go-Murakami.  Go-Daigo 's  will  declared  that  his  only  regret  in  leaving 
the  world  was  his  failure  to  effect  the  restoration,  and  that  though  his  body  was 
buried  at  Yoshino,  his  spirit  would  always  yearn  for  Kyoto.  Tradition  says 
that  he  expired  holding  a  sword  in  his  right  hand,  the  Hokke-kyo-sutra  in  his 
left,  and  that  Kitabatake  Chikafusa  spoke  of  the  event  as  a  dream  within  a 
dream. 

It  is  recorded  to  Ashikaga  Takauji's  credit  that,  when  the  news  reached 
Kyoto,  he  ordered  five  days'  mourning;  that  he  himself  undertook  to  transcribe 
a  sacred  volume  by  way  of  supplication  for  the  repose  of  Go-Daigo 's  spirit,  and 
that  he  caused  a  temple  to  be  built  for  the  same  purpose.  Of  course,  these 
events  cast  a  cloud  over  the  fortunes  of  the  Southern  Court,  but  its  adherents 
did  not  abate  their  activities.  Everywhere  they  mustered  in  greater  or  less 
force.  The  clearest  conception  of  their  strength  may  be  obtained  by  tabulating 
the  names  of  their  families  and  of  the  latter 's  localities  irHhjl 

;iT    .IdsftorU  ci>  •;:n!b;j  ll  -  .;/     h   ,          -.•••; 

FAMILIES  PROVINCES 

Kitabatake  Mutsu  and  Ise 

Nitta  Musashi,    Shimotsuke,    Echizen 

Kusunoki  Kawachi 

Kojima,  Sakurayama,  Arii,  and  \  „ 

Yoshikawa  ;<£,(  bany5' 

Nawa  and  Misumi  Sanin-do 

Kikuchi,  Matsura,  and  Kusano  Saikai-do 

Doi,  TokunO,  Yuasa,  and  Yamamoto  Nankai-do 

li  Totomi 

Neo  Mino 

Shinto  officials  Atsuta 

n:-id  ot/1  Bo  y/rww  lm&  mill  hiiojl--  .  u!    '••.;    r, 

This  table  suggests  that  partisans  of  the  Southern  Court  existed  in  almost 
every  part  of  the  empire.  So,  in  truth,  they  did.  But  friends  of  the  Northern 
Court  existed  also,  and  thus  it  resulted  that  at  no  time  throughout  the  fifty-five 
years  of  the  struggle  were  the  provinces  free  from  strife.  It  resulted  also  that 
frequent  changes  of  allegiance  took  place,  for  a  family  had  often  to  choose  be- 
tween total  ruin,  on  the  one  hand,  and  comparative  prosperity  at  the  sacrifice 
of  constancy,  on  the  other.  Some  historians  have  adduced  the  incidents  of  this 
era  as  illustrating  the  shallowness  of  Japanese  loyalty.  But  it  can  scarcely  be 
said  that  loyalty  was  ever  seriously  at  stake.  In  point  of  legitimacy  there  was 
nothing  to  choose  between  the  rival  branches  of  the  Imperial  family.  A  samurai 


THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  401 

might-pass  from  the  service  of  the  one  to  that  of  the  other  without  doing  any 
violence  to  his  reverence  for  the  Throne. 

What  was  certainly  born  of  the  troubled  era,  however,  was  a  sentiment  of 
contempt  for  central  authority  and  a  disposition  to  rely  on  one 's  own  right  arm. 
It  could  not  have  been  otherwise.  In  several  provinces  official  nominees  of 
both  Courts  administered  simultaneously,  and  men  were  requisitioned  for  aid, 
to-day,  to  the  Northern  cause,  to-m,orrow,  to  the  Southern.  To  be  strong  enough 
to  resist  one  or  the  other  was  the  only  way  to  avoid  ruinous  exactions.  From 
that  to  asserting  one 's  strength  at  the  expense  of  a  neighbour  who  followed  a 
different  flag  was  a  short  step,  if  not  a  duty,  and  thus  purely  selfish  considerations 
dictated  a  fierce  quarrel  and  inspired  many  an  act  of  unscrupulous  spoliation. 
A  few  cases  are  on  record  of  families  which  resorted  to  the  device  of  dividing 
themselves  into  two  branches,  each  declaring  for  a  different  cause  and  each 
warring  nominally  with  the  other.  Thus  the  sept  as  a  whole  preserved  its  posses- 
sions, in  part  at  any  rate,  whichever  Court  triumphed.  But  such  double-faced 
schemes  were  very  rare.  A  much  commoner  outcome  of  the  situation  was  the 
growth  of  powerful  families  which  regulated  their  affairs  by  means  of  a  council 
of  leading  members  without  reference  to  Kamakura,  Kyoto,  or  Yoshino.  At  the 
same  time,  minor  septs  in  the  neighbourhood  saw  the  advantage  of  subscribing 
to  the  decisions  of  these  councils  and  deferring  to  their  judgments. 

"This  was  an  important  step  in  the  development  of  the  feudal  system. 
Another  was  the  abolition  of  feudal  fiefs,  as  well  as  of  the  succession  of  women  to 
real  estate,  and  a  curtailment  of  the  inheritance,  not  so  much  of  younger  sons, 
as  of  all  sons  except  the  one  selected  as  lord  of  the  clan."1  The  shugo  (high 
constables)  also  became  a  salient  element  of  feudalism.  Originally  liable  to 
frequent  transfers  of  locality,  some  of  them  subsequently  came  to  hold  their 
office  hereditarily,  and  these,  together  with  the  great  majority  of  their  confreres 
who  had  been  appointed  by  the  Bakufu,  espoused  the  Ashikaga  cause ;  a  choice 
which  impelled  many  of  the  military  families  in  their  jurisdiction  to  declare  for 
the  Southern  Court.  The  Ashikaga  shugo  ultimately  became  leading  magnates, 
for  they  wielded  twofold  authority,  namely,  that  derived  from  their  power  as 
owners  of  broad  estates,  and  that  derived  from  their  commission  as  shogun's 
delegates  entitled  to  levy  taxes  locally.  The  provincial  governors,  at  the  outset 
purely  civil  officials,  occasionally  developed  military  capacity  and  rivalled  the 
hereditary  shugo  in  armed  influence,  but  such  instances  were  rare. 

IOVA. 

;;fH£  COURSE  OF  THE  WAR 

After  the  death  of  Kusunoki  Masashige,  of  Nitta  Yoshisada,  and  of  Kitaba- 
take  Akiiye,  the  strategical  direction  of  the  war  devolved  mainly  upon  Kitabatake 
Chikafusa,  so  far  as  the  Southern  Court  was  concerned.  The  greater  part  of  the 
nation  may  be  said  to  have  been  in  arms,  but  only  a  small  section  took  actual 
part  in  the  main  campaign,  the  troops  in  the  distant  provinces  being  occupied 
with  local  struggles.  Chikafusa 's  general  plan  was  to  menace  Kyoto  and 
Kamakura  simultaneously.  Just  as  the  eight  provinces  of  the  Kwanto  formed 
the  base  of  the  Ashikaga  armies,  so  the  eight  provinces  constituting  the_Kii 
peninsula  —  Yamatc,  Kawachi,  Izumi,  Ise,  Iga,  Shima,  Kii  (in  part),  and  Omi 
(in  part)  —  served  as  bases  for  the  partisans  of  the  South.  To  strike  at  Kyoto 
from  this  base  required  the  previous  subjugation  of  Settsu,  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  strong  army  in  Settsu  menaced  Yoshinq,t  OK 

f1  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.\\  :•• 


402  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Chikaf  usa's  plan,  then,  was  to  marshal  in  Kawachi  force  sufficient  to  threat- 
en, if  not  to  overrun,  Settsu,  and  then  to  push  on  into  the  metropolitan  province 
from.Omi  and  Iga,  the  Ashikaga  having  been  previously  induced  to  uncover 
KySto  by  the  necessity  of  guarding  Kamakura.  From  the  Kii  peninsula  the 
obvious  route  to  the  Kwanto  is  by  sea.  Therefore,  the  Southerners  established 
a  naval  base  at  Shingu,  on  the  east  coast  of  the  peninsula,  and  used  it  for  the 
purpose  not  only  of  despatching  a  force  northward,  but  also  of  maintaining 
communications  with  Shikoku  and  Kyushu,  where  they  had  many  partisans. 
C'hikafusa  himself  led  the  oversea  expedition  to  the  Kwanto,  but  the  flotilla  was 
wrecked  by  a  storm,  and  he  reached  Yedo  Bay  with  only  a  small  following. 
Nevertheless,  he  established  himself  at  Oda,  in  Hitachi,  and  being  there  joined 
by  many  of  the  Ashikaga  's  enemies,  he  managed,  not  indeed  to  seriously  menace 
Kamakura,  but  at  all  events  to  give  occupation  to  a  large  force  of  the  Northern- 
ers. Driven  out  at  last  (1343)  ,  after  more  than  four  years  '  operations,  he  returned 
to  Yoshino,  where  he  found  Kusunoki  Masatsura,  son  of  Masashige,  carrying 
on  from  Kawachi  a  vigorous  campaign  against  the  Ashikaga  in  Settsu. 

After  many  minor  engagements,  in  all  of  which  he  was  successful,  Masatsura 
inflicted  such  a  severe  defeat  on  his  opponents  at  Sumiyoshi  that  the  Bakufu 
became  alarmed,  and  mustering  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men,  sent  it  under 
Ko  Moronao  and  his  brother,  Moroyasu,  to  attack  Masatsura.  This  was  in 
December,  1347.  Then  Masatsura  and  his  younger  brother,  Masatoki,  together 
with  Wada  Katahide  and  other  bushi,  to  the  number  of  140,  made  oath  to 
conquer  in  fight  or  to  die.  They  repaired  to  Yoshino,  and  having  taken  leave 
of  the  Emperor,  Go-Murakami,  they  worshipped  at  the  shrine  of  the  late 
sovereign,  Go-Daigo,  inscribed  their  names  upon  the  wall,  and  wrote  under  them  : 
o 


, 
We  that  our  bows  here 

Swear  nevermore  to  slacken 


Till  in  the  land  of  life  we 
Cease  to  be  counted, 
Our  names  now  record. 
^IlifjJS')!  Oiiurj'irM  .  '.       ') 


It  was  in  February,  1348,  that  the  battle  took  place  at  Shijo-nawate  in  Ka- 
wachi. Moronao  had  sixty  thousand  men  at  his  disposal;  Masatsura  only  three 
thousand.  The  combat  raged  during  six  hours,  the  Kusunoki  brothers  leading 
thirty  charges,  until  finally  they  were  both  covered  with  wounds,  and  only  fifty 
men  remained  out  of  the  sworn  band.  Then  this  remnant  committed  suicide. 
Mo/onao,  following  up  his  victory,  marched  into  Yamato,  and  set  fire  to  the 
palace  there.  Go-Murakami  escaped  to  Kanao,  and  presently  the  Nitta  family 
in  the  east  and  the  Kitabatake  in  the  west  showed  such  activity  that  the  Southern 
cause  recovered  its  vitality,  a  turn  of  events  largely  promoted  by  dissensions  in 
the  Northern  camp  and  by  the  consequent  return  of  Moronao-'s  forces  to  Kyoto. 
It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  direct  our  eyes  for  a  moment  to  the  course  of  affairs 
on  the  side  of  the  Ashikaga. 


THE    ASHIKAGA   POLITY 

Ashikaga  Takauji's  original  idea  was  to  follow  the  system  of  Yoritomo  in 
everything.  Kamakura  was  to  be  his  capital  and  he  assumed  the  title  of 
shogun.  This  was  in  1335.  Three  years  later  he  received  the  shogunate  in  due 
form  from  the  Northern  sovereign,  Komyo.  But  he  now  discovered  that  Kyoto 
must  be  his  headquarters  so  long  as  the  War  of  the  Dynasties  lasted,  and  he 
therefore  established  the  Bakufu  at  Muromachi  in  that  city,  modelling  it  on  the 


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THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  403 

lines  of  Yoritomo's  institution,  but  dispensing  with  a  regent  (shikkeri)  and 
substituting  for  him  a  second  shitsuji.  The  first  two  shitsuji  at  Muromachi 
were  Ko  Moronao,  the  great  general,  and  Uesugi  Tomosada,  a  connexion  of 
Takauji.  Kamakura  was  not  neglected,  however.  It  became  a  secondary 
basis,  Takauji 's  eight-year-old  son,  Yoshiakira,  being  installed  there  as  governor- 
general  (kwanryo)  of  the  Kwanto  under  the  guardianship  of  Uesugi  Noriaki  as 
shitsuji,  and  the  old  administrative  machinery  of  the  Hojo  was  revived  in  the 
main.  Takauji 's  brother,  Tadayoshi,  became  chief  of  the  general  staff  in  Kyoto, 
and  "several  Kamakura  literati  —  descendants  of  Oye,  Nakahara,  Miyoshi,  and 
others  —  were  brought  up  to  fill  positions  on  the  various  boards,  the  services 
of  some  of  the  ablest  priests  of  the  time  being  enlisted  in  the  work  of  drafting 
laws  and  regulations."1 

To  these  priests  and  literati  was  entrusted  the  task  of  compiling  a  code  based 
on  the  Jdei  Shikimoku  of  the  Hojo  regents,  and  there  resulted  the  Kemmu 
Shikimoku,  promulgated  in  1337. 2  This  was  not  a  law,  properly  so  called,  but 
rather  a  body  of  precepts  contained  in  seventeen  articles.  They  have  much 
interest  as  embodying  the  ethics  of  the  time  in  political  circles.  ' '  Economy  must 
be  universally  practised.  Drinking  parties  and  wanton  frolics  must  be  suppressed. 
Crimes  of  violence  and  outrage  must  be  quelled.  The  practice  of  entering 
the  private  dwellings  of  the  people  and  making  inquisitions  into  their  affairs 
must  be  given  up."  Then  follow  two  articles  dealing  with  the  ownership  of 
vacant  plots  and  rebuilding  of  houses  and  fireproof  godowns  in  the  devastated 
sections  of  the  capital.  The  subsequent  paragraphs  provide  that  men  of  special 
ability  for  government  work  should  be  chosen  for  the  office  of  shugo;  that  a  stop 
must  be  put  to  the  practice  of  influential  nobles  and  women  of  all  sorts  and 
Buddhist  ecclesiastics  making  interested  recommendations  (to  the  sovereign); 
that  persons  holding  public  posts  must  be  liable  to  reprimand  for  negligence  and 
idleness;  that  bribery  must  be  firmly  put  down;  that  presents  made  from  all 
quarters  to  those  attached  to  the  palace,  whether  of  the  inside  or  outside  service, 
must  be  sent  back;  that  those  who  are  to  be  in  personal  attendance  on  the  rulers 
must  be  selected  for  that  duty;  that  ceremonial  etiquette  should  be  the  predomi- 
nant principle ;  that  men  noted  for  probity  and  adherence  to  high  principle  should 
be  rewarded  by  more  than  ordinary  distinction;  that  the  petitions  and  complaints 
of  the  poor  and  lowly  should  be  heard  and  redress  granted;  that  the  petitions  of 
temples  and  shrines  should  be  dealt  with  on  their  merits,  and  that  certain  fixed 
days  should  be  appointed  for  the  rendering  of  decisions  and  the  issue  of  govern- 
ment orders.3 

THE   JINNO    SHOTdKI 

Before  proceeding  with  the  history  of  this  troubled  era,  it  is  advisable  to  speak 
of  a  great  political  brochure  which  was  compiled  by  Kitabatake  Chikafusa 
during  the  period  (1340-1343)  of  his  attempt  to  harass  the  Ashikaga  from  the 
direction  of  Hitachi.  This  was  a  work  designed  to  establish  the  divine  claim  of 
the  sovereign  of  the  Southern  Court.  Hence  the  title  of  the  treatise,  Correct 
Genealogy  (Shotoki)  of  the  Divine  Emperor  (Jinno).  The  reader  knows  that 
when,  in  the  eighth  century,  Japan  went  to  Chinese  sources  for  jurisprudential 
inspiration,  she  had  to  eliminate  the  Confucian  and  Mencian  doctrine  that  the 
UriMt&ldVO  aid  -Joa'fte  oj  tfoiq  &  ,n^i,sqrnjiD  no  Sf.,tiq,«o  sd$  inoil-^ft^ad^  *M  %ftlnt[) 

f1  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.] 

[2  Kemmu  was  the  Northern  Court's  name  of  the  year-period  1334  to  1338 :   see  p.  398.] 

[3  The  Kemmu  Shikimoku  by  Mr.  Consul-General  Hall,  in  the  "Transactions  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Japan;"  epitomized  by  Murdoch.] 


404  HISTORY  OF  TEE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

sceptre  may  not  be  wielded  by  anyone  whose  virtues  do  not  qualify  him  for  the 
task  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation.  This  same  doctrine  permeated  by  construction 
the  commentaries  that  accompanied  the  articles  of  the  Kemmu  Shikimoku  as 
quoted  above,  and  in  that  fact  Chikafusa  saw  an  opportunity  of  winning  ad- 
herents for  the  Southern  Court  by  proclaiming  its  heaven-conferred  rights. 

"Great  Yamato,"  Kitabatake  wrote,  "is  a  divine  country.  It  is  only  our 
land  whose  foundations  were  first  laid  by  the  divine  ancestor.  It  alone  has  been 
transmitted  by  the  Sun  goddess  to  a  long  line  of  Iier  descendants.  There  is 
nothing  of  this  kind  in  foreign  countries.  Therefore  it  is  called  the  divine  land. 
§9o£v  ;  it  is  only  our  country  which  from  the  time  when  the  heaven  and  earth  were 
first  unfolded,  has  preserved  the  succession  to  the  throne  intact  in  one  single 
family.  Even  when,  as  sometimes  naturally  happened,  it  descended  to  a  lateral 
branch,  it  was  held  according  to  just  principles.  This  shows  that  the  oath  of 
the  gods  (to  preserve  the  succession)  is  ever  renewed  in  a  way  which  distinguishes 
Japan  from  all  other  countries.  u.w{f  -It  is  the  duty  of  every  man  born  on  the 
Imperial  soil  to  yield  devoted  loyalty  to  his  sovereign,  even  to  the  sacrifice  of  his 
own  life.  Let  no  one  suppose  for  a  moment  that  there  is  any  credit  due  to  him 
for  doing  so.  Nevertheless,  in  order  to  stimulate  the  zeal  of  those  who  came 
after,  and  in  loving  memory  of  the  dead,  it  is  the  business  of  the  ruler  to  grant 
rewards  in  such  cases  (to  the  children).  Those  who  are  in  an  inferior  position 
should  not  enter  into  rivalry  with  them.  Still  more  should  those  who  have  done 
no  specially  meritorious  service  abstain  from  inordinate  ambitions.  I  have 
already  touched  on  the  principles  of  statesmanship.  They  are  based  on  justice 
and  mercy,  in  the  dispensing  of  which  firm  action  is  requisite.  Such  is  the  clear 
instruction  vouchsafed  to  us  by  the  Sun  goddess."1 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  these  doctrines  produced  any  wide-spread 
influence  on  public  opinion  at  the  time  of  their  promulgation.  In  the  first  place 
they  were  not  generally  accessible;  for  not  until  the  year  1649  was  Kitabatake 's 
brochure  printed.  That  it  remained  in  manuscript  during  three  centuries  after 
its  compilation  is  not  attributable  to  technical  difficulties.  The  art  of  block- 
printing  came  to  Japan  from  China  in  very  early  times,  and  it  is  on  record  that, 
in  770,  the  Empress  Shotoku  caused  a  million  Buddhist  amulets  to  be  printed. 
But  the  Jinno  Shotoki  did  not  fall  on  fruitful  soil.  Either  its  teaching  was 
superfluous  or  men  were  too  much  engrossed  with  fighting  to  listen  to  academical 
disquisitions.  Chikafusa's  work  was  destined  to  produce  great  and  lasting 
effects  in  future  ages,  but,  for  the  moment,  it  accomplished  little. 

r.f«:»i 
DISCORD    IN    THE    CAMP   OF   THE   ASHIKAGA 

A  prominent  feature  of  the  Ashikaga  family 's  annals  was  continuity  of  inter- 
necine strife.  The  Hojo's  era  had  been  conspicuously  free  from  any  such  blem- 
ish; the  Ashikaga 's  was  markedly  disfigured  by  it,  so  much  so  that  by  the 
debilitating  effects  of  this  discord  the  supremacy  of  the  sept  was  long  deferred. 
The  first  outward  indications  of  the  trouble  were  seen  in  1348,  when  the  able 
general,  Ko  Moronao,  instead  of  following  up  his  victory  over  the  Southern 
Court  after  the  death  of  Kusunoki  Masatsura,  turned  suddenly  northward  from 
Yamato  and  hastened  back  to  Kyoto.  His  own  safety  dictated  that  step.  For 
during  his  absence  from  the  capital  on  campaign,  a  plot  to  effect  his  overthrow 
had  matured  under  the  leadership  of  Ashikaga  Tadayoshi  and  Uesugi  Shigeyoshi. 

The  latter  held  the  office  of  shitsuji.  and  was  therefore  Moronao 's  comrade,  while 

•K~  '     '"«>  <"  .11  ?I  I 'I 

P  Aston 's  Japanese  Literature.] 


THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  405 

Tadayoshi,  as  already  stated,  had  the  title  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  general 
staff  and  virtually  directed  administrative  affairs,  subject,  of  course,  to  Takauji  's 
approval.  Moronao  undoubtedly  possessed  high  strategical  ability,  and  being 
assisted  by  his  almost  equally  competent  brother,  Moroyasu,  rendered  sterling 
military  service  to  the  Ashikaga  cause.  But  the  two  brothers  were  arrogant, 
dissipated,  and  passionate.  It  is  recorded  of  Moronao  that  he  abducted  the 
wife  of  Enya  Takasada,  and  of  Moroyasu  that  he  desecrated  the  grave  of 
Sugawara  in  order  to  enclose  its  site  within  his  mansion,  both  outrages  being 
condoned  by  the  shogun,  Takauji,  In  truth,  even  in  the  days  of  Taira  over- 
lordship,  Kyoto  was  never  so  completely  under  the  heel  of  the  military  as  it  was 
in  early  Ashikaga  times. 

Rokuhara  did  not  by  any  means  arrogate  such  universal  authority  as  did 
Muromachi.  The  Court  nobles  in  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  had  no 
functions  except  those  of  a  ceremonial  nature  and  were  frankly  despised  by  the 
haughty  bushi.  It  is  on  record  that  Doki  Yorito,  meeting  the  cortege  of  the  re- 
tired Emperor  Kogon,  pretended  to  mistake  the  escorts'  cry  of  "In"  (camera 
sovereign)  for  "inu"  (dog),  and  actually  discharged  an  arrow  at  the  Imperial 
vehicle.  Yorito  suffered  capital  punishment,  but  the  incident  illustrates  the 
demeanour  of  the  military  class. 

The  two  Ko  brothers  were  conspicuously  masterful  and  made  many  enemies. 
But  the  proximate  cause  of  the  plot  alluded  to  above  was  jealousy  on  the  part 
of  Ashikaga  Tadayoshi  and  Uesugi  Shigeyoshi,  who  resented  the  trust  reposed 
by  Takauji  in  Moronao  and  Moroyasu.  The  conspirators  underestimated 
Moronao 's  character.  Reaching  Kyoto  by  forced  marches  from  Yamato,  he 
laid  siege  to  Tadayoshi 's  mansion,  and  presently  Tadayoshi  had  to  save  himself 
by  taking  the  tonsure,  while  Shigeyoshi  was  exiled  to  Echizen,  whither  Moronao 
sent  an  assassin  to  make  away  with  him.  The  Ashikaga  chief,  whose  trust  in 
Moronao  was  not  at  all  shaken  by  these  events,  summoned  from  Kamakura  his 
eldest  son,  Yoshiakira,  and  entrusted  to  him  the  functions  hitherto  discharged 
by  his  uncle,  Tadayoshi,  replacing  him  in  Kamakura  by  a  younger  son,  Motouji. 

Yoshiakira  was  not  Takauji 's  eldest  son;  he  was  his  eldest  legitimate  son. 
An  illegitimate  son,  four  years  older,  had  been  left  in  Kamakura  as  a  priest,  but 
was  recognized  as  the  possessor  of  such  abilities  that,  although  his  father  refused 
to  meet  him,  his  uncle,  Tadayoshi,  summoned  him  to  Kyoto  and  procured  for 
him  the  high  office  of  tandai  of  the  west.  This  Tadafuyu  was  discharging  his 
military  duties  in  Bingo  when  news  reached  him  of  Moronao 's  coup  d'etat  in 
Kyoto  and  of  his  own  patron,  Tadayoshi 's  discomfiture.  At  once  Tadafuyu 
crossed  the  sea  to  Higo  in  Kyushu,  where  a  large  number  of  discontented 
samurai  rallied  to  his  banner,  and  Shoni,  the  Ashikaga  tandai  of  Kyushu,1  soon 
found  himself  vigorously  attacked.  The  struggle  presently  assumed  such 
importance  that  Kyoto's  attention  was  attracted.  The  normal  course  would 
have  been  for  Moronao  to  take  the  field  against  Tadafuyu.  But  Moronao  was 
looking  always  for  an  opportunity  to  compass  the  death  of  his  enemy,  Tadayoshi, 
and  thinking  that  his  chance  had  now  come,  he  persuaded  Takauji  to  take  person- 
al command  of  the  expedition  to  Kyushu,  the  idea  being  to  finally  dispose  of 
Tadayoshi  during  the  absence  of  the  Ashikaga  shogun  from  Kyoto.  Tadayoshi, 
however,  obtained  timely  information  of  this  design  and  escaping  to  Yamato, 
offered  to  surrender  to  the  Southern  Court.  This  was  in  January,  1350. 

The  advisers  of  the  Emperor  Go-Murakami  differed  radically  in  their  coun- 
sels, but  it  was  finally  decided  that  every  effort  should  be  made  to  widen  the 
rift  in  the  Ashikaga  lute,  and  the  Court  commissioned  Tadayoshi  to  attack 


406  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Takauji  and  recover  Kyoto.  Thus  was  presented  the  spectacle  of  a  father 
(Takauji)  fighting  against  his  son  (Tadafuyu),  and  a  brother  (Tadayoshi) 
fighting  against  a  brother  (Takauji).  Tadayoshi  was  joined  by  many  men  of 
note  and  puissance  whom  the  arrogance  of  the  two  Ko,  Moronao  and  Moroyasu, 
had  offended.  A  desperate  struggle  ensued,  and  the  Ko  generals  had  to  retreat 
to  Harima,  where  they  joined  with  Takauji,  the  latter  having  abandoned  his 
expedition  to  Kyushu.  Meanwhile,  Yoshiakira,  Takauji 's  eldest  son,  had  es- 
caped from  Kyoto  and  entered  his  father 's  camp.  After  a  time  negotiations  for 
peace  were  concluded  (1351),  one  of  the  conditions  being  that  Moronao  and 
Moroyasu  should  lay  down  their  offices  and  enter  the  priesthood.  But  the 
blood  of  the  shitsuji,  Uesugi  Shigeyoshi,  was  still  fresh  on  Moronao 's  hands. 
Shigeyoshi's  son,  Akiyoshi,  waylaid  the  two  Ko  on  their  route  to  Kyoto  to  take 
the  tonsure,  and  Moronao  and  Moroyasu  were  both  killed. 


YEAR-PERIODS  AND    COURTS 
O?       SVl       1O  '•£'!)     WUJ'K.'J  Qnl 

Three  years  before  the  death  of  Moronao,  that  is  to  say,  in  1348,  the  sovereign 
of  the  Northern  Court,  Komyo,  abdicated  in  favour  of  Suko.  Ever  since  1332 
there  had  been  a  dual  year-period,  outcome  of  the  divided  Imperialism,  and 
history  was  thus  not  a  little  complicated.  It  will  be  convenient  here  to  tabulate, 
side  by  side,  the  lines  of  the  two  dynasties:  — 

•I  J^.ij-j 

SOUTHERN  COURT  NORTHERN  COURT 

9Gth  Sovereign,  Go-Daigo  .  .  .  .     1318-1339        Kogon 1332-1335 

97th  Go-Murakami.     1339-1368        Komyo 1335-1348 

98th  Chokei 1368-1372        Suko 1348-1352 

99th  Go-Kameyama     1372-1392 

Go-K6gon 1352-1371 

Go-Enyu 1371-1382 

100th  Go-Komatsu..     1392-1412        Go-Komatsu 1382-1412 

:-It  is  observable  that  the  average  duration  of  a  Southern  sovereign's  reign 
was  eighteen  years,  whereas  that  of  a  Northern  sovereign  was  only  thirteen 
years. 

DEATH    OF    TADAYOSHI 

The  peace  concluded  between  the  Ashikaga  chief  and  his  brother,  Tadayoshi, 
was  of  brief  duration;  their  respective  partisans  distrusted  one  another  too  much. 
The  Nikki,  the  Hosokawa,  the  Doki,  and  the  Sasaki,  all  followed  Takauji,  but 
the  IshidO,  the  Uesugi,  and  the  Momonoi  adhered  to  Tadayoshi.  At  last  the 
situation  became  so  strained  that  Tadayoshi  withdrew  to  Echizen  and  from 
thence  made  his  way  to  Kamakura.  In  these  circumstances,  Takauji  desired 
to  take  the  field  himself,  but  since  to  do  so  would  have  exposed  Kyoto  to  danger 
from  the  south,  he  attempted  to  delude  the  Court  at  Yoshino  into  crediting  his 
loyalty  and  his  willingness  to  dethrone  Suko  by  way  of  preliminary  to  welcoming 
the  return  of  Go-Murakami  to  Kyoto. 

Takauji 's  professions  were  now  appraised  at  their  true  value,  however.  The 
Court  at  Yoshino  commissioned  him  to  punish  his  rebellious  brother,  but  took 
steps,  as  will  presently  be  seen,  to  turn  the  resulting  situation  to  its  own  advan- 
tage. Takauji  now  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  strong  army,  and  moving 
eastward,  marched  to  Kamakura  practically  unopposed.  Tadayoshi  escaped 
to  Izu,  where  he  took  poison,  or  was  given  it.  Takauji  remained  in  the  Kwanto 


THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  407 

during  the  greater  part  of  two  years  (1352-1353).  The  task  of  restoring  order 
and  re-establishing  the  Ashikaga  supremacy  demanded  all  his  ability  and 
resources.  "In  the  Kwanto  alone,  during  these  two  years,  more  battles  were 
fought  —  some  of  considerable  magnitude  —  than  during  the  thirty  years  be- 
tween 1455  and  1485  in  England."1 

;  ••/•••  .i'Mifi  loriBni  B  'to  eatososq  b»MU/law 

M'i!f  ii-.?  n  i  J;;3i:Ktai-{i^8  \o  -.Hoil 
THE  SOUTHERN  COURT  IN  KYOTO 

In  this  state  of  affairs  the  Southern  Court  found  its  opportunity.  In 
accepting  Takauji's  overtures,  Kitabatake  Chikafusa,  who  directed  the  politics 
and  strategy  of  the  Southern  Court,  had  designed  to  dethrone  Suko,  to  adopt  the 
year  name,  Shohei,  solely,  and  to  establish  an  administrative  council  in  Kyoto 
under  his  own  presidency.  He  knew  well  that  Takauji's  surrender  had  not 
been  sincere,  but  he  counted  on  an  access  of  strength  from  the  partisans  of 
Tadayoshi,  and  he  looked  for  some  occasion  capable  of  being  turned  to  advantage. 
Yoshiakira,  who  ruled  Kyoto  in  the  absence  of  his  father,  Takauji,  made  no 
difficulty  about  dethroning  Suko  and  requesting  the  return  of  the  Southern 
sovereign,  Go-Murakami.  Neither  did  he  hesitate  to  hand  over  the  false  insignia 
which  had  been  given  by  Go-Daigo  to  the  Northern  Court.  In  February,  1352, 
Go-Murakami  paid  a  visit  to  Otoko-yama  on  the  southeast  of  Kyoto,  and  ordered 
a  number  of  officials,  under  Kitabatake  Chikafusa  and  Kusunoki  Masanori,  to 
enter  the  capital  and  conduct  affairs.  But  his  Majesty  did  not  trust  his  own 
person  into  the  city.  He  waited  until  his  plans  were  mature,  and  then  a  strong 
force  of  Southern  troops  was  launched  against  Kyoto,  while  a  powerful  army  of 
Kwanto  bushi,  led  by  the  Nitta  brothers,  Yoshioki  and  Yoshimune,  as  well  as  by 
Wakiya  Yoshiha'ru,  marched  into  Musashi  and  defeated  Takauji  on  the  Kotesa- 
shi  moor. 

The  invaders  actually  got  possession  of  Kamakura,  but  the  superior  strategy 
of  the  Ashikaga  chief  ultimately  reversed  the  situation.  Yoshimune  had  to  fly 
to  Echigo  with  a  petty  remnant  of  followers,  and  Yoshioki  and  Yoshiharu, 
evacuating  .Kamakura,  took  refuge  in  the  Kawamura  fortress.  Meanwhile,  in 
Kyoto,  things  had  fared  in  a  somewhat  similar  manner.  The  Southern  generals 
carried  everything  before  them  at  the  outset,  and  Yoshiakira  had  to  fly  to  Omi. 
But,  after  a  brief  period  of  quiet,  the  Northern  troops  rallied  and  expelled  the 
Southern.  Yoshiakira  found  himself  again  supreme.  A  strange  dilemma 
presented  itself,  however.  There  was  no  sovereign.  The  retired  sovereigns, 
Kogon,  Komyo,  and  Suko,  had  all  been  carried  to  a  place  well  within  the  South- 
ern lines,  and  even  the  false  regalia  were  not  available.  Nevertheless,  Yoshia- 
kira, regardless  of  forms,  raised  to  the  throne  the  younger  brother  of  Suko,  who 
is  known  in  history  as  Go-Kogon.  Thenceforth,  on  the  accession  of  a  Northern 
sovereign  a  merely  nominal  ceremony  of  transferring  the  sacred  regalia  sufficed. 
As  for  the  ex-Emperors  Kogon  and  Komyo,  they  turned  their  backs  finally  on 
the  world  and  became  priests  of  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhism. 

'ra  ni  /jyrowod  <iiur,83lBT    .tiautttrrfni 


CAPTURE   AND    RE-CAPTURE  :  OF.,  |n^ 

In  1353,  the  Southern  court  received  a  signal  accession  of  strength  in  the 
allegiance  of  the  Yamana  family  and  of  Tadafuyu.  The  latter  has  already  been 
spoken  of  as  an  illegitimate  son  of  Takauji,  who,  through  the  influence  of  his 
uncle,  Tadayoshi,  was  appointed  tandai  of  the  western  provinces.  The  death  of 

P  Murdoch's  Histroy  of  Japan.]  -  -'flfli- 


408  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

his  patron  inclined  this  able  captain  to  join  the  Southern  Court,  and  his  inclina- 
tion was  translated  into  action  early  in  1353,  owing  to  need  of  support  against 
the  partisans  of  the  Ashikaga  in  the  island  of  Kyushu  and  the  western  province?. 
As  for  the  Yamana,  they  were  of  Minamoto  lineage;  their  influence  was  supreme 
in  Hoki  and  Inaba,  and  they  faithfully  espoused  the  Ashikaga  cause  until  an 
unfulfilled  promise  of  a  manor  alienated  their  good-will.  For  to  such  considera- 
tions of  self-interest  men  not  infrequently  sacrificed  their  duty  of  allegiance  in 
the  troublous  times  of  the  fourteenth  century. 

nJ  Thus  re-enforced,  the  Southern  troops,  under  the  supreme  command  of 
Tadafuyu,  marched  against  Kyoto  in  July,  1353,  and  captured  the  city.  Yoshia- 
kira,  guarding  the  young  sovereign,  Go-Kogon,  effected  his  escape,  and  the 
Southern  Emperor,  Go-Murakami,  issued  a  decree  depriving  of  their  official 
ranks  and  possessions  all  Court  nobles  who  had  assisted  at  the  ceremony  of  the 
fugitive  monarch's  coronation.  But  the  supremacy  of  the  South  did  not  last 
long.  In  August,  Yoshiakira  was  strong  enough  to  countermarch  against  the 
capital  and  to  drive  out  Tadafuyu.  Moreover,  Takauji  himself  now  found  it 
safe  to  leave  the  Kwanto.  Placing  his  son  Motouji  in  charge  at  Kamakura,  he 
returned  to  Kyoto  accompanying  the  Emperor  Go-Kogon,  and  thenceforth 
during  nearly  two  years  the  supremacy  of  the  North  was  practically  undisputed. 


DEYTH    OF    CHIKAFUSA 
(!//(>  «:.•!  1r,int  ion  bih 

Fate  willed  that  while  his  enemies  were  thus  triumphant,  death  should 
overtake  the  great  statesman,  strategist,  and  historian,  Kitabatake  Chikafusa. 
He  died  in  1354,  at  the  age  of  sixty-two.  Japanese  annalists  say  of  Chikafusa: 
"It  was  through  his  ability  that  the  Southern  forces  were  co-ordinated  and  kept 
active  in  all  parts  of  the  empire.  It  was  due  to  his  clever  strategy  that  Kyoto 
lay  under  constant  menace  from  the  south.  If  the  first  great  protagonists  in  the 
struggle  between  the  Northern  and  the  Southern  Courts  were  Prince  Morinaga 
and  Takauji,  and  those  of  the  next  were  Nitta  Yoshisada  and  Takauji,  the  third 
couple  was  Kitabatake  Chikafusa  and  Takauji."  Chikafusa  was  of  wide  erudi- 
tion; he  had  a  wonderful  memory,  and  his  perpetual  guides  were  justice  and 
righteousness.  After  his  death  the  Southern  Court  fell  into  a  state  of  division 
against  itself;  and  its  spirit  sensibly  declined, 
snirnolif)  'j^rtaTJe  A  .orn^qu?.  n'iK%&  Hoamirf  hnuot  wi-Ai-.i ;i- •.••'/ 

DEATH    OF    TAKAUJI 
-rftifo3  oitr  nil  M>fifq«o-      orrur-  JIM-JO  IL; 

Takauji  survived  Chikafusa  by  only  four  years;  he  expired  in  1358.  Un- 
doubtedly his  figure  is  projected  in  very  imposing  dimensions  on  the  pages  of  his 
country 's  history,  and  as  the  high  mountain  in  the  Chinese  proverb  is  gilded  by 
the  sunbeams  and  beaten  by  the  storm,  so  condemnation  and  eulogy  have  been 
poured  upon  his  head  by  posterity.  An  annalist  of  his  time  says:  "  Yoritomo 
was  impartial  in  bestowing  rewards,  but  so  severe  in  meting  out  punishments 
as  to  seem  almost  inhuman.  Takauji,  however,  in  addition  to  being  humane  and 
just,  is  strong-minded,  for  no  peril  ever  summons  terror  to  his  eye  or  banishes 
the  smile  from  his  lip;  merciful,  for  he  knows  no  hatred  and  treats  his  foes  as  his 
sons;  magnanimous,  for  he  counts  gold  and  silver  as  stones  or  sand,  and  generous, 
for  he  never  compares  the  gift  with  the  recipient,  but  gives  away  everything  as 
it  comes  to  hand.  It  is  the  custom  for  people  to  carry  many  presents  to  the 
shogun  on  the  first  day  of  the  eighth  month,  but  so  freely  are  those  things  given 
away  that  nothing  remains  by  the  evening,  I  am  told." 


3J   THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  409 

A  later  historian,  Rai  Sanyo  (1780-1832),  wrote:  "There  were  as  brave 
men  and  as  clever  in  the  days  of  the  Minamoto  as  in  the  days  of  the  Ashikaga. 
Why,  then,  did  the  former  never  dare  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Bakufu,  whereas 
the  latter  never  ceased  to  assault  the  Ashikaga?  It  was  because  the  Minamoto 
and  the  Hojo  understood  the  expediency  of  not  entrusting  too  much  power  to 
potential  rivals,  whereas  the  Ashikaga  gave  away  lands  so  rashly  that  some 
families  —  as  the  Akamatsu,  the  Hosokawa,  and  the  Hatakeyama  —  came  into 
the  possession  of  three  or  four  provinces,  and  in  an  extreme  case  one  family  — 
that  of  Yamana  —  controlled  ten  provinces,  or  one-sixth  of  the  whole  empire. 
These  septs,  finding  themselves  so  powerful,  became  unmanageable.  Then  the 
division  of  the  Ashikaga  into  the  Muromachi  magnates  and  the  Kamakura 
chiefs  brought  two  sets  of  rulers  upon  the  same  stage,  and  naturally  intrigue 
and  distrust  were  born,  so  that,  in  the  end,  Muromachi  was  shaken  by  Hosokawa, 
and  Kamakura  was  overthrown  by  Uesugi.  An  animal  with  too  ponderous  a 
tail  cannot  wag  it,  and  a  stick  too  heavy  at  one  end  is  apt  to  break.  The 
Ashikaga  angled  with  such  valuable  bait  that  they  ultimately  lost  both  fish  and 
bait.  During  the  thirteen  generations  of  their  sway  there  was  no  respite  from 
struggle  between  family  and  family  or  between  chief  and  vassal."  Takauji's 
record  plainly  shows  that  deception  was  one  of  his  weapons.  He  was  absolutely 
unscrupulous.  He  knew  also  how  to  entice  men  with  gain,  but  he  forgot  that 
those  who  came  for  gain  will  go  also  for  gain.  It  would  seem,  too,  that  he 
sacrificed  justice  to  the  fear  of  alienating  his  supporters.  Not  otherwise  can  we 
account  for  his  leniency  towards  the  Ko  brothers,  who  were  guilty  of  such 
violations  of  propriety.  •  i-iimr 

M-o-0 1 

THE  SECOND  ASHIKAGA  SHOGUN 

Takauji  was  succeeded  in  the  shogunate  by  his  eldest  son,  Yoshiakira,  of 
whom  so  much  has  already  been  heard.  The  fortunes  of  the  Southern  Court 
were  now  at  low  ebb.  During  the  year  (1359)  after  Takauji 's  death,  Kamakura 
contributed  materially  to  the  support  of  the  Ashikaga  cause.  The  Kwanto  was 
then  under  the  sway  of  Takauji's  fourth  son,  Motouji,  one  of  the  ablest  men  of 
his  time.  He  had  just  succeeded  in  quelling  the  defection  of  the  Nitta  family, 
and  his  military  power  was  so  great  that  his  captains  conceived  the  ambition  of 
marching  to  Kyoto  and  supplanting  Yoshiakira  by  Motouji.  But  the  latter, 
instead  of  adopting  this  disloyal  counsel,  despatched  a  large  army  under  Hatake- 
yama Kunikiyo  to  attack  the  Southern  Court.  Marching  by  the  two  highways 
of  Settsu  and  Kawachi,  this  army  attacked  Yoshino  and  gained  some  important 
successes.  But  the  fruits  of  these  victories  were  not  gathered.  The  Hatakeyama 
chief  developed  ambitions  of  his  own,  and,  on  returning  to  the  Kwanto,  was 
crushed  by  Motouji  and  deprived  of  his  office  of  shitsuji,  that  post  being  given 
again  to  Uesugi  Noriaki,  "who  had  been  in  exile  since  the  death  of  Tadayoshi  in 
1352.  At,  or  shortly  after,  this  time,  Kai  and  Izu  and,  later  on,  Mutsu,  were  put 
under  Kamakura  jurisdiction,  and  their  peaceful  and  orderly  condition  formed 
a  marked  contrast  to  the  general  state  of  the  rest  of  the  empire."1 

The  next  event  of  cardinal  importance  in  this  much  disturbed  period  was  the 
defection  of  Hosokawa  Kiyouji,  one  of  the  shitsuji  in  Kyoto.  This  powerful 
chief,  disappointed  in  his  expectations  of  reward,  went  over  to  the  Southern 
Court  in  1361,  and  the  result  was  that  the  Ashikaga  shogun  had  to  flee  from 
Kyoto,  escorting  Go-Kogon.  The  situation  soon  changed  however.  Hosokawa 

fa  5rmm  srf!  [i  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.]   <i  berififtrf^ 


410  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Kiyouji,  returning  to  his  native  province,  Awa,  essayed  to  bring  the  whole  of 
Shikoku  into  allegiance  to  the  Southern  Court,  but  was  signally  worsted  by  his 
cousin,  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki  —  afterwards  very  famous  —  ,  and  scarcely  a  month 
had  elapsed  before  Yoshiakira  was  back  in  the  capital.  In  the  same  year  (1362), 
the  Northerners  received  a  marked  increase  of  strength  by  the  accession  of  the; 
Yamana  family,  which  was  at  that  time  supreme  in  the  five  central  provinces  of 
eastern  Japan  —  namely,  Tamba,  Inaba,  Bizen,  Bitchu,  and  Mimasaka.  Dur- 
ing ten  years  this  family  had  supported  the  Southern  Court,  but  its  chief, 
Tokiuji,  now  yielded  to  the  persuasion  of  Yoshiakira  's  emissaries,  and  espoused 
the  Ashikaga  cause  on  condition  that  he,  Tokiuji,  should  be  named  high  constable 
of  the  above  five  provinces*;-!! 

Meanwhile,  the  partisans  of  the  late  Tadayoshi  —  the  Kira,  the  Ishido,  the 
Momonoi,  the  Nikki,  and  others  —  constituted  a  source  of  perpetual  menace,  and 
even  among  the  Ashikaga  themselves  there  was  a  rebel  (Takatsune).  Yoshia- 
kira became  weary  of  the  unceasing  strife.  He  addressed  overtures  to  the 
Southern  Court  and  they  were  accepted  on  condition  that  he  made  formal  act 
of  surrender.  This  the  shogun  refused  to  do,  but  he  treated  Go-Murakami  's 
envoy  with  every  mark  of  respect,  and  though  the  pourparlers  proved  finally 
abortive,  they  had  continued  for  five  months,  an  evidence  that  both  sides  were 
anxious  to  find  a  path  to  peace.  Yoshiakira  died  in  the  same  year,  1367. 
ru-f  tedt  ,00*  ,0ma  lAvofr  .tl  .niaa  lo'i  oais  03  Hiw  ni-eg  -j</ 


THE   SOUTHERN    COURT 

•  ' 


i  i  ;,«  uz  i  o  v  J  i  ijjg  yi  'jif  o  i  '  'if  .  •-  - 

Previously  to  this  event,  a  new  trouble  had  occurred  in  the  Southern  Court. 
The  Emperor  Go-Murakami  signified  his  desire  to  abdicate,  and  thereupon  the 
Court  nobles  who  had  followed  the  three  ex-Emperors  into  the  Southern  lines 
in  1352  fell  into  two  cliques,  each  advocating  the  nomination  of  a  different  suc- 
cessor. This  discord  exercised  a  debilitating  influence,  and  when  Go-Murakami 
died  (1368),  the  Southerners  found  themselves  in  a  parlous  condition.  For  his 
son  and  successor,  Chokei,  failing  to  appreciate  the  situation,  immediately 
planned  an  extensive  campaign  against  Kyoto  from  the  east  and  the  south 
simultaneously.  Then  Kusunoki  Masanori  passed  into  the  Northern  camp. 
Few  events  have  received  wider  historical  comment  in  Japan.  The  Kusunoki 
family  stood  for  everything  loyal  and  devoted  in  the  bushi's  record,  and  Masanori 
was  a  worthy  chief  of  the  sept.  So  conspicuous  were  his  virtues  and  so  attractive 
was  his  personality  that  a  samurai  of  the  Akamatsu  family,  who  had  planned 
a  vendetta  against  him,  committed  suicide  himself  rather  than  raise  his  hand  to 
slay  such  a  hero. 

How,  then,  are  we  to  account  for  Masanori  's  infidelity  to  the  cause  he  had 
embraced?  The  answer  of  his  country's  most  credible  annalists  is  that  his 
motive  was  to  save  the  Southern  Court.  He  saw  that  if  the  young  Emperor. 
ChOkei,  persisted  in  his  design  of  a  general  campaign  against  Kyoto,  a  crushing 
defeat  must  be  the  outcome,  and  since  the  sovereign  would  not  pay  heed  to  his 
remonstrances,  he  concluded  that  the  only  way  to  arrest  the  mad  enterprise  was 
his  own  defection,  which  would  weaken  the  South  too  much  to  permit  offensive 
action.  Ashikaga  Yoshimitsu  was  then  shogun  at  Muromachi.  He  had 
succeeded  to  that  office  in  1367,  at  the  age  of  nine,  and  his  father,  then  within  a 
year  of  death,  had  entrusted  him  to  the  care  of  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki,  one  of  the 
ablest  men  of  his  own  or  any  generation.  There  are  strong  reasons  for  thinking 
that  between  this  statesman  and  Masanori  an  understanding  existed.  So  long 
as  Yoriyuki  remained  in  power  there  was  nothing  worthy  of  the  name  of  war 


THE  WAR  OF  THE  DYNASTIES  411 

between  the  two  Courts,  and  when,  after  his  retirement  in  1379,  the  struggle 
re-opened  under  the  direction  of  his  successor  (a  Yamana  chief),  Masanori 
returned  to  his  old  allegiance  and  took  the  field  once  more  in  the  Southern  cause. 
His  action  in  temporarily  changing  his  allegiance  had  given  ten  years'  respite 
to  the  Southerners;"'" 

Qmvjifi  .ufelnmo/l-oi')     .ITCI  ui  .aogo/I-oO  byiwioua  br.A  zrrfn-.l 

!.<!>  t+;.tr:f  urit-  .i« -TQP  'fO  5»Tfi'v/ 

PEACE    BETWEEN    THE    TWO    COURTS 

"••  gJlLKXj 

The  Southern  Emperor,  Chokei,  coming  to  the  throne  in  1368,  abdicated  in 
1372  in  favour  of  his  brother,  known  in  history  as  Go-Kameyama.  During  his 
brief  tenure  of  power  Chokei 's  extensive  plans  for  the  capture  of  Kyoto  did  not 
mature,  but  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  whole  island  of  Kyushu  wrested 
from  Ashikaga  hands.  It  is  true  that  under  the  able  administration  of  Imagawa 
Sadayo  (Ryoshun),  a  tandai  appointed  by  the  Ashikaga,  this  state  of  affairs  was 
largely  remedied  during  the  next  ten  years,  but  as  the  last  substantial  triumph 
of  the  Yoshino  arms  the  record  of  Chokei 's  reign  is  memorable.  It  was,  in  truth, 
the  final  success.  The  decade  of  comparative  quiet  that  ensued  on  the  main 
island  proved  to  be  the  calm  before  the  storm. 

The  most  prominent  figures  in  the  closing  chapter  of  the  great  dynastic 
struggle  are  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki  and  Yamana  Mitsuyuki.  When  the  second 
Ashikaga  shogun,  Yoshiakira,  recognized  that  his  days  were  numbered,  he 
summoned  his  trusted  councillor,  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki,  and  his  son  Yoshimitsu, 
and  said  to  the  latter,  "I  give  you  a  father,"  and  to  the  former,  "I  give  you  a 
son."  Yoriyuki  faithfully  discharged  the  trust  thus  reposed  in  him.  He 
surrounded  his  youthful  charge  with  literary  and  military  experts,  and  secured 
to  him  every  advantage  that  education  could  confer.  Moreover,  this  astute 
statesman  seems  to  have  apprehended  that  if  the  cause  of  the  Southern  Court 
were  not  actually  opposed,  it  would  die  of  inanition,  and  he  therefore  employed 
all  his  influence  to  preserve  peace.  He  endeavoured  also  to  enforce  strict 
obedience  to  the  economical  precepts  of  the  Kemmu  code,  and  altogether  the 
ethics  he  favoured  were  out  of  harmony  with  the  social  conditions  of  Kyoto  at 
the  time  and  with  the  natural  proclivities  of  the  young  shogun  himself.  In 
fine,  he  had  to  leave  the  capital,  too  full  of  his  enemies,  and  to  retire  to  his  native 
province,  Awa. 

During  ten  years  he  remained  in  seclusion.  But,  in  1389,  a  journey  made  by 
the  shogun  to  Miya-jima  revealed  so  many  evidences  of  Yoriyuki 's  loyalty  that 
he  was  invited  to  return  to  Kyoto,  and  with  his  assistance  the  organization  of 
the  Ashikaga  forces  at  Muromachi  was  brought  to  a  high  state  of  efficiency, 
partly  because  the  astute  Yoriyuki  foresaw  trouble  with  the  Yamana  family, 
which  was  then  supreme  in  no  less  than  ten  provinces,  or  nearly  one-sixth  of  all 
Japan.  In  1391  Yamana  Ujikiyo  and  his  kinsman  Mitsuyuki  took  the  field 
against  Kyoto  under  the  standard  of  the  Southern  Court.  He  commanded  a 
great  army,  and  there  resulted  a  desperate  struggle  known  in  history  as  the 
Meitoku  War,  after  the  name  of  the  year-period  when  it  occurred.  The  Yamana 
leader  was  killed  and  his  army  completely  routed.  In  the  following  year,  the 
great  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki  died.  He  had  lived  to  see  the  ten  provinces  recovered 
from  Yamana  rule  and  partitioned  among  the  Muromachi  generals,  >9f}qe 

But  he  expired  just  before  the  final  triumph  to  which  his  genius  had  so 
materially  contributed.  For  within  a  few  months  of  his  demise  the' War  of  the 
Dynasties  came  at  last  to  a  close.  The  proximate  cause  was  the  fall  of  the 
Kusunoki  stronghold,  which  had  been  built  by  Masashige,  and  during  sixty  years 


412  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

had  remained  unconquered.  With  its  reduction,  preceded  as  it  had  been  by  the 
annihilation  of  the  Yamana,  the  fortunes  of  the  Southern  Court  had  become 
hopeless,  and  overtures  carried  from  Kyoto  by  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of 
the  Muromachi  generals,  Ouchi  Yoshihiro,  were  accepted.  Go-Komatsu  then 
occupied  the  Northern  throne.  He  had  succeeded  Go-Enyu,  in  1382,  and  the 
latter,  had  succeeded  Go-Kogon,  in  1371.  Go-Komatsu,  having  been  only  six 
years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  accession,  was  in  his  sixteenth  year  when  the  two 

^-*« 

Courts  came  to  an  agreement 

For  a  time  the  terms  proved  very  difficult  of  adjustment,  but  ultimately  it 
was  decided  that  the  Southern  sovereign,  Go-Kameyama,  should  abdicate  in 
favour  of  the  Northern,  the  former  being  thenceforth  treated  as  the  latter 's 
father.  This  compact  having  been  concluded,  the  sacred  insignia  were  trans- 
ported from  Yoshino  to  Kyoto  with  all  solemnity.  Six  Court  nobles  accompanied 
them  from  the  South;  twenty  went  out  from  the  North  to  receive  them,  and 
a  numerous  body  of  troops  formed  the  escort.  The  retiring  Emperor  spent  ten 
days  at  the  palace  in  Kyoto,  throughout  which  time  a  magnificent  banquet  was 
held  to  celebrate  the  conclusion  of  the  fifty-five  years'  war.  Yoshino  and  other 
districts  were  assigned  for  the  support  of  the  ex-Emperor,  and  pensions  or  domains 
were  conferred  on  the  Court  nobles  of  the  South,  some  of  whom,  however,  declin- 
ing to  compromise  their  sense  of  honour  by  accepting  favours  from  the  North, 
withdrew  to  the  provinces;  and  their  exile  was  shared  by  several  of  the  military 
leaders  who  had  remained  true  to  the  South  throughout.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  among  these  apparent  implacables  were  some  of  a  selfishly  calculating 
disposition,  who,  anticipating  a  reversion  to  the  system  of  alternate  succession, 
as  instituted  by  the  Hojo  interpreters  of  Go-Saga 's  testament,  looked  for  greater 
personal  advantage  when  the  Crown  should  come  to  the  Southern  branch  than 
anything  that  could  be  hoped  for  by  submitting  to  the  Northern.  They  were 
mistaken.  That  testament,  which  had  done  so  much  mischief  in  its  time,  was 
ignored  from  the  close  of  the  War  of  the  Dynasties.  It  did  not  fall  into  total 
abeyance,  however,  without  some  further  bloodshed,  and  the  facts  may  be 
interpolated  here  so  as  to  dispose  finally  of  the  subject. 

In  1412,  the  abdication  of  Go-Komatsu  should  have  been  followed  by  the 
accession  of  a  Southern  prince  had  the  principle  of  alternation  been  pursued. 
It  was  not  so  followed.  On  the  contrary,  the  sceptre  fell  to  Shoko —  101st 
sovereign — son  of  Go-Komatsu.  Hence,  in  1413,  Date  Yasumune,  inMutsu, 
and,  in  1414,  Kitabatake  Mitsumasa,  in  Ise,  made  armed  protests,  gallant  but 
ineffective.  Again,  in  1428,  on  the  childless  death  of  Shoko,  the  claims  of  the 
Southern  line  were  tacitly  ignored  in  favour  of  Go-Hanazono,  grandson  of  the 
third  Northern  Emperor,  Suko.  The  same  Mitsumasa  now  took  the  field,  aided 
this  time  by  Masahide,  head  of  the  ever  loyal  house  of  Kusunoki,  but  signal 
failure  ensued.  The  last  struggle  in  behalf  of  the  Southern  line  took  place  in 
1443,  when  "a  band  of  determined  men  under  Kusunoki  Jiro  and  the  Court 
noble,  Hino  Arimitsu,  suddenly  assailed  the  palace  from  two  directions;  all  but 
succeeded  in  killing  or  capturing  the  Emperor,  and  actually  got  possession  of  the 
regalia.  They  were  soon  driven  out,  however,  and  in  their  flight  to  Hiei-zan, 
where  one  body  of  them  entrenched  themselves,  the  mirror  and  the  sword  were 
dropped  and  recovered  by  the  pursuers.  The  other  body  made  good  their 
escape  to  the  wilds  of  Odai-ga-hara,  carrying  with  them  the  seal ;  and  it  was  not 
till  a  year  later  that  it  found  its  way  back  to  Kyoto,  when  the  rebels  had  been 
destroyed."1  &Q. 

P  Murdoch's  History  of  Japan.] 


YliGTaiH 


,«  D'.uiA  \c>  oil  ii  fljiJ  jtw&d 


q  i 


ot 


KOZUKA  AND  MENUKI  (SWORD  FURNITURE) 

.  rfly<U  boo.fclq9i  osliB  orlw  ^Jimp^  igusa'J 
-lulmja  ,bi.cv7fi  oT    ,|>'Mb  ctyirfaoM  noiiw  t6&M.. 
-  ciij  riij  i<C  '  svis \joj\»  oil*  ni  Ls ioffto  toido 

CHAPTER  XXXI 


THE   FALL  OF  THE   ASHIKAGA 


. 


TWO    BRANCHES    OF    THE    ASHIKAGA 

.£!  J.i  bfWi  4fiV.'j?..;-[p?:oH.  iiflt 

THE  Ashikaga  family  was  divided  into  two  main  branches,  both  descended 
from  Takauji.  The  representatives  of  one,  the  senior,  branch  had  their  head- 
quarters at  Muromachi  in  Kyoto  and  held  the  office  of  shogun  as  a  hereditary 
right.  There  were  fifteen  generations : — 

^^H    .aiu J.V'Xf  12 iio'kte  &  m  iovlotfiiiarft  brrirol  .^sa^iiiaA  adl 


Name 

Born            Succeeded 

Abdicated 

Died 

(1) 

Takauji 

lu     1305                 1338 

1358 

(2) 

Yoshiakira 

tf  '     1330                 1358 

i367 

1368 

(3) 

Yoshimitsu      r  |jkJ-jjOg  ^rf 

r  hB  1358  SB  £{        1367 

a  JK1.J395 

'i  jiv/1408 

(4) 
(5) 

Yoshimochi          .  ,    ,  '  ,.-r 
Yoshikazu  .      "C).      *ucl 

13S6                        Io9o 

1407                 1423 

ino'.'c-- 

1428 
1425 

(6) 

Yoshinori    . 

1394                 1428 

L>  S'Ji}iO;H{.t 

1441 

(7) 

Yoshikatsu          irr'j')  •'>'«! 

1433                 1441 

•  *  »  •!.[••' 

1443 

(8) 

Yoshimasa            .        ,  . 

1435                 1443 

1474 

1490 

(9) 

Yoshihisa    . 

1465                 1474 

1489 

(10) 

Yoshitane  (first  tenure) 

1465                 1490 

i493 

r.ii^cii  lii 

(11) 

Yoshizumi  .      .0^4 

1478                 1493 

1508 

1511 

Yoshitane  (second  tenure) 

J  *     ....                 1508 

1521 

1522 

(12) 

Yoshiharu  .          .      lO.  3; 

<iJ     1510                 1521 

1545 

1550 

(13) 

Yoshiteru    .          .      r  jj.Wj 

1535                 1545 

1565 

(14) 

Yoshihide    .          .     •  .  . 

1565                 1565 

1568 

(15) 

Yoshiaki     .          .      f*?0 

1537                 1568 

1573 

1597 

The  apparent  clashing  of  dates  in  the  case  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  shoguns, 
Yoshimochi  and  Yoshikazu,  is  due  to  the  fact  that  on  the  death  of  the  latter,  in 
1425,  the  former  resumed  the  office  and  held  it  until  his  own  death,  in  1428. 


(1) 

(2) 
(3) 
(4) 
(5) 

ffi 

(8) 
(9) 

Motouji  .      5  t. 
Ujimitsu 
Mitsukane 
Mochiuji         i? 
Shigeuji  . 
Masatomo 
Takamoto 
Haruuji  .      f? 
Yoshiuji  . 

i  X1XD       i4_rt.lVJL^l.ZV 

io.  pdf  yggiroyzog. 


oidw 


THE    KAMAKURA    ^TFAA^F^    AND    KUBO 

Born 
1340 
1357 
1376 
1398 
1434 
.... 

ORqe.1  itf  ]betergira]orf?y:]ap  i        :.^'yr>  .^v, 

^7l4ooDi^^yfi  bn«  ^yft  ^^basoe^b  oapiiw  bn        — 
413 


Died 
1367 
1398 
1409 
1439 
1497 


414  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  title  "kwanryo,"  as  already  stated,  signifies  "governor-general,"  and 
the  region  governed  was  the  eight  provinces  of  the  Kwantd,  together  with  Izu  and 
Kai.  The  first  of  the  Ashikaga  kwanryo,  Motouji,  was  Takauji  's  youngest  son, 
and  the  following  eight  names  on  the  above  list  were  direct  descendants.  But 
not  all  had  the  title  of  kwanryo  or  wielded  the  extensive  power  attached  to  that 
office.  Only  the  first  four  were  thus  fortunate.  From  the  days  of  the  fifth, 
Shigeuji,  evil  times  overtook  the  family.  Driven  out  of  Kamakura  by  the 
Uesugi,  who  had  hitherto  served  as  manager  (shitsuji),  they  were  obliged  to 
change  their  domicile  to  Koga  in  Shimosa;  their  sphere  of  jurisdiction  was  reduced 
to  four  provinces,  namely,  Shimosa,  Shimotsuke,  Kazusa,  and  Awa;  their  official 
title  was  altered  to  gosho  or  kubo,  and  their  former  title  of  kwanryo  passed  to  the 
Uesugi  family  who  also  replaced  them  at  Kamakura.  These  things  fell  out  in 
1439,  when  Mochiuji  died.  To  avoid  confusion  it  is  necessary  to  note  that  the 
chief  official  in  the  shogun  's  court  at  Muromachi  in  Kyoto  was  also  called  kwan- 
ryo. He  had  originally  been  termed  "manager"  (shitsuji),  but,  in  1367,  this 
was  changed  to  "governor-general,"  and  the  corresponding  functions  were 
practically  those  discharged  by  the  regent  (shikken}  in  the  polity  of  the  old  Baku- 
fu.  The  first  Muromachi  kwanryo  was  Shiba  Yoshimasa,  and  it  became  the 
ultimate  custom  to  give  the  post  to  a  member  of  one  of  three  families,  the  Shiba, 

the  Hosokawa,  and  the  Hatakeyama. 
b'iDfr>o«?b.f!)ocT  ,aanyfifiid  : 

-hfi^il  liou't  fwifi  rf'iciBid  tiohm  orij  ,900  1» 

STATE   OF    THE    PROVINCES 

When  swords  were  sheathed  after  the  long  and  wasting  War  of  the  Dynasties, 
the  Ashikaga  found  themselves  in  a  strong  position.  Having  full  control  of  the 
Court,  they  could  treat  as  a  rebel  anyone  opposing  them  by  force  of  arms,  and 
their  partisans  were  so  numerous  in  Kyoto  and  its  vicinity  that  they  could  impose 
their  will  upon  all.  In  the  east,  the  Kwanto  was  effectually  ruled  by  a  branch  of 
their  own  family,  and  in  the  north  as  well  as  in  the  south  they  were  represented 
by  tandai,  who  governed  stoutly  and  loyally.  But  trouble  began  very  soon. 
In  Kyushu  the  office  of  tandai  was  held  by  Imagawa  Ryoshun,  a  man  ever  mem- 
orable in  Japanese  history  as  the  author  of  the  precept  that  military  prowess 
without  education  is  worse  than  useless.  Ryoshun  had  been  selected  for  service 
in  Kyushu  by  the  great  shitsuji  of  Muromachi,  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki,  who  saw 
that  only  by  the  strongest  hands  could  the  turbulent  families  of  the  southern 
island  be  reduced  to  order  —  the  Shimazu,  the  Otomo,  the  Shoni,  and  the 
Kikuchi.  Everything  went  to  show  that  Imagawa  would  have  succeeded  had 
not  that  familiar  weapon,  slander,  been  utilized  for  his  overthrow.  The  Otomo 
chief  persuaded  Ouchi  Yoshihiro  to  traduce  Ryoshun,  and  since  the  Ouchi  sept 
exercised  great  influence  in  the  central  provinces  and  had  taken  a  prominent  part 
in  composing  the  War  of  the  Dynasties,  the  shogun,  Yoshimitsu,  could  not  choose 
but  listen  to  charges  coming  from  such  a  source.  Imagawa  Ryoshun  was 
recalled  (1396),  and  thenceforth  Kyushu  .became  the  scene  of  almost  perpetual 
warfare  which  the  Muromachi  authorities  were  powerless  to  check. 

Oi-RI 

. 
THE    OUCHI    FAMILY 

It  was  to  the  same  Ouchi  family  that  the  Muromachi  shogun  owed  his  first 
serious  trouble  after  the  close  of  the  War  of  the  Dynasties.  The  ancestor  of  the 
family  had  been  a  Korean  prince  who  migrated  to  Japan  early  in  the  seventh 
century,  and  whose  descendants,  five  and  a  half  centuries  later,  were  admitted 

f.ii- 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  415 

to  the  ranks  of  the  samurai.  The  outbreak  of  the  War  of  the  Dynasties  had 
found  the  Ouchi  ranged  on  the  Southern  side,  but  presently  they  espoused  the 
Ashikaga  cause,  and  distinguished  themselves  conspicuously  against  the  Kikuchi 
in  Kyushu  and,  above  all,  in  promoting  the  conclusion  of  the  dynastic  struggle. 

These  eminent  services  were  recognized  by  Ouchi  Yoshihiro  's  appointment 
to  administer  no  less  than  six  provinces  —  Nagato,  Suwo,  Aki,  Buzen,  Kiij  and 
Izumi.  In  fact  he  guarded  the  western  and  eastern  entrances  of  the  Inland 
Sea,  and  held  the  overlordship  of  western  Japan.  At  his  castle  in  Sakai,  near 
Osaka,  he  amassed  wealth  by  foreign  trade,  and  there  he  received  and  harboured 
representatives  of  the  Kusunoki  and  Kikuchi  families,  while  at  the  same  time 
he  carried  on  friendly  communications  with  the  Doki,  the  Ikeda,  and  the 
Yamana.  In  short,  he  grew  too  powerful  to  receive  mandates  from  Muromachi, 
especially  when  they  came  through  a  kwanryo  of  the  Hatakeyama  family  who  had 
just  risen  to  that  distinction. 

Suddenly,  in  November,  1399,  the  Ouchi  chief  appeared  in  Izumi  at  the  head 
of  a  force  of  twenty-three  thousand  men,  a  force  which  received  rapid  and 
numerous  accessions.  His  grounds  of  disaffection  were  that  he  suspected  the 
shogun  of  a  design  to  deprive  him  of  the  two  provinces  of  Kii  and  Izumi,  which 
were  far  remote  from  the  other  five  provinces  in  his  jurisdiction  and  which 
placed  him  within  arm's  length  of  Kyoto,  and,  further,  that  no  sufficient  reward 
had  been  given  to  the  family  of  his  younger  brother,  who  fell  in  battle.  There 
were  minor  grievances,  but  evidently  all  were  pretexts:  the  real  object  was  to 
overthrow  Muromachi.  The  shogun,  Yoshimitsu,  acted  with  great  promptitude. 
He  placed  Hatakeyama  Mitsuiye  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  and  on  January 
18,  1400,  Sakai  fell  and  Yoshihiro  committed  suicide.  Thereafter  the  province 
of  Kii  was  placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Hatakeyama  family,  and  Izumi 
under  that  of  Hosokawa,  while  the  Shiba  ruled  in  Echizen,  Owari,  and  Totomi. 
In  short,  these  three  families  became  the  bulwarks  of  the  Ashikaga. 

oj,f>H    Oilt  n.j-ji'          -  •      «^IB!»\   " 
a  ^ii.t  o.l  /rsf'mti  \ 

iaqraH      KAMAKURA   AND    MUROMACHI 

An  important  episode  of  the  Ouchi  struggle  was  that  Mitsukane,  the  third 
Kamakura  kwanryo  of  the_Ashikaga  line,  moved  an  army  into  Musashi  to  render 
indirect  assistance  to  the  Ouchi  cause.  In  truth,  from  an  early  period  of  Kama- 
kura's  tenure  by  an  Ashikaga  governor-general  of  the  Kwanto,  there  had  been 
an  ambition  to  transfer  the  office  of  shogun  from  the  Kyoto  to  the  Kamakura 
branch  of  the  family.  The  matter  was  not  mooted  during  Takauji's  lifetime, 
but  when,  on  his  demise,  the  comparatively  incompetent  Yoshiakira  came  into 
power  at  Muromachi,  certain  military  magnates  of  the  eastern  provinces  urged 
the  Kamakura  kwanryo,  Motouji,  to  usurp  his  brother's  position.  Motouji, 
essentially  as  loyal  as  he  was  astute,  spurned  the  proposition.  But  it  was  not 
so  with  his  son  and  successor,  Ujimitsu.  To  him  the  ambition  of  winning  the 
shogunate  presented  itself  strongly,  and  was  only  abandoned  when  Uesugi 
Noriharu  committed  suicide  to  add  weight  to  a  protest  against  such  an  essay. 
Japanese  annals  contain  many  records  of  lives  thus  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of 
devotion  and  loyalty.  From  the  outset  the  Uesugi  family  were  the  pillars  of  the 
Ashikaga  kwanryo  in  Kamakura.  Uesugi  Noriaki  served  as  shitsuji  in  the  time 
of  the  first  kwanryo,  and  the  same  service  was  rendered  by  Noriaki 's  son, 
Yoshinori,  and  by  the  latter 's  nephew,  Tomomune,  in  the  time  of  the  second 
kwanryo,  Ujimitsu.  Confusing  as  are  the  multitude  of  names  that  confront  the 
foreign  student  of  Japanese  history,  it  is  necessary  to  note  that  from  the  time  of 


416 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


their  appointment  as  shitsuji  at  Kamakura,  Yoshinori  took  the  family  name  of 
Yamanouchi,  and  Tomomune  that  of  Ogigayatsu.  Balked  in  his  design  against 
KySto,  Ujimitsu  turned  his  hand  against  the  Nitta,  old  enemies  of  his  family, 
and  crushing  them,  placed  the  Ashikaga  power  on  a  very  firm  basis  in  the 
Kwanto.  His  son,  Mitsukane,  had  the  gift  of  handling  troops  with  great  skill, 
and  in  his  time  the  prestige  of  the  Kamakura  kwanryo  reached  its  highest  point. 
In  the  eyes  of  the  military  men  of  the  eastern  provinces,  the  shogun  in  distant 
Kyoto  counted  for  little  compared  with  the  governor-general  in  adjacent 
Kamakura.  The  latter 's  mansion  was  called  gosho  (palace) ;  its  occupant  was 
termed  kubo,  an  epithet  hitherto  applied  to  the  shogun  only,  and  the  elder  and 
younger  branches  of  the  Uesugi  family,  in  which  the  office  of  kwanryo  of  Muro- 
machi  was  hereditary,  were  designated  Ryo  Uesugi  (the  Two  Uesugi).  Mitsu- 
kane, when  he  abetted  the  Ouchi's  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Kyoto  shogun, 
persuaded  himself  that  he  was  only  carrying  out  his  father 's  unachieved  purpose, 
and  the  shogun,  Yoshimitsu,  took  no  step  to  punish  him,  preferring  to  accept  his 
overtures  —  made  through  Uesugi  Tomomune. 

THE   EXTRAVAGANCE   OF   YOSHIMITSU 

-•».   /If 

There  is  little  question  that  whatever  applause  history  can  extend  to  the 
administration  of  the  third  Ashikaga  shogun,  Yoshimitsu,  was  won  for  him  by  his 
profoundly  sagacious  guardian  and  chief  minister,  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki.  After 

the  latter 's  death,  in  1392, 
many  abuses  and  few  meritori- 
ous acts  appear  in  the  shogun 's 
record.  Alike,  the  wise  self- 
effacement  and  the  admirable 
frugality  which  distinguished 
the  Ho  jo  rule  were  wholly 
foreign  to  the  mood  of  Yoshi- 
mitsu. He  insisted  on  being 
raised  to  the  post  of  chancellor 
of  the  empire,  and  he  openly 
spoke  of  himself  as  "king," 
designating  as  Go-sekke  (Five 
Regent  Houses)  the  families 
of  Shiba,  Hosokawa,  Hata- 
keyama,  Rokkaku,  and  Yu- 
mana.  At  the  ceremony  of 
his  investiture  as  chancellor 
(dajo  daijiri)  he  presented  to 
the  Throne  a  sword  forged  by 
Kunimitsu;  one  hundred 
pieces  of  white  silk;  one 
thousand  silver  coins;  ten  ti- 
gers' skins,  and  fifty  pounds 
of  dyed  silk.  To  the  ex-Em- 
peror he  gave  a  thousand 
silver  coins;  fifty  pieces  of 
white  silk,  and  a  sword,  and 
YOSHIMITSU  among  the  Imperial  princes 


THE  FALL  OF!  THE1  ASHIKAGA  417 

and  Court  nobles  he  distributed  ten  thousand  pieces  of  silver.  Such  was 
his  parade  of  opulence. 

The  chief  obstacle  to  conferring  on  him  the  title  of  chancellor  had  been  that 
the  records  contained  only  one  instance  of  a  military  man 's  appointment  to  that 
exalted  post.  That  instance  was  Taira  no  Kiyomori,  whose  example  should  have 
been  deterrent  to  a  Minamoto.  Yoshimitsu  overcame  the  difficulty  by  nominal- 
ly transferring  his  military  functions  to  his  son  Yoshimochi  (1423),  and  constitut- 
ing himself  the  patron  of  literature.  It  was  now  that  his  love  of  luxury  and 
splendour  assumed  its  full  dimensions.  He  had  already  beautified  his  Muro- 
machi  mansion  by  constructing  there  a  park  so  spacious  and  so  brilliant  at  all 
seasons  that  it  went  by  the  name  of  Hana  no  Gosho  (Palace  of  Flowers).  This 
he  now  assigned  as  a  residence  for  his  son  and  successor,  Yoshimochi,  transferring 
his  own  place  of  abode  to  the  site  occupied  by  the  Saionji  family,  to  whom  was 
given  in  exchange  an  extensive  manor  in  Kawachi.  Here  the  Ashikaga  chancel- 
lor built  a  palace  of  such  dimensions  that  sixteen  superintendents  and  twenty 
assistant  superintendents  were  required  to  oversee  the  work.  Most  conspicuous 
was  the  Kinkaku-ji,  or  golden  pavilion  shrine,  so  called  because  its  interior  was 
gilt,  the  gold  foil  being  thickly  superposed  on  lacquer  varnish.  On  this  edifice, 
on  the  adjacent  palace,  and  on  a  park  where  deer  roamed  and  noble  pine  trees 
hung  over  their  own  shadows  in  a  picturesque  lake,  immense  sums  were  expend- 
ed. Works  of  art  were  collected  from  all  quarters  to  enhance  the  charm  of  a 
palace  concerning  which  the  bonze  Sekkei  declared  that  it  could  not  be  exchanged 
for  paradise. 

Yoshimitsu  prayed  the  Emperor  to  visit  this  unprecedentedly  beautiful 
retreat  and  Go-Komatsu  complied.  During  twenty  days  a  perpetual  round  of 
pastimes  was  devised  for  the  entertainment  of  the  sovereign  and  the  Court  nobles 
—  couplet  composing,  music,  football,  boating,  dancing,  and  feasting.  All  this 
was  typical  of  the  life  Yoshimitsu  led  after  his  resignation  of  the  shogun  's  office. 
Pleasure  trips  engrossed  his  attention  —  trips  to  Ise,  to  Yamato,  to  Hyogo,  to 
Wakasa,  and  so  forth.  He  set  the  example  of  luxury,  and  it  found  followers  on 
the  part  of  all  who  aimed  at  being  counted  fashionable,  with  the  inevitable  result 
that  the  producing  classes  were  taxed  beyond  endurance.  It  has  to  be  noted,  too, 
that  although  Yoshimitsu  lived  in  nominal  retirement  at  his  Kita-yama  palace, 
he  really  continued  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  empire. 


It  is  not  for  arrogance,  or  yet  for  extravagance,  that  Japanese  historians 
chiefly  reproach  Yoshimitsu.  His  unpardonable  sin  in  their  eyes  is  that  he  humil- 
iated his  country.  From  the  accession  of  the  Ming  dynasty  (1368)  China  made 
friendly  overtures  to  Japan,  especially  desiring  the  latter  to  check  the  raids  of  her 
corsairs  who,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Ho  jo  after  the  repulse  of  the  Mongol  armada, 
so  also  in  the  times  of  the  Ashikaga,  were  a  constant  menace  to  the  coastwise 
population  of  the  neighbouring  continent.  Upon  the  attitude  of  the  shogun 
towards  these  remonstrances  and  overtures  depended  the  prosecution  of  commerce 
with  the  Middle  Kingdom,  and  the  profits  accruing  from  that  commerce  were  too 
considerable  to  be  neglected  by  a  ruler  like  Yoshimitsu,  whose  extravagance 
required  constant  accessions  of  revenue.  Moreover,  the  Muromachi  shogun  was 
a  disciple  and  patron  of  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhism,  and  the  priests  of  that  sect 
always  advocated  peaceful  intercourse  with  China,  the  source  of  philosophic  and 
literary  learning. 


418  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

All  these  considerations  induced  the  Ashikaga  chief  not  only  to  issue  orders 
for  the  restraint  of  the  corsairs,  but  also  to  receive  from  the  Chinese  Court  des- 
patches in  which  he  was  plainly  designated  the  king  of  a  country  tributary  to 
China,  and  to  make  answer  in  language  unequivocally  endorsing  the  propriety  of 
such  terminology.  In  one  despatch,  dated  February,  1403,  Yoshimitsu  de- 
scribed himself  as  a  "subject  of  Ming"  and,  "prostrate,  begged  to  present 
twenty  horses,  ten  thousand  catties  of  sulphur,  thirty-two  pieces  of  agate,  three 
gold-foil  folding  screens,  one  thousand  lances,  one  hundred  swords,  a  suit  of 
armour,  and  an  ink-stone."  It  is  recorded  that  he  even  humbled  himself  so  far 
as  to  ask  for  supplies  of  Chinese  coins,  and  certainly  these  comparatively  pure 
copper  tokens  remained  largely  in  circulation  in  Japan  downtoTokugawa  times, 
under  the  name  of  Eiraku-tsuho,  Eiraku  being  the  Japanese  sound  of  the  Chinese 
year-period,  Yunglo  (1403-1422). 

: 

DEATH   OF   YOSHIMITSU 
^uoiwiqanoo  faolfi    -;>h- 

Yoshimitsu  died  in  1408.  He  was  accorded  by  the  Court  the  posthumous 
rank  of.Dajo  Tenno  (ex-Emperor),  a  proof  of  the  extraordinary  confusion  of  eti- 
quette caused  by  his  arrogant  pretensions.  The  Chinese  sovereign,  Yunglo, 
sent  a  message  of  sympathy  to  the  Japanese  potentate's  son,  Yoshimochi,  in 
which  the  deceased  was  designated  "Prince  Kung-hsien,"  but  Yoshimochi, 
though  not  distinguished  for  ability,  had  sufficient  wisdom  ultimately  to  adopt 
the  advice  of  the  kwanryo,  ShibaYoshimasa,  and  to  decline  the  rank  of  Dajo  Tenno, 
as  well  as  to  break  off  relations  with  the  Ming  ruler.  Yoshimochi  also  handed 
over  the  magnificent  edifice  at  Kita-yama  to  the  Buddhist  priesthood, 
rj^ldon  jiuo')  e  lit  bnjj  r 

THE   EMPEROR    SHOKO 
.99ifto  a-nw^SAfc  o:i: 

In  1412,  the  Emperor  Go-Komatsu  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  son  Shoko 
(101st  sovereign),  then  twelve  years  old.  This  sovereign  abandoned  himself  to 
the  profligacy  of  the  era.  It  is  doubtful  whether  his  reason  was  not  unhinged. 
Some  accounts  say  that  he  fell  into  a  state  of  lunacy;  others,  that  he  practised 
magic  arts  At  all  events  he  died  childless  in  1428,  and  was  succeeded  by  a  grand- 
son of  the  Emperor  Suko,  Go-Hanazono,  then  in  his  tenth  year.  Thus,  the 
claims  of  the  Southern  dynasty  were  ignored  twice  consecutively,  and  its 
partisans  made  armed  protests  in  the  provinces,  as  has  been  already  noted. 
But  these  struggles  proved  abortive,  and  thereafter  history  is  no  more  troubled 
with  such  episodes.  The  Daikagu-ji  line  disappears  altogether  from  view,  and 
the  throne  is  occupied  solely  by  representatives  of  the  Jimyo-in.  There  can  be 
very  little  doubt  that  the  former  was  the  legitimate  branch;  but  fortune  was 
against  it. 

YOSHIMOCHI,  YOSHIKAZU,  AND    YOSHINORI 

Yoshimochi,  son  of  Yoshimitsu,  became  shogun  (1395)  at  the  age  of  nine,  and 
the  administration  was  conducted  by  Hosokawa  Mitsumoto,  Shiba  Yoshishige, 
and  Hatakeyama  Mitsuiye.  Twenty-eight  years  later,  that  is  to  say,  in  1423, 
he  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  son,  Yoshikazu.  The  cause  of  that  step  deserves 
notice.  Yoshimitsu  had  intended  to  pass  over  Yoshimochi,  his  first-born,  in 
favour  of  his  second  son,  Yoshitsugu,  but  death  prevented  the  consummation 
of  that  design.  Yoshimochi,  however,  knew  that  it  had  been  entertained. 
Therefore,  after  the  death  of  their  father,  he  seized  Yoshitsugu,  threw  him  into 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  419 

prison,  and  ultimately  caused  him  to  be  killed.  With  the  blood  of  his  younger 
brother  on  his  hands  he  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  own  sixteen-year-old  son, 
Yoshikazu.  But  the  latter  died — some  historians  say  that  dissipation  destroyed 
him  —  in  two  years,  and  having  no  second  son  to  succeed,  Yoshimochi 
himself  resumed  the  office  of  shogun,  holding  it  until  his  death,  in  1428. 

During  his  thirty-three  years '  tenure  of  power  this  ruler  seems  to  have  aimed 
solely  at  enjoying  the  sweets  of  ease  and  tranquillity.  He  left  the  provinces 
severely  alone  and  thought  only  of  the  peace  of  the  metropolis.  Turbulent 
displays  on  the  part  of  self-appointed  partisans  of  the  Southern  Court ;  intrigues 
in  the  Kwanto ;  revolts  among  his  own  immediate  followers  —  all  these  things 
were  treated  by  Yoshimochi  with  gloved  hands  so  long  as  the  atmosphere  of 
Kyoto  was  not  troubled.  In  1428,  he  fell  sick,  and,  the  end  being  in  sight,  he 
ordered  his  advisers  to  consult  about  his  successor.  Some  advocated  the 
appointment  of  his  kinsman,  Mochiuji,  governor-general  of  the  Kwanto,  and  Mo- 
chiuji himself  prayed  that  it  should  be  so.  But  the  choice  ultimately  fell  on 
Yoshimochi 's  younger  brother,  Gien,  who  had  embraced  religion  and  was  then 
serving  as  abbot  of  the  temple  Shoren-in. 

This  man,  then  in  his  thirty-fourth  year,  hesitated  to  accept  the  nomination, 
but  was  induced  to  do  so.  He  changed  his  name  to  Yoshinori,  and  assuming 
the  office  in  1428,  showed  high  talents  and  great  intrepidity.  He  was,  in  truth, 
a  ruler  as  efficient  as  his  predecessor  had  been  perfunctory.  One  of  the  most 
important  events  of  his  time  was  the  ruin  of  the  Ashikaga  Bakufu  at  Kamakura. 
Between  Kamakura  and  Muromachi  there  had  been  friction  from  an  early  date. 
We  have  seen  the  second  and  third  governors-general  of  the  Kwanto,  Ujimitsu 
and  Mitsukane,  plotting  to  supplant  the  elder  branch  of  their  family  in  Kyoto, 
and  we  have  seen  how  the  accession  of  the  priest,  Yoshinori,  had  disappointed 
the  ambition  of  the  fourth  governor-general,  Mochiuji,  who,  if  unable  to  become 
shogun  himself,  would  fain  have  obtained  that  high  office  for  his  son,  Yoshihisa. 
Several  years  previously,  namely,  in  1417,  there  had  occurred  a  feud  between 
the  Yamanouchi  and  the  Ogigayatsu  branches  of  the  Uesugi  family  in  the 
Kwanto,  the  former  represented  by  Norimoto,  the  latter  by  Ujinori.  The 
Uesugi  stood  next  to  the  Ashikaga  at  Kamakura,  the  important  office  of  manager 
(shitsuji)  being  invariably  held  by  the  head  of  the  former  house.  It  would  have 
been  well-nigh  impossible  therefore  for  the  governor-general  to  view  such  a  feud 
with  indifference.  Mochiuji,  then  in  his  twentieth  year,  sympathized  with 
Norimoto,  and  in  the  sequel,  Ujinori,  with  whom  was  allied  Mochiuji 's  younger 
brother,  Mochinaka,  took  the  field  at  the  head  of  such  a  force  that  the  governor- 
general  must  have  succumbed  had  not  the  shogun,  Yoshimochi,  rendered  aid. 

This  should  have  placed  Kamakura  under  a  heavy  debt  of  gratitude  to 
Muromachi.  But  Mochiuji  was  not  subject  to  such  emotions.  He  rebelled 
vehemently  against  the  lenient  treatment  accorded  to  Ujinori's  son  after  their 
father 's  death,  and  the  shogun  had  difficulty  in  placating  him.  So  long,  however, 
as  Yoshimochi  ruled  in  Kyoto,  the  Kamakura  kwanrya  abstained  from  further 
intrigues;  but  on  the  accession  of  the  sometime  bonze,  Yoshinori,  to  the  shogun- 
ate,  all  sense  of  restraint  was  removed.  The  governor-general  now  made  no 
attempt  to  conceal  his  hostility  to  the  Muromachi  shogun.  Certain  family 
rights  imperatively  demanding  reference  to  the  shogun  were  not  so  referred, 
and  Mochiuji  not  only  spurned  the  remonstrances  of  the  manager  (shitsuji), 
Uesugi  Norimoto,  but  even  attempted  to  kill  the  latter 's  son,  Norizane.  All 
efforts  to  reconcile  the  Kwanto  and  the  shitsuji  proved  futile,  and  Norizane  had 
to  flee  to  Kotsuke.  No  sooner  did  these  things  come  to  the  ears  of  the  shogun, 


420  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Yoshinori,  than  he  obtained  an  Imperial  commission  to  quell  the  insurgents,  and 
placing  an  army  under  the  orders  of  Mochifusa,  a  son  of  Ujinori,  directed  him  to 
march  against  Kamakura. 

At  first  it  seemed  as  if  the  Kamakura  men  would  emerge  victorious.  At  the 
easily  defended  passes  of  Hakone  they  inflicted  several  successive  though  not 
signal  defeats  upon  Mochifusa 's  army.  But  the  appearance  of  Norizane  in  the 
field  quickly  changed  the  complexion  of  the  campaign.  Very  soon  the  Kama- 
kura force  was  shattered,  and  Mochiuji  himself  fled  to  the  temple  Shomyo-ji 
in  Kanazawa,  where  be  begged  to  be  allowed  to  retire  from  the  world.  But  the 
shogun  declined  to  pardon  him  and  remained  obdurate  in  spite  of  earnest  and 
repeated  petitions  from  Norizane,  praying  that  Mochiuji  should  be  forgiven  and 
allowed  to  retire  in  favour  of  his  son,  Yoshihisa.  In  the  end,  Mochiuji,  his  son, 
his  uncle,  and  many  others  all  died  by  their  own  hands.  These  things  happened 
in  1439.  The  redeeming  feature  of  the  sombre  family  feud  was  the  fine  loyalty 
of  Norizane.  Though  it  had  been  against  him  chiefly  that  Mochiuji  raged,  and 
though  his  death  was  certain  had  he  fallen  under  the  power  of  the  Kamakura 
kwanryo,  Mochiuji 's  fate  caused  him  such  remorse  that  he  attempted  to  commit 
suicide  and  finally  became  a  priest.  Thenceforth,  the  title  of  governor-general 
of  the  Kwanto  passed  to  the  Uesugi,  two  of  whom  were  appointed  to  act  simul- 
taneously. As  for  the  Kamakura  Ashikaga,  the  three  remaining  sons  of  Mochi- 
uji fled  to  Koga  in  Shimosa,  where  two  of  them  were  subsequently  killed  by  a 
Kamakura  army,  and  the  third,  Shigeuji,  fared  as  has  already  been  described. 
.ottib  vjifi')  HP.  mofi  noi,t')iil  rrend  hfirf  eiorfi  ifbamoiuM  hn&  ^iir/foi 

ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   SffdGUN 
,oifV{H  in  yiim&l  no:  (r  to  nSoBia  labis  arft  inJilqqj/g  ot  guittolq  , - 

It  has  been  shown  that  Akamatsu  Norimura  was  among  the  captains  who 
contributed  most  to  the  triumph  of  the  Ashikaga  cause.  In  recognition  of  his 
distinguished  services  the  offices  of  high  constable  in  the  five  provinces  of 
Settsu,  Inaba,  Harima,  Mimasaka,  and  Bizen  were  given  to  his  three  sons. 
Mitsusuke,  grandson  of  the  eldest  of  these,  administered  three  of  the  above 
provinces  in  the  days  of  the  fourth  Ashikaga  shogun,  Yoshimochi.  A  puny  man 
of  contemptible  presence,  Mitsusuke  received  little  consideration  at  Muromachi, 
and  the  shogun  was  induced  to  promise  his  office  of  high  constable  to  a  handsome 
kinsman,  Mochisada.  Enraged  at  such  partiality,  Mitsusuke  set  fire  to  his 
mansion  in  Kyoto  and  withdrew  to  his  castle  at  Shirahata  in  Harima.  When, 
however,  the  shogun  would  have  sent  an  army  against  him,  none  was  found  to 
take  command,  Mochisada  having  given  universal  offence  by  his  haughty  arro- 
gance. In  the  sequel,  Mitsusuke  had  to  be  pardoned  and  Mochisada  ordered 
to  kill  himself . 

After  the  death  of  the  shogun,  Yoshimochi,  Mitsusuke  fell  into  fresh  trouble. 
The  new  shogun,  Yoshinori,  belonged  to  a  very  different  category  of  men  from 
his  immediate  predecessors.  He  conquered  the  Kitabatake  family  in  Ise; 
repressed  the  remnants  of  the  Southern  Court  league;  crushed  the  military 
monks  by  capturing  Nara  and  Hiei-zan;  put  an  end  finally  to  Kamakura 's 
intrigues;  obtained  control  of  the  west,  and  quelled  his  enemies  hi  all  directions. 
It  now  became  his  task  to  bend  to  his  will  the  overstrong  and  over-presumptuous 
among  the  concerted  families  of  the  Ashikaga.  Foremost  of  these  were  the 
Akamatsu,  their  chief,  a  man  whose  personality  invited  contumely.  The 
shogun  disliked  Mitsusuke,  and  found  it  an  agreeable  occupation  to  slight  him. 
Gradually  the  Akamatsu  leader  became  bitterly  estranged.  Moreover,  he  saw 
his  younger  sister  executed  for  disobedience  though  she  was  theshogun's  mistress; 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  421 

he  saw  the  nephew  of  his  old  enemy,  Mochisada,  treated  with  marked  favour  by 
the  Muromachi  potentate,  and  he  learned,  truly  or  untruly,  that  his  own  office 
of  high  constable  was  destined  to  be  bestowed  on  this  favourite. 

It  was  now  the  time  when  Kamakura  's  mischievous  potentialities  had  been 
finally  destroyed,  and  to  commemorate  the  event,  entertainments  in  the  shogun  's 
honour  were  organized  by  the  heads  of  the  great  military  families.  On  the  6th 
of  August,  1441,  it  fell  to  Akamatsu  Mitsusuke  to  act  as  his  host.  So  soon  as 
the  shogun  and  his  personal  attendants  had  passed  the  portals  of  the  Akamatsu 
mansion,  the  horses  in  the  stables  were  set  free  as  though  by  accident;  the  gates 
were  closed  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  animals ;  Yoshinori  with  his  small  retinue, 
being  thus  caught  in  a  trap,  were  butchered;  the  mansion  was  fired,  and  Mitsu- 
suke with  seven  hundred  followers  rode  off  in  broad  daylight  to  his  castle  in 
Harima,  whence,  assisted  by  the  monk,  Gison,  he  sent  circulars  in  all  directions 
inciting  to  revolt.  Thus  miserably  perished  a  ruler  whose  strong  hand,  active 
brain,  and  fearless  measures,  had  he  been  spared  a  few  years  longer,  might  have 
saved  his  country  from  some  of  the  terrible  suffering  she  was  destined  to  undergo 
in  the  century  and  a  half  subsequent  to  his  death.  He  did  not  live  long  enough 
to  reach  a  high  place  in  history.  But  all  his  measures  were  designed  to  make  for 
the  eradication  of  immorality  and  corruption,  and  for  the  restoration  of  law  and 
order  throughout  the  country.  His  fault  seems  to  have  been  precipitancy. 
So  many  suffered  by  his  reforms,  and  in  such  quick  succession,  that  the  hatred 
he  provoked  could  scarcely  have  been  kept  within  control.  In  the  matter  of 
finance,  too,  he  resorted,  as  will  be  presently  seen,  to  devices  quite  irreconcilable 
with  just  administration. 

YOSHIKATSU   AND    YOSHIMASA 

The  murder  of  Yoshinori  left  the  shogun' s  office  without  any  designate 
occupant,  but  the  heads  of  the  great  military  families  lost  no  time  in  electing 
Yoshikatsu1,  the  eight-year-old  son  of  Yoshinori,  and  at  the  latter 's  nominal 
instance  the  Emperor  ordered  him  to  attack  his  father's  assassin.  The  three 
Yamana  chiefs,  Mochitoyo  (called  also  Sozen,  or  the  "Red  Monk,"  one  of  the 
ablest  captains  of  his  country),  Noriyuki,  and  Norikiyo;  the  Hosokawa  chief, 
Mochitsune;  and  Sadamura,  representing  the  Akamatsu  family,  all  joined  forces 
for  the  expedition,  and  presently  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men  sat  down  before 
Shirahata  Castle.  In  October,  1441,  the  stronghold  fell.  Mitsusuke  perished, 
and  the  three  provinces  he  had  administered  were  transferred  to  the  Yamana  — 
Harima  to  Mochitoyo,  Mimasaka  to  Norikiyo,  and  Bizen  to  Noriyuki. 

We  have  seen  how,  in  1392,  the  Yamana  family  was  shattered  in  a  revolt 
against  the  authority  of  the  shogun,  Yoshimitsu.  We  now  see  the  fortunes  of 
the  family  thoroughly  rehabilitated.  The  young  shogun,  however,  did  not  long 
survive  the  punishment  of  his  father's  murderers.  He  died  in  1443,  at  the  age 
of  ten,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Yoshimasa,  then  in  his  eighth  year. 
During  the  latter 's  minority,  the  administration  fell  into  the  hands  of  Hatake- 
yama  Mochikuni  and  Hosokawa  Katsumoto,  who  held  the  office  of  Muromachi 
kwanryo  alternately.  The  country  now  began  to  experience  the  consequences 
of  Yoshinori 's  death  before  his  plans  to  limit  the  power  of  the  great  military 
septs  had  matured.  Disorder  became  the  normal  condition  in  the  provinces. 
The  island  of  Kyushu  took  the  lead.  There  the  Shoni,  the  Kikuchi,  the  Otomo, 
and  the  Shiba  had  always  defied  a  central  authority,  and  now  Norishige,  a  young- 
[l  To  be  distinguished  from  Yoshikazu  (shogun  1423-1425),  son  of  Yoshimochi.] 


422 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


er  brother  of  the  assassin,  Akamatsu  Mitsusuke;  found  among  them  supporters 
of  a  scheme  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  his  house.  In  the  Kwanto  partisans  of  the 
late  kwanryo,  Mochiuji,  raised  their  heads.  In  the  home  provinces  the  warrior- 
priests  of  Nara  sought  to  avenge  the  chastisement  they  had  suffered  at  Yoshino- 
ri  's  hands,  and  among  the  immediate  entourage  of  Muromachi,  the  Hosokawa,  the 
Hatakeyama,  the  Shiba,  and  others  engaged  in  desperate  struggles  about  ques- 
tions of  succession. 

,  Even  when  he  reached  man 's  estate,  Yoshimasa  proved  wholly  incompetent 
to  deal  with  these  complications.  He  abandoned  himself  to  dissipation  and  left 
everything,  great  or  small,  to  be  managed  by  his  wife,  Fujiwara  Tomiko,  and 

by  his  consort,  Kasuga  no 
Tsubone.  Bribery  and  cor- 
ruption were  the  motive  forces 
of  the  time.  The  innocent 
were  punished;  the  unworthy 
rewarded.  The  shogun  re- 
mained indifferent  even  when 
his  mandates  were  neglected 
•or  contravened.  The  building 
of  splendid  residences,  the 
laying  out  of  spacious  parks, 
the  gratification  of  luxurious 
tastes,  and  the  procuring  of 
funds  to  defray  the  cost  of 
his  vast  extravagance — these 
things  occupied  his  entire  at- 
tention. 
b'.<j.ii.'i*o 
I 

fallK.. 

Associated  with  the  Ashi- 
kaga  shogunate  is  a  financial 
device  known  in  history  as 
tokusei,  a  term  signifying 
"virtuous  administration." 
Originally  imported  from  Chi- 
na, the  tokusei  meant  nothing 
more  than  a  temporary  remis- 
sion of  taxes  in  times  of 
distress.  But  during  the  financial  straits  to  which  the  country  was  reduced 
after  the  Mongol  invasion,  the  Hojo  deemed  it  necessary  to  afford  relief 
to  landowners  who  had  mortgaged  their  property,  and  thus,  in  1297,  a  law  — 
tokusei-rei  —  was  enacted,  providing  that  eviction  for  debt  must  not  be  enforced. 
Under  the  Ashikaga,  the  tokusei  received  a  still  wider  import.  It  was  interpreted 
as  including  all  debts  and  pecuniary  obligations  of  any  kind.  In  other  words, 
the  promulgation  of  a  tokusei  ordinance  meant  that  all  debtors,  then  and  there, 
obtained  complete  relief.  The  law  was  not  construed  exactly  alike  everywhere. 
Thus,  in  Nara  a  debtor  must  discharge  one-third  of  his  obligation  before  claiming 
exemption,  and  elsewhere  a  nominal  sum  had  to  be  paid  for  release.  Naturally, 
legislation  so  opposed  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  integrity  led  to  flagrant 
abuses.  Forced  by  riotous  mobs,  or  constrained  by  his  own  needs,  the  Muro- 


TOKUSEI 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  423 

machi  shogun  issued  tokusei  edicts  again  and  again,  incurring  the  hot  indignation 
of  the  creditor  class  and  disturbing  the  whole  economic  basis  of  society.  Yoshi- 
masa  was  conspicuously  reckless;  he  put  the  tokusei  system  into  force  thirteen 
times. 

2-ffih;  1-^1  9u  c.'J  r-'jii^toi      JOiuiiKd  no  .b^rm;')  sVfU'« 

EXTRAVAGANCE    AND    INCOMPETENCE    OF    YOSHIMASA 

It  is  stated  in  the  records  of  the  Onm  era  (1467-1469)  that  Yoshimasa 
subordinated  his  duties  altogether  to  his  pleasures,  and  that  his  thoughts  seemed 
to  turn  wholly  on  banquets  and  fetes.  His  favourites,  especially  females,  had 
the  control  of  affairs  and  were  the  final  arbiters  in  all  important  matters.  Thus, 
a  domain  which  had  been  in  the  undisputed  possession  of  a  family  for  generations 
might  be  alienated  in  favour  of  any  claimant  sufficiently  unscrupulous  and  suffi- 
ciently rich  to '  -commend"  his  title,  and  a  judgment  delivered  by  a  court  of  law 
in  the  morning  was  liable  to  be  reversed  in  the  evening  by  the  fiat  of  the  ladies 
in  the  Muromachi  "palace."  Stability  of  policy  had  no  existence.  In  a  period 
of  twenty-four  years  (1444-1468),  three  sentences  each  of  punishment  and 
pardon  were  pronounced  in  the  case  of  the  Hatakeyama  family,  and  in  twenty 
years,  Yoshikado  and  Yoshitoshi  of  the  Shiba  sept  were  each  punished  and 
pardoned  three  times.  In  Kyoto  it  became  a  current  saying  that  loyal  acts, 
not  evil  deeds,  were  penalized,  and  the  truth  of  the  comment  found  confirmation 
in  the  case  of  an  official,  Kumagaya,  who  was  dismissed  from  his  post  and 
deprived  of  his  property  for  venturing  to  memorialize  the  shogun  in  a  critical 
manner.  ''^W^ 

These  same  records  of  the  Onin  year-period  also  make  clear  that  one  of  the 
factors  chiefly  responsible  for  the  disturbance  was  Yoshimasa 's  curious  lack  of 
sympathy  with  the  burdens  of  the  people.  Even  one  grand  ceremony  in  the 
course  of  from  five  to  six  years  sufficed  to  empty  the  citizens '  pockets.  But  in 
Yoshimasa 's  time  there  Were  nine  of  such  fetes  in  five  years,  and  four  of  them 
had  no  warrant  whatever  except  pleasure  seeking' — as  a  performance  of  the 
Sarugaku  mime  on  an  immense  scale;  a  flower-viewing  party;  an  al-fresco 
entertainment,  and  a  visit  to  the  cherry  blossoms.  On  each  of  these  occasions 
the  court  officials  and  the  military  men  had  to  pawn  their  estates  and  sell  their 
heirlooms  in  order  to  supply  themselves  with  sufficiently  gorgeous  robes,  and  the 
sequel  was  the  imposition  of  house  taxes  and  land  taxes  so  heavy  that  the 
provincial  farmers  often  found  vagrancy  more  lucrative  than  agricultural 
industry.  Pawnshops  were  mercilessly  mulcted.  In  the  days  of  Yoshimitsu, 
they  were  taxed  at  each  of  the  four  seasons;  in  Yoshinori  's  time  the  same  imposts 
were  levied  once  a  month,  and  under  Yoshimasa 's  rule  the  pawnbrokers  had  to 
pay  nine  times  in  November,  1466,  and  eight  times  in  December  of  the  same  year. 

Even  after  full  allowance  has  been  made  for  exaggeration,  natural  in  the  pres- 
ence of  such  extravagance,  there  remains  enough  to  convict  Yoshimasa  of 
something  like  a  mania  for  luxury.  He  built  for  himself  a  residence  so  splendid 
that  it  went  by  the  name  of  the  Palace  of  Flowers  (Hana  no  Gosho)  and  of  materi- 
als so  costly  that  the  outlay  totalled  six  hundred  thousand  strings  of  cash  j1  and 
he  built  for  his  mother,  Shigeko,  a  mansion  concerning  which  it  is  recorded  that 
two  of  the  sliding  doors  for  the  interior  cost  twenty  thousand  strings.2  Yet 
at  times  this  same  Yoshimasa  was  reduced  to  such  straits  for  money  that  we 
read  of  him  borrowing  five  hundred  "strings"  on  the  security  of  his  armour,  to 
pay  for  a  parturition  chamber. 

The  Palace  of  Flowers  came  into  existence  in  1459,  just  on  the  eve  of  a  period 
I1  £4,500,000— $22,000,000.]  [2  £150,000— $7,300,000.] 


424 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


of  natural  calamities  which  culminated  in  famine  and  pestilence.  In  1462,  these 
conditions  were  at  their  worst.  From  various,  provinces  people  flocked  to  the 
capital  seeking  food,  and  deaths  from  starvation  became  frequent  in  the  city. 
A  Buddhist  priest,  Gwana,  constructed  grass  huts  to  which  the  famished 
sufferers  were  carried  on  bamboo  stretchers  to  be  fed  with  soft,  boiled  millet. 
It  is  recorded  that,  during  the  first  two  months  of  1462,  the  number  of  persons 
thus  relieved  totalled  eighty-two  thousand.  Another  Buddhist  priest  erected 
a  monument  to  the  dead  found  in  the  bed  of  the  river  below  the  bridge,  Gojo. 
They  aggregated  twelve  hundred.  Scores  of  corpses  received  no  burial,  and  the 
atmosphere  of  the  city  was  pervaded  with  a  shocking  effluvium. 

But  even  the  presence  of  these  horrors  does  not  seem  to  have  sobered  the 
Muromachi  profligate.  The  costly  edifices  were  pushed  on  and  the  people's 
resources  continued  to  be  squandered.  Even  the  Emperor,  Go-Hanazono,  was 
sufficiently  shocked  to  compose  a  couplet  indirectly  censuring  Yoshimasa,  and 
a  momentary  sense  of  shame  visited  the  sybarite.  But  only  momentary.  We 
find  him  presently  constructing  in  the  mansion  of  his  favourite  retainer,  Ise 
Sadachika,  a  bath-house  which  was  the  wonder  of  the  time,  a  bath-house  where 
the  bathers  were  expected  to  come  robed  in  the  most  magnificent  costumes. 
One  of  the  edifices  that  formed  part  of  his  palace  after  his  retirement  from  active 
life,  in  1474,  was  a  "Silver  Pavilion"  intended  to  rival  the  "Golden  Pavilion" 
of  his  ancestor,  Yoshimitsu.  During  the  last  sixteen  years  of  his  life  —  he  died 
in  1490  —  he  patronized  art  with  a  degree  of  liberality  that  atones  for  much  of 
his  previous  profligacy.  In  the  halls  of  the  Jisho-ji  monastery,  constructed  on  a 
grand  scale  as  his  retreat  in  old  age,  he  collected  chefs  d'ceuvre  of  China  and 
Japan,  so  that  the  district  —  Higashi-yama  —  where  the  building  stood  became 
to  all  ages  a  synonym  for  choice  specimens,  and  there,  too,  he  instituted  the  tea 
ceremonial  whose  votaries  were  thenceforth  recognized  as  the  nation's  arbitri 
elegantiarum.  Landscape  gardens  also  occupied  his  attention.  Wherever,  in 
province  or  in  capital,  in  shrine,  in  temple,  in  private  house,  or  in  official  residence, 


A  PICNIC  DURING  THE  FLOWER  SEASON  IN  THE  ASHIKAQA  PERIOD 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  425 

any  quaintly  shaped  rock  or  picturesque  tree  was  found,  it  was  immediately 
requisitioned  for  the  park  of  Higashi-yama-dono,  as  men  then  called  Yoshimasa, 
and  under  the  direction  of  a  trio  of  great  artists,  So-ami,  Gei-ami,  and  No-ami, 
there  grew  up  a  plaisance  of  unprecedented  beauty,  concerning  which  a  poet  of 
the  time  wrote  that  "every  breeze  coming  thence  wafted  the  perfume  of  tea." 
The  pastimes  of  "listening  to  incense,"  of  floral  arrangement,  of  the  dramatic 
mime,  and  of  the  parlour  farce  were  all  practised  with  a  zest  which  provoked 
the  astonishment  even  of  contemporary  annalists. 

All  this  contributed  materially  to  educate  the  nation 's  artistic  faculties,  but 
the  cost  was  enormous  and  the  burden  of  taxation  correspondingly  heavy.  It 
was  under  this  financial  pressure  that  Yoshimasa  approached  the  Ming  emperor 
seeking  pecuniary  aid.  Thrice  the  shogun's  applications  were  successful,  and 
the  amounts  thus  obtained  .are  said  to  have  totalled  three  hundred  thousand 
strings  of  cash  (equivalent  of  £450,000,  or  $2, 200, 000).  His  requests  are  said 
to  have  assumed  the  guise  of  appeals  in  behalf  of  famine-stricken  people,  but 
there  is  no  evidence  that  any  of  the  presents  were  devoted  to  that  purpose. 
Partial  apologists  for  Yoshimasa 's  infatuation  are  not  wanting.  Thus,  it  is 
alleged  that  he  was  weary  of  failure  to  reform  the  administration;  that  the 
corruption  and  confusion  of  society  induced  him  to  seek  consolation  in  art; 
that  outside  the  precincts  of  his  palace  he  was  restrained  by  the  provincial  mag- 
nates, and  inside  he  had  to  obey  the  dictation  of  his  wife,  Tomi,  of  her  brother, 
Katsumitsu,  and  of  his  own  favourite  page,  Ise  Sadachika,  so  that  only  in  his 
tea  reunions  and  his  private  theatricals  could  a  semblance  of  independence  be 
obtained;  that  his  orders  were  not  obeyed  or  his  injunctions  respected  by  any 
save  the  artists  he  had  gathered  around  him,  and  that  in  gratifying  his  luxurious 
tastes,  he  followed  the  example  of  his  grandfather,  Yoshimitsu.  But  such  ex- 
culpations amount  to  saying  that  he  was  an  essentially  weak  man,  the  slave  of 
his  surroundings. 

THE   KWANTO    TUMULT 

The  lawlessness  of  the  time  and  the  indifference  with  which  the  shogun's 
mandates  were  treated  find  illustration  in  the  story  of  the  Kwanto.  When 
(1439)  Mochiuji  perished,  the  only  member  of  his  family  that  survived  was  his 
five-year-old  son,  Shigeuji.  This  child  placed  himself  under  the  protection  of 
Muromachi.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Uesugi  Norizane,  lamenting  his 
unwilling  share  in  Mochiuji 's  destruction,  had  entered  religion.  His  son, 
Noritada,  was  then  appointed  to_act  as  manager  (shitsuji)  to  Shigeuji,  his 
colleague  being  Uesugi  Akifusa  (Ogigayatsu  Uesugi).  But  the  Yuki  family, 
who  had  given  shelter  to  two  sons  of  Mochiuji,  objected  to  bow  their  heads  to  the 
Uesugi,  and  persuaded  Shigeuji  to  have  Noritada  killed.  Therefore,  the 
partisans  of  the  murdered  man  placed  themselves  under  the  banner  of  his 
brother,  Fusaaki,  and  having  received  a  commission  from  Muromachi  as  well 
as  a  powerful  contingent  of  troops  under  Imagawa  Noritada,  they  marched  in 
great  force  against  Kamakura  from  Kotsuke,  Kazusa,  and  Echigo. 

Kamakurawas  well-nigh  reduced  to  ruins,  but  Shigeuji  retired  to  the  fortress 
of  Koga  in  Shimosa,  and  his  cause  against  the  Uesugi  was  espoused  by  the  eight 
families  of  Chiba,  Koyama,  Satomi,  Satake,  Oda,  Yuki,  Utsunomiya,  and  Nasu, 
thenceforth  known  as  the  "eight  generals"  of  the  Kwanto.  Against  such  a 
league  it  was  difficult  to  operate  successfully.  Masatomo,  a  younger  brother  of 
Yoshimasa,  built  for  himself  a  fortress  at  Horigoe,  in  Izu,  which  was  thereafter 
known  as  Horigoe  Gosho  (the  Horigoe  Palace),  Shigeuji  in  his  castle  of  Koga  being 


426  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

designated  Koga  Kuba  (the  Koga  shogun).  Castle  building  acquired  from  this 
time  greatly  increased  vogue.  Uesugi  Mochitomo  fortified  Kawagoe  in  Musashi ; 
Ota  Sukenaga  (called  also  Dokan),  a  vassal  of  the  Ogigayatsu  Uesugi,  built  at 
Yedo  a  fort  destined  to  have  world- wide  celebrity,  and  his  father,  Sukekiyo, 
entrenched  Iwatsuki  in  the  same  province  of  Musashi.  Thus  the  Kwanto 
became  the  arena  of  warring  factions, 
fwlovolq  foiift?  teos  «  ritrw  lwtei-1  'in.;  Ji 

PREFACE   TO   THE   6NIN  WAR 
iucf  .-  jiteiiifi  fe'  noj.tnn  aiW  <•  iufliif  ••••>  ol  v!i  , 

We  now  arrive  at  a  chapter  of_Japanese  history  infinitely  perplexing  to  the 
reader.  It  is  generally  called  the  Onin  War  because  the  struggle  described  com- 
menced hi  the  year-period  of  that  name,  but  whereas  the  Onin  period  lasted 
only  two  years  (1467-1469),  the  Onin  War  continued  for  eleven  years  and  caused 
shocking  destruction  of  life  and  property.  When  war  is  spoken  of,  the  mind 
naturally  conjectures  a  struggle  between  two  or  perhaps  three  powers  for  a 
cause  that  is  respectable  from  some  points  of  view.  But  in  the  Onin  War  a 
score  of  combatants  were  engaged,  and  the  motive  was  invariably  personal 
ambition.  It  has  been  described  above  that  when  the  Ashikaga  chief,  Takauji, 
undertook  to  re-establish  the  Minamoto  Bakufu,  he  essayed  to  overcome 
opposition  by  persuasion  rather  than  by  force.  Pursuing  that  policy,  he  bestowed 
immense  estates  upon  those  that  yielded  to  him,  so  that  in  time  there  came  into 
existence  holders  of  lands  more  extensive  than  those  belonging  to  the  shogun 
himself.  Thus,  while  the  landed  estates  of  the  Muromachi  shogun  measured 
only  15,798  cho1  there  were  no  less  than  eight  daimyo  more  richly  endowed. 
They  were:— rjn--, 

Daimyo  n  i A<-ea  of  Estates  in  cho  (3  acres) 

(1)  Yanada  Takasuke  /U;ir)^m0/l^:'/.'}a.iy:.U.LiJ.  .v.  i 32,083 

(2)  Uesugi  Akisada 27,  239 

(3)  Ouchi  Mochiyo 25, 435 

(4)  Hosokawa  Katsumoto v/-.,.  .-d<»'r 24,465 

(5)  Shiba  Mochitane ....'..'.'.....  i ..:......: 23, 576 

(6)  Sasaki  Takayori .-;. .  ,.:•. 16, 872 

/*T\  TT      A      1      '  Tf          1     '  '  11*      Or\-f 

(7)  Hatakeyama  Yoshmari lo,  801 

'(8)    Sasaki  Mochikiyo. 16,725 

If  we  examine  the  list  still  more  minutely,  we  find  no  less  than  twenty-two 
families,  each  of  whose  estates  was  equal  to,  or  larger  than,  one-half  of  the  Muro- 
machi manors.  Some  families  consisted  of  several  branches  whose  aggregate 
properties  represented  an  immense  area.  This  was  notably  the  case  of  the 
Yamana;  their  five  branches  held  lands  totalling  45,788  cho.  The  owners  of 
such  estates  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  high  constables  (shugo).  Thus 
Yamana  Sozen,  as  the  high  constable  of  Harima  province,  held  administrative 
authority  hi  fourteen  districts  covering  an  area  of  10,414  cho,  and  if  to  this  be 
added  the  expanse  of  his  fief,  namely,  8016  cho,  we  get  a  total  nearly  equal  to 
the  manors  of  Hosokawa  Katsumoto.  Again,  Shiba  Yoshitoshi,  in  addition  to 
owning  10,816  cho,  officiated  as  tandai  of  Kyushu,  which  gave  him  jurisdiction 
over  another  extent  of  106,553  cho,  though  it  is  true  that  his  authority  was  defied 
in  the  provinces  of  Satsuma  and  Osumi.  The  military  owner  of  one  of  these  great 
estates  levied  a  revenue  on  a  scale  which  will  be  presently  discussed,  but  the 
high  constable  was  nominally  empowered  to  collect  and  transmit  only  such 
taxes  as  were  payable  to  the  Bakufu,  namely,  the  '  'military  dues"  (buke-yaku)  and 
the  "farmers '  dues"  (hyakusho-yaku),  whereof  the  former  were  originally  assessed 
.".-!  [l  A  cho  at  that  time  represented  3  acres.  It  is  now  2%  acres.] 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA'HIH  427 

at  two  per  cent.,  and  subsequently  raised  to  five  per  cent.,  of  a  family  income;  and 
the  latter  varied  from  one  to  two  per  cent,  of  a  homestead 's  earnings.  So  long 
as  a  high  constable  or  a  tandai  was  loyal  to  the  Bakufu,  the  latter  received  the 
appointed  quota  of  imposts;  but  in  times  of  insurrection,  the  shugo  or  tandai 
appropriated  to  his  own  purposes  the  proceeds  alike  of  the  buke-yaku  and  the 
hyakusho-yaku.  .  mot  ' 

Not  merely  inequalities  of  wealth  operated  to  produce  political  unrest.  It 
has  also  to  be  noted  that  each  great  military  family  supported  a  body  of  armed 
retainers  whose  services  were  at  all  times  available;  further,  we  must  remember 
that  the  long  War  of  the  Dynasties  had  educated  a  wide-spread  spirit  of  fighting, 
which  the  debility  of  the  Ashikaga  Bakufu  encouraged  to  action.  The  Onin 
disturbance  had  its  origin  in  disputes  about  inheritance.  It  has  been  recorded 
that  the  high  post  of  kwanryo  (governor-general)  in  the  Muromachi  polity  was 
filled  by  a  member  of  one  of  three  families,  the  Hosokawa,  the  Hatakeyama,  and 
the  Shiba.  The  Hosokawa  were  the  most  powerful,  and  had  for  representative 
in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  an  administrator,  Katsumoto,  who  to 
extensive  erudition  and  a  profound  knowledge  of  medicine  added  very  exception- 
al gifts  of  statecraft  and  organizing  ability.  The  Hatakeyama  had  for  head 
Mochikuni,  called  also  Tokuhon,  a  man  of  parts;  and  it  happened  that  the  rival 
family  of  Yamana  was  led  by  Mochitoyo,  or  Sozen,  who,  on  account  of  his  power- 
ful physique,  shaved  head,  and  peculiar  complexion,  sometimes  received  the 
name  of  the  "Red  Monk"  (Aka-nyudo). 

Tokuhon  being  without  a  legitimate  son,  adopted  his  nephew,  Masanaga, 
but  subsequently  desired  to  secure  the  succession  to  Yoshinari,  a  son  borne  to 
him  by  a  concubine.  This  change  was  not  viewed  with  equanimity  by  all  the 
vassals  of  Tokuhon,  and  to  solve  the  problem  the  latter  appealed  to  the  shogun, 
Yoshimasa,  who  authorized  the  death  of  Masanaga.  Tokuhon,  in  his  capacity 
of  kwanryo,  naturally  had  much  weight  with  the  shogun,  but  Yoshimasa 's  con- 
duct on  that  occasion  must  be  attributed  mainly  to  a  laisser-aller  mood  which  he 
had  then  developed,  and  which  impelled  him  to  follow  the  example  set  by  the 
Imperial  Court  in  earlier  times  by  leaving  the  military  families  in  the  provinces 
to  fight  their  own  battles.  Masanaga  sought  succour  from  Hosokawa  Katsu- 
moto, and  that  magnate,  welcoming  the  opportunity  of  avenging  an  old  injury 
at  the  hands  of  the  Hatakeyama,  laid  siege  to  the  mansion  of  Tokuhon,  who 
barely  escaped  with  his  life,  his  son,  Yoshinari,  fleeing  to  the  fortress  of  Wakae, 
in  Kawachi,  whence  he  was  presently  driven  by  the  forces  of  Katsumoto  and 
Sozen,  then  acting  in  conjunction  but  destined  afterwards  to  become  bitter 
enemies. 

The  shogun,  true  to  his  complacent  policy,  now  recognized  Masanaga  as  head 
of  the  house  of  Hatakeyama,  Tokuhon  having  just  died  (1455).  But  Yoshinari 
did  not  acquiesce.  In  1456,  he  marched  with  a  Kawachi  army  against  Masa- 
naga, and  a  deadly  struggle  was  barely  prevented  by  the  intervention  of  the 
shogun.  Thenceforth,  the  Hatakeyama  became  divided  into  two  families, 
Masanaga 's  branch  being  the  more  powerful,  but  Yoshinari  obtaining  favour  at 
Muromachi  and  being  nominated  kwanryo.  Owing,  however,  to  some  petty 
causes,  the  shogun' s  good-will  was  subsequently  estranged,  and  Yoshinari  had 
to  flee  from  Kyoto,  pursued  by  Masanaga,  who  now  held  a  commission  from 
Muromachi  to  kill  him.  A  seven-years'  fight  (1460-1467)  ensued  in  Kawachi 
and  Yamato.  Yoshinari  displayed  greatly  superior  skill  as  a  strategist,  and 
finally  Yamana  Sozen,  who  had  always  entertained  a  good  opinion  of  him  even 
while  opposing  his  succession  at  the  outset,  openly  espoused  Yoshinari 's  cause. 


428  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  immediate  result  was  that  Masanaga,  who  had  been  named  kwanryo  in 
1464,  had  to  give  way  to  SOzen  's  nominee,  Shiba  Yoshikado,  and  found  himself 
in  deadly  peril. 

It  is  necessary  here  to  recall  the  murder  of  the  shogun  Yoshinori,  in  1441. 
That  crime  had  resulted  in  the  fall  of  the  Akamatsu  family,  the  direct  agent  of  its 
overthrow  being  the  united  forces  of  Hosokawa,  Takeda,  and  Yamana.  There 
were  no  bonds  of  genuine  friendship  between  the  Hosokawa  chief,  Katsumoto, 
and  Yamana  Sozen.  Their  union  was  primarily  due  to  Katsumoto 's  ambition. 
He  desired  to  break  the  power  of  Hatakeyama  Tokuhon,  and  with  that  ultimate 
object  he  courted  the  alliance  of  Sozen,  giving  his  own  daughter  to  the  latter  in 
marriage  and  himself  adopting  Sozen 's  son,  Koretoyo.  Thus,  the  two  chiefs 
were  subsequently  found  acting  together  against  Tokuhon 's  attempt  to  substi- 
tute his  son,  albeit  illegitimate,  for  his  nephew,  as  heir  to  the  Hatakeyama  estates. 
Neither  Katsumoto  nor  Sozen  cared  anything  about  the  succession  itself.  Their 
object  was  simply  to  crush  the  Hatakeyama;  and  Sozen,  who  never  relied  on 
argument  where  force  was  applicable,  lost  no  time  in  attacking  Tokuhon  and 
driving  him  from  his  burning  mansion,  as  has  been  already  stated.  From  the 
legal  consequences  of  that  violence,  Sozen  was  saved  by  Katsumoto 's  interces- 
sion at  Muromachi,  and  the  alliance  (1454)  between  the  Hosokawa  and  the 
Yamana  seemed  stronger  than  ever.  But  Sozen  did  not  greatly  trust  his  crafty 
ally,  with  whose  gifts  of  political  strategy  he  was  well  acquainted.  He  suspected 
Katsumoto  of  a  design  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  the  once  powerful  Akamatsu 
family,  and  he  began  to  muster  forces  for  the  great  struggle  which  he  anticipated. 
Therefore  it  was  that,  in  1467,  as  shown  above,  he  not  only  espoused  the  cause 
of  Hatakeyama  Yoshinari,  in  whom  he  recognized  an  able  captain,  but  also 
championed  Shiba  Yoshikado. 

With  regard  to  this  latter,  it  is  necessary  to  recognize  that  he  also  figured  in 
a  succession  dispute.  The  great  family  of  Shiba  being  without  a  direct  heir, 
a  relative  was  appointed  to  the  headship  in  1452.  This  successor,  Yoshitoshi, 
attempting  to  enforce  the  acquiescence  of  one  of  his  vassals,  was  defeated  and 
became  a  fugitive,  a  successor,  Yoshikado,  being  nominated  by  the  Shiba  vassalsl 
But  a  sister  of  the  fugitive  subsequently  married  the  shogun' s  favourite,  Ise 
Sadachika,  and  through  her  influence  the  shogun  was  induced  (1466)  to  recall 
Yoshitoshi  and  to  declare  him  rightful  head  of  the  Shiba  family.  Yamana 
SSzen,  who  had  given  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Yoshitoshi 's  rival,  Yoshikado. 
immediately  set  a  powerful  army  in  motion  for  Kyoto,  and  the  alarmed  shogun 
(Yoshimasa)  not  only  recognized  Yoshikado  and  drove  out  Yoshitoshi,  but  also 
nominated  the  former  to  be  kwanryo. 

From  this  grievously  complicated  story  the  facts  which  emerge  essentially 
and  conspicuously  are :  first,  that  Yamana  Sozen  now  occupied  the  position  of 
champion  to  representatives  of  the  two  great  families  of  Hatakeyama  and 
Shiba;  secondly,  that  the  rival  successors  of  these  families  looked  to  Hosokawa 
Katsumoto  for  aid ;  thirdly,  that  the  relations  between  SCzen  and  Katsumoto  had 
become  very  strained,  and  fourthly,  that  the  issue  at  stake  in  every  case  was 
never  more  lofty  than  personal  ambition..  The  succession  to  the  shogunate 
also  was  in  dispute.  Yoshimasa,  being  childless,  desired  to  adopt  as  his  heir  his 
younger  brother  who  had  entered  religion  under  the  name  of  Gijin.  The  latter 
declined  the  honour  until  Yoshimasa  swore  that  were  a  son  subsequently  born 
to  him,  it  should  be  made  a  priest  but  never  a  shogun.  Gijin  then  took  the  name 
of  Yoshimi,  and  was  for  a  time  recognized  as  heir-apparent,  Hosokawa  Katsumo- 
to being  appointed  manager  (shitsuji).  Presently,  however,  the  shogun 's 


FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  429 

consort,  Tomi,  gave  birth  to  a  boy,  Yoshihisa,  and  the  mother  persuaded 
Yoshimasa  to  contrive  that  her  son  should  supplant  the  sometime  priest.  Of 
necessity,  the  aid  of  Sozen  was  sought  to  accomplish  this  scheme,  Katsumoto 
being  already  officially  attached  to  Yoshimi.  The  Yamana  chief  readily  assent- 
ed, and  thus  the  situation  received  its  final  element,  a  claimant  whose  right  rested 

on  a  deliberately  violated  oath. 

:--:  wit 

.        .      O*      T!;;.  .      .  =::.'•       :. 

jg.^JTHE   ONIN   WAR 

By  the  close  of  1466,  the  two  great  protagonists,  Katsumoto  and  Sozen,  had 
quietly  collected  in  Kyoto  armies  estimated  at  160,000  and  110,000  men,  re- 
spectively. The  shogun  attempted  to  limit  the  area  of  disturbance  by  ordering 
that  the  various  rival  inheritors  should  be  left  to  fight  their  own  battles,  and  by 
announcing  that  whoever  struck  the  first  blow  in  their  behalf  would  be  proclaimed 
a  rebel.  Such  injunctions  were  powerless,  however,  to  restrain  men  like 
Sozen.  In  February,  1467,  his  followers  attacked  the  former  kwanryo,  Hatake- 
yama  Masanaga,  and  drove  him  from  the  capital.  Katsumoto  made  no  move, 
however;  he  remained  on  the  watch,  confident  that  thus  the  legitimacy  of  his 
cause  would  obtain  recognition.  In  fact,  the  shogun  was  actually  under  guard 
of  the  Hosokawa  troops,  who,  being  encamped  on  the  east  and  north  of  Muro- 
machi,  received  the  name  of  the  Eastern  Army;  the  Yamana  forqes,  which  were 
massed  on  the  west  and  south,  being  distinguished  as  the  Western  Army. 

It  was  evident  that  if  either  side  retreated,  the  other  would  perforce  be 
acknowledged  by  the  Bakufu,  and  both  were  reluctant  to  put  their  fortunes  to 
the  final  test.  At  length,  early  in  July,  1467,  a  petty  skirmish  precipitated  a 
general  engagement.  It  was  inconclusive,  and  the  attitude  of  mutual  observa- 
tion was  resumed.  Two  months  later  re-enforcements  reached  the  Western 
Army,  and  thereafter,  for  nearly  two  years,  victory  rested  with  the  Yamana. 
But  Katsumoto  clung  desperately  to  his  position.  Kyoto  was  reduced  almost 
completely  to  ruins,  the  Imperial  palace,  Buddhist  temples,  and  other  mansions 
being  laid  in  ashes,  countless  rare  works  of  art  being  destroyed,  and  the  Court 
nobles  and  other  civil  officials  being  compelled  to  flee  to  the  provinces  for  shelter. 
A  celebrated  poet  of  the  time  said  that  the  evening  lark  soared  over  moors 
where  formerly  there  had  been  palaces,  and  in  the  Onin  Records  it  is  stated  that 
the  metropolis  became  a  den  for  foxes  and  wolves,  and  that  Imperial  mandates 
and  religious  doctrines  were  alike  unheeded. 

At  one  time  things  looked  as  though  the  ultimate  triumph  must  be  with 
Sozen.  But  what  Katsumoto  lacked  in  military  ability  he  more  than  compen- 
sated in  statecraft.  From  the  outset  he  took  care  to  legalize  his  cause  by  in- 
ducing the  Emperor  and  the  ex-Emperor  to  remove  to  Muromachi,  where  they 
were  guarded  by  the  Hosokawa  troops,  and  the  defections  to  which  this  must 
ultimately  expose  Sozen 's  ranks  were  supplemented  by  fomenting  in  the  do- 
mains of  the  Yamana  and  their  allies  intrigues  which  necessitated  a  diversion 
of  strength  from  the  Kyoto  campaign.  Curious  and  intricate  was  the  attitude 
of  the  Hosokawa  towards  the  rival  aspirants  to  the  shogunate.  Sozen 's  aid, 
as  related  above,  had  originally  been  invoked  and  exercised  in  behalf  of  Yoshi- 
masa, the  shogun' s  son  by  the  lady  Tomi. 

Hence,  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  the  Yamana  leader  turning  his  back  upon 
the  sometime  bonze,  Yoshimi,  in  October,  1469.  But  it  is  surprising  to  see 
him  openly  espouse  this  same  Yoshimi 's  cause  two  months  later.  The  fact  was 
that  Sozen  might  not  choose.  He  had  been  outmanceuvered  by  his  astute 


430 

opponent,  who  now  held  complete  control  of  the  shogun,  and  who  not  only 
obtained  an  Imperial  decree  depriving  Yoshimi  of  his  offices,  but  also  contrived 
that,  early  in  1469,  the  lady  Tomi's  four-year-old  son,  Yoshihisa,  should  be 
officially  declared  heir  to  the  shogunate.  In  this  matter,  Katsumoto 's  volte- 
face  had  been  nearly  as  signal  as  Sozen  's,  for  the  former  was  Yoshimi 's  champion 
at  the  beginning.  Henceforth  the  war  assumed  the  character  of  a  struggle  for 
the  succession  to  the  shogunate.  The  crude  diplomacy  of  the  Yamana  leader 
was  unable  to  devise  any  effective  reply  to  the  spectacular  pageant  of  two 
sovereigns,  a  shogun,  and  a  duly-elected  heir  to  the  shogunate  all  marshalled  on 
the  Hosokawa  side.  Nothing  better  was  conceived  than  a  revival  of  the  South- 
ern dynasty,  which  had  ceased  to  be  an  active  factor  seventy-eight  years  previ- 
ously. But  this  farce  did  little  service  to  the  cause  of  the  Yamana.  By 
degrees  the  hostile  forces  withdrew  from  the  capital,  of  which  the  western  half 
(called  Saikyo)  alone  remained  intact,  and  the  strategy  of  the  hostile  leaders 
became  concerned  chiefly  about  preserving  their  own  commissariat  or  depriving 
the  enemy  of  his.  •>.-:}}&  aisv/ollol 

In  1472,  a  new  feature  was  introduced:  Hatakeyama  joined  the  Eastern 
Army  by  order  of  the  shogun,  Yoshimasa.  This  was  not  merely  a  great  acces- 
sion of  numerical  strength,  it  also  opened  the  road  to  the  north  where  the 
Hatakeyama  estates  lay,  and  thus  the  Eastern  Army  found  a  solution  of  the 
problem  which  dominated  the  situation  at  Kyoto  —  the  problem  of  provisions. 
The  scale  of  success  now  swung  in  the  direction  of  Hosokawa  and  his  allies.  But 
still  no  crushing  victory  was  won,  and  meanwhile  the  war  had  continued  seven 
years,  with  immense  loss  of  life  and  treasure.  There  is  evidence  that  alike 
Katsumoto  and  Sozen  were  fain  to  sheathe  the  sword  in  1472,  but  during  the 
long  struggle  conditions  had  developed  which  rendered  peace  difficult.  In 
May,  1473,  Sozen  died  and  was  followed  to  the  grave  in  less  than  a  month  by 
Katsumoto.  Still  the  struggle  went  on  in  a  desultory  way  until  December, 
1477,  when  the  Yamana  forces  burned  their  cantonments  and  withdrew,  Yoshimi 
coming  to  terms  with  Muromachi  and  retiring  to  Mino.  Peace  at  length  dawned 
for  Kyoto.  But  not  yet  for  the  provinces.  There  the  sword  was  not  immediate- 
ly sheathed.  In  Echizen,  Owari,  and  Totomi  the  great  Shiba  family  was 
subjected  to  weakening  onsets  by  the  Asakura,  the  Oda,  and  the  Imagawa. 
In  Kaga,  the  Togashi  house  was  divided  against  itself.  In  Kyushu  there  were 
bitter  struggles  between  the  Shimazu  and  the  Ito,  the  Sagara  and  the  Nawa, 
and  the  Otomo,  the  Shoni,  and  the  Ouchi.  Finally,  Shinano,  Suruga,  and 
Mikawa  were  all  more  or  less  convulsed. 
-ii'Xjrufo  fliid^  orjn:Ti  *wl  y.tHhfc  vrejilifii  ni  boilofil  otorni;- 

YOSHIHISA 

' 

In  1474,  Yoshimasa  retired  from  office  and,  at  the  close  of  the  year,  his  nine- 
year-old  son,  Yoshihisa,  succeeded  him  as  shogun,  the  kwanryo  being  that 
Hatakeyama  Yoshinari  whose  appearance  in  the  field  practically  terminated 
the  Onin  War.  The  shogun  Yoshimasa  was  in  his  thirty-ninth  year  at 
the  time  of  this  abdication,  and  he  survived  for  sixteen  years,  not  the  least 
dissipated  of  his  life,  in  which  he  instituted  costly  art  reunions  and  carried 
self-indulgence  to  its  extreme.  During  these  years  Tomi  and  her  younger 
brother,  Ise  Sadachika,  acquired  such  influence  as  to  interfere  in  the  admin- 
istration, and  under  the  pretext  of  procuring  funds  to  rebuild  the  palace  de- 
stroyed during  the  Onin  War,  they  restored  the  toll-gates  which  had  previously 
stood  at  the  seven  chief  entrances  to  Kyoto,  appropriating  all  the  proceeds. 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  431 

The  young  Yoshihisa  could  scarcely  fail  to  be  tainted  by  such  an  environ- 
ment. Much  to  his  credit,  however,  he  showed  sagacity  and  diligence,  eschew- 
ing his  father's  luxurious  habits,  studying  literature  and  military  art,  and 
taking  lessons  in  statecraft  from  the  ex-regent,  Ichijo  Kaneyoshi.  Very  early 
he  became  familiar  with  scenes  of  violence,  for,  goaded  to  madness  by  the  taxes 
exacted  at  the  seven  toll-gates,  a  mob  of  the  metropolitan  citizens  rose  in  arms, 
beat  off  the  troops  sent  to  quell  them  and  threatened  to  sack  the  city,  when, 
they  were  appeased  by  the  issue  of  a  tokusei  ordinance,  which,  as  already  ex- 
plained, meant  the  remission  of  all  debts  and  the  cancellation  of  all  financial 
obligations.  Socialism  in  such  a  genial  form  appealed  not  only  to  the  masses 
but  also  to  bushi  who  had  pledged  their  property  as  security  for  loans  to  meet 
warlike  outlays  or  the  demands  of  luxurious  extravagance. 

Alike  in  the  home  provinces  and  in  distant  Kaga,  Noto,  Etchu,  and  the 
south,  tokusei  riots  took  place.  Notably  incompatible  with  any  efficient  exercise 
of  Muromachi  authority  was  the  independence  which  the  provincial  magnates 
had  now  learned  to  display.  They  levied  what  taxes  they  pleased;  employed 
the  proceeds  as  seemed  good  to  them;  enacted  and  administered  their  own  laws; 
made  war  or  peace  as  they  wished,  and  granted  estates  or  revenues  to  their 
vassals  at  will.  In  short,  the  bushi  had  gradually  constructed  for  themselves  a 
full  suit  of  feudal  garments,  and  to  bring  them  once  again  under  the  effective 
control  of  the  sovereign  or  the  shogun  was  almost  a  hopeless  task.  Yoshihisa 
might  perhaps  have  refrained  from  attempting  it  had  the  empire  been  at  peace. 
But,  in  truth,  the  empire  was  on  the  threshold  of  a  century-long  struggle  com- 
pared with  which  the  Onin  War  proved  a  bagatelle.  The  mutterings  of  the 
coming  storm  made  themselves  very  audible  during  the  years  of  Yoshihisa 's 
early  manhood.  The  Uesugi  septs,  and  the  Hojo  and  the  Satomi,  were  fighting 
in  the  Kwanto;  the  western  provinces,  the  central  provinces,  and  Kyushu  were 
the  scenes  of  constant  conflicts,  and  no  prospect  of  tranquillity  presented  itself. 
Yoshihisa  determined  to  undertake  the  work  of  subjugating  the  whole  country 
as  Yoritomo  had  done  effectually  and  as  Takauji  had  done  partially.  But  he 
died  in  his  twenty-fifth  year  when  engaged  in_  conducting  a  campaign  against 
the  Rokkaku  branch  of  the  Sasaki  family, in  Omi  province;  a  campaign  which 
but  for  his  death  would  certainly  have  been  successful. 
• 
• 

YOSHITANE 

Yoshihisa,  whose  death  took  place  in  1489,  left  no  son,  and  his  father,  the 
ex-shogun  Yoshimasa,  made  tardy  atonement  to  his  brother,  Yoshimi,  the 
sometime  priest,  by  obtaining  the  high  office  of  shogun  for  the  latter 's  son, 
Yoshitane,  a  youth  of  twenty-five.  In  the  following  year  Yoshimasa  died,  and, 
two  years  later  (1492),  Yoshitane  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  an  army  to  re- 
sume the  Omi  campaign  which  Yoshihisa's  death  had  interrupted.  His  oppo- 
nent was  of  Minamoto  lineage,  head  of  the  Rokkaku  branch  of  the  Sasaki 
family,  whose  representative  in  the  days  of  the  Kamakura  Bakufu  had  been  high 
constable  of  four  provinces,  Omi,  Izumo,  Aki,  and  Iwami. 

That  the  shogun,  Yoshihisa,  and  his  successor,  Yoshitane,  turned  their 
weapons  so  resolutely  against  this  magnate  was  due  to  a  cause  illustrative  of  the 
abuses  of  the  era.  From  the  outset  the  Ashikaga  sway  over  the  provinces_had 
been  a  vanishing  quantity,  and  had  disappeared  almost  entirely  during  the  Onin 
War.  Not  alone  did  the  writ  of  the  sovereign  or  the  shogun  cease  to  run  in  re- 
gions outside  Kyoto  and  its  immediate  vicinity,  but  also  the  taxes,  though  duly 


432  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

collected,  did  not  find  their  way  to  the  coffers  of  either  Muromachi  or  the  Court. 
Shugo  there  still  existed,  and  jito  and  kokushi;  but  neither  high  constable  nor 
land-steward  nor  civil  governor  acted  as  practical  representative  of  any  Central 
Government :  each  functioned  for  his  own  hand,  swallowing  up  for  his  own  use, 
or  for  inclusion  in  some  local  fief,  the  manors  which  had  once  been  the  property 
of  the  State  or  of  the  Court  nobility. 

i:  •  It  was  evidently  of  prune  necessity  from  the  Muromachi  point  of  view  that  a 
state  of  affairs  which  crippled  the  shogun  by  impoverishing  him  should  be 
remedied.  Sasaki  Takayori,  head  of  the  Rokkaku  house,  was  a  conspicuous 
product  of  his  time.  He  had  seized  the  manors  of  nearly  fifty  landowners  in 
the  province  of  Omi,  and  to  punish  his  aggressions  signally  would  furnish  a  useful 
object  lesson.  That  was  done  effectually  by  Yoshitane's  generals,  and  Sasaki 
had  to  flee  from  Omi.  But  the  young  shogun' s  triumph  was  short  lived.  He 
allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  by  Hatakeyama  Masanaga  into  a  private  feud. 
We  have  already  seen  this  Masanaga  engaged  with  Yoshinari  in  a  struggle  for 
the  Hatakeyama  succession  on  the  eve  of  the  Onin  War.  Yoshinari  was  no 
longer  alive,  but  he  had  bequeathed  to  his  son,  Yoshitoyo,  a  heritage  of  resent- 
ment against  Masanaga,  and  the  latter,  who  now  held  the  post  of  kwanryd  for 
the  fourth  time,  induced  the  shogun  to  order  an  attack  upon  Yoshitoyo  in  the 
provinces  of  Kii  and  Kawachi.  But  Yoshitoyo  managed  to  enlist  the  aid  of  the 
recently  discomfited  Sasaki,  of  the  soldier-monks  of  Kofuku-ji,  and,  above  all, 
of  Hosokawa  Masamoto,  son  of  Hatakeyama  Masanaga 's  old  opponent,  Hoso- 
kawa  Katsumoto.  With  these  co-operated  the  Yamana,  the  Isshiki,  and  other 
septs,  so  that  Yoshitane  found  himself  between  two  powerful  armies,  one  in 
Kyoto,  the  other  in  Kii.  In  the  sequel,  Masanaga  committed  suicide,  and  the 
shogun,  Yoshitane,  escaped  to  Suwo. 

•'<!•  -'u  fnf-liyyf  f  ILH   a-r-'i'/mf  f<r"it'TT>  "lit    *4O(t'"    >  '       r 

YOSHIZUm; 'Atfp   YQSHIHARIJ 
! 

Hosokawa  Masamoto  was  now  master  of  the  situation  in  Kyoto.  It  was  for 
him  to  nominate  a  new  shogun  in  lieu  of  the  fugitive  Yoshitane.  He  went  to 
the  Kwanto  for  a  candidate.  In  1461,  Masatomo,  brother  of  Yoshimasa,  had 
been  nominated  governor-general  (kwanryo)  of  the  eight  eastern  provinces. 
His  son,  Yoshizumi,  was  chosen  by  Hosokawa  to  rule  at  Muromachi,  and 
Hosokawa  himself  became  kwanryo.  The  new  shogun  held  office  in  name  only; 
all  administrative  power  was  usurped  by  the  kwanryo  and  his  nominees.  Now, 
as  Hosokawa  Masamoto  practised  asceticism  for  the  better  pursuit  of  necroman- 
cy, in  which  he  was  a  believer,  he  had  no  offspring.  Therefore  he  adopted  three 
sons:  the  first,  Sumiyuki,  being  the  child  of  the  regent,  Fujiwara  Masamoto;  the 
second  and  third,  Sumimoto  and  Takakuni,  being  kinsmen  of  his  own.  The 
first  of  these  three  was  entrusted  to  Kasai  Motochika;  the  last  two  were  placed 
in  the  care  of  Miyoshi  Nagateru.  These  guardians  were  Hosokawa 's  principal 
vassals  in  Shikoku,  where  they  presently  became  deadly  rivals.  Motochika, 
believing  that  Hosokawa 's  ultimate  intention  was  to  elevate  Sumimoto  to  the 
shogunate,  in  which  event  the  latter 's  guardian,  Nagateru,  would  obtain  a 
large  access  of  power,  compassed  the  murder  of  Hosokawa,  the  kwanryd,  and 
proclaimed  Sumiyuki  head  of  the  Hosokawa  house.  Thereupon  Miyoshi  Naga- 
teru moved  up  from  Shikoku  at  the  head  of  a  strong  army,  and,  after  a  fierce 
conflict,  Motochika  and  Sumiyuki  were  killed,  and  Sumimoto,  then  in  his 
eleventh  year,  became  chief  of  the  Hosokawa  family,  receiving  also  the  office  of 
kwanryd. 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGAPJH  433 

The  Motochika  faction,  however,  though  defeated,  were  not  destroyed. 
They  conceived  the  plan  of  reinstating  the  shogun,  Yoshitane,  then  a  fugitive 
in  the  province  of  Suwo,  and  of  securing  the  office  of  kwanryo  for  Takakuni, 
third  son  (by  adoption)  of  the  late  Hosokawa  Masamoto.  The  powerful 
Ouchi  sept,  which  had  its  manors  in  Suwo,  espoused  the  conspiracy,  and  escorted 
Yoshitane  to  Kyoto_with  a  great  army,  the  result  being  that  the  shogun,  Yoshi- 
zumi,  had  to  flee  to  Omi ;  that  Yoshitane  took  his  place,  and  that  Ouchi  Yoshioki 
became  deputy  kwanryo. 

These  things  happened  in  1508.  Thenceforth,  the  great  protagonists  in  the 
Kyoto  arena  were  the  two  factions  of  the  Hosokawa  house,  led  by  Sumimoto  and 
Takakuni,  respectively;  the  former  championing  the  cause  of  the  shogun,  Yoshi- 
zumi,  and  in  alliance  with  the  Miyoshi;  the  latter  supporting  thejhogun,  Yoshi- 
tane, and  aided  by  the  Ouchi.  One  reverse  befell  the  Yoshitane- Ouchi  combina- 
tion, but  they  quickly  recovered  from  it,  and  from  1508  until  1518  a  gleam  of 
peace  and  prosperity  shone  once  more  in  Kyoto  under  the  administration  of 
Ouchi  Yoshioki,  who  governed  with  skill  and  impartiality,  and  whose  influence 
seemed  likely  to  restore  the  best  days  of  the  Bakufu.  But,  in  1518,  he  was  re- 
called to  his  province  by  an  attack  from  the  shugo  of  Izumo,  and  by  financial  em- 
barrassment resulting  from  his  own  generosity  in  supplying  funds  to  the  Crown 
and  the  shogun. 

Hosokawa  Takakuni  now  became  kwanryo,  exercising  his  authority  with  a 
high  hand.  Then  the  Sumimoto  branch  of  the  Hosokawa,  taking  advantage  of 
Ouchi 's  absence,  mustered  a  force  in  Shikoku  and  moved  against  Kyoto.  Taka- 
kuni found  himself  in  a  difficult  position.  In  the  capital  his  overbearing  conduct 
had  alienated  the  shogun,  Yoshitane,  and  from  the  south  a  hostile  army  was 
approaching.  He  chose  Hyogo  for  battle-field,  and,  after  a  stout  fight,  was 
discomfited  and  fled  to  Omi,  the  position  of  kwanryo  being  bestowed  on  his  rival, 
Sumimoto,  by  the  shogun.  In  a  few  months,  however,  Takakuni,  in  alliance 
with  the  Rokkaku  branch  of  the  Sasaki  family  under  Sadayori,  marched 
into  Kyoto  in  overwhelming  force.  Miyoshi  Nagateru  retired  to  Chion-in, 
where  he  committed  suicide;  Sumimoto  fled  to  Awa,  dying  there  a  few  months 
later,  and  Yoshitane,  after  brief  refuge  in  the  island  of  Awaji,  died  in  Awa,  in 
1523.  Thus,  Hosokawa  Takakuni  found  himself  supreme  in  Kyoto,  and  he 
proceeded  to  appoint  a  shogun,  without  awaiting  the  demise  of  Yoshitane. 
Yoshizumi,  the  eleventh  shogun,  who,  as  related  above,  fled  from  Kyoto  in 
1508,  dying  three  years  later  in  exile,  left  two  sons :  Yoshiharu,  whom  he  commit- 
ted to  the  charge  of  Akamatsu  Yoshimura,  and  Yoshikore,  whom  he  entrusted 
to  Hosokawa  Sumimoto.  In  1521,  Takakuni  invited  Yoshiharu,  then  eleven 
years  old,  to  the  capital  and  procured  his  nomination  to  the  shogunate. 
sdi.'lmmft"  ••  v  tfmrhob  b,t  b.Rfi  91*6  bftjj '\9tix9  m  boil)  »;//!  *$£&&$  £WO 

ANARCHY 

"[  5iff*r7  t>'Mff't    ?TPOV' 

From  this  time  forward  the  confusion  grows  worse  confounded.  The 
Miyoshi  of  Awa  are  found  in  co-operation  with  Yanamoto  Kataharu  espousing 
the  cause  of  the  shogun 's  younger  brother,  Yoshikore,  and  of  Harumoto,  a  son  of 
Hosokawa  Sumimoto.  We  see  this  combination  expelling  Yoshiharu  and 
Takakuni  from  Kyoto,  and  we  see  the  fugitives  vainly  essaying  to  reverse  the 
situation.  Thereafter,  during  several  years,  there  is  practically  no  government 
in  the  capital.  Riot  and  insurrection  are  daily  features,  and  brigandage  prevails 
unchecked.  Kataharu,  though  not  holding  the  office  of  kwanryo,  usurps  its 
functions  so  ostentatiously  that  the  assassin's  dagger  is  turned  against  him. 


434 

Again  the  two  Hosokawa  chiefs,  Takakuni  and  Harumoto,  fight  for  power,  and, 
in  1531,  Takakuni  is  killed,  Harumoto  becoming  supreme.  Soon  the  Miyoshi 
brothers,  Motonaga  and  Masanaga,  engage  in  a  fierce  quarrel  about  their  inherit- 
ance, and  the  former,  with  Yoshikore  as  candidate  for  the  shOgunate  and  Hatake- 
yama  as  auxiliary,  raises  the  standard  against  Harumoto,  who,  aided  by  the 
soldier-priests  of  Hongwan-ji,  kills  both  Yoshitakaand  Motonaga  and  takes  Yo- 
shikore prisoner.  Thereafter,  Harumoto  quarrels  with  the  Hongwan-ji  bonzes,  and 
being  attacked  by  them,  obtains  the  aid  of  Rokkaku  Sadayori  and  the  Nichiren 
priests,  with  the  result  that  the  splendid  fane  of  Hongwan-ji  is  reduced  to  ashes. 
A  reconciliation  is  then  effected  between  Harumoto  and  the  shogun,  Yoshiharu, 
while  Miyoshi  Masanaga  is  appointed  to  high  office.  Yet  once  more  the  untiring 
Takakuni,  aided  by  Miyoshi  Norinaga,  Motonaga  's  son,  called  also  Ch5kei, 
drives  Yoshiharu  and  Harumoto  from  the  metropolis,  and  presently  a  reconcilia- 
tion is  effected  by  the  good  offices  of  Rokkaku  Sadayori,  the  real  power  of  the 
kwanryo  being  thenceforth  exercised  by  the  Miyoshi  family.  Japanese  historians 
have  well  called  it  an  age  of  anarchy. 
-•yr  2fT/7  off  <£!<";!  fli  JtitL  M\y.'\^\  '»iit  :o  .-.  :  I 
-frnfj  hjianft  ^dbiuj  .ornusIluo^iisW  n.h  UK> 

f  p-bm.'T  gaivjqqi/a  /if  YOSHITERU      .^  , 

In  1545,  the  shogun,  Yoshiharu,  resigned  in  favour  of  his  son,  Yoshiteru. 
Two  years  of  quiet  ensued  in  Kyoto,  and  then  the  old  feud  broke  out  once  more. 
The  Hosokawa,  represented  by  Harumoto,  and  the  Miyoshi,  by  Chokei,  fought 
for  supremacy.  Victory  rested  with  the  Miyoshi.  The  Hosokawa  's  power  was 
shattered,  and  Chokei  ruled  in  Kyoto  through  his  vassal,  Matsunaga  Hisahide. 
The  era  is  memorable  for  the  assassination  of  a  shogun.  Yoshiteru  had  become 
reconciled  with  Chokei  and  was  suffered  to  live  quietly  at  Muromachi.  But 
after  Chokei  's  death  (he  was  poisoned  by  Hisahide),  Yoshiteru  's  cousin,  Yoshi- 
hide,  a  son  of  Yoshikore,  sought  to  be  nominated  successor  to  the  shogunate 
through  the  aid  of  Masanaga  and  Hisahide.  In  1565,  this  plot  matured. 
Hisahide  suddenly  sent  a  force  which  attacked  Yoshiteru  's  palace  and  killed 
the  shogun.  Yoshihide  replaced  the  murdered  potentate,  and  the  Matsunaga 
family  succeeded  to  the  power  previously  wielded  by  the  Miyoshi.  Yoshitcru  's 
younger  brother,  Yoshiaki,  fled  to  Omi,  but  afterwards  made  his  way  to  Owari, 
where  Oda  Nobunaga  took  him  by  the  hand  and  ultimately  placed  him  in  the 
shogun'  s  seat  at  Kyoto. 
•'tfrnmoo  sri  raoziTrjjTfiifirf^oY  renoa  owtvftol  ,o!r/T9  ni  TVtr>i  R-UJOV 


>;r!M*oY    REVIEW   OF  THE   ASHIKAGA  ()}o!nja, 

Among  the  fifteen  representatives  of  the  Ashikaga,  two  were  slain  by  their 
own  vassals,  five  died  in  exile,  and  one  had  to  commit  suicide.  From  the 
accession  of  Takauji,  in  1338,  to  the  death  of  Yoshiaki,  in  1597,  a  period  of  259 
years,  there  was  not  so  much  as  one  decade  of  signal  success  and  efficient  govern- 
ment. With  justice  the  story  of  the  time  has  been  summed  up  in  the  epithet 
"ge-koku-jo,"  or  the  overthrow  of  the  upper  by  the  lower.  The  appreciation 
of  the  eminent  historian,  Rai  Sanyo,  is  most  faithful.  Every  great  conflict 
throughout  the  era  was  marked  by  similar  features.  It  is  a  weary  record  of 
broken  promises,  violated  allegiances,  and  family  feuds.  If  the  Hatakeyama, 
the  Hosokawa,  and  the  Miyoshi  set  their  own  interests  above  those  of  the 
shogun,  the  Ashikaga,  in  turn,  sacrificed  the  interests  of  the  Throne  on  the  altar 
of  their  own  ambition.  A  river  cannot  be  purer  than  its  source.  If  the  Miyoshi 
vassals  plotted  against  their  chiefs,  so  did  the  latter  against  the  Hosokawa;  so 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  435 

did  the  Hosokawa  against  the  Ashikaga;  so  did  the  Ashikaga  against  the  Imperial 
family,  and  so  did  one  branch  of  the  Imperial  family  against  another.  Every- 
where there  was  lack  of  loyalty. 

The  loyalty  wanting  among  masters  was  equally  deficient  among  servants. 
There  is  no  more  treacherous  episode  in  the  Middle  Ages  than  Matsunaga 
Hisahide's  poisoning  of  his  liege  lord  to  compass  the  downfall  of  the  Miyoshi 
family  and  slaying  the  shogun,  Yoshiteru,  to  overthrow  the  Ashikaga,  though 
he  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  both.  The  Dai  Nihon-rekishi  (History  of  Great 
Japan)  observes  that  the  ethical  primers,  with  which  a  literary  education  had 
formerly  familiarized  the  nation,  lost  their  influence  in  this  military  era.  There 
was  no  inordinate  desire  for  landed  property  until  the  Gen-Hei  epoch,  when  a 
manor  became  the  principal  reward  of  a  successful  soldier.  Thereafter,  greed 
for  domains  acquired  strength  every  year.  Again,  when  Yoritomo  became 
so-tsuihoshi  (commander-in-chief)  and  so-jito  (general  steward)  of  the  whole 
country,  and  his  meritorious  vassals  were  appointed  shugo  a&djitd  in  each  prov- 
ince, local  authority  passed  from  the  Throne  to  the  military  families,  and  when, 
after  theShokyu  struggle,  the  shugo  and  the  jito  came  into  actual  possession  of  the 
estates  they  had  previously  administered,  military  feudalism  was  practically 
established.  The  Hojo,  by  their  just  administration  and  astute  measures, 
brought  this  system  into  esteem,  but  under  the  Ashikaga  regime  the  reality  of 
landed  possession  grew  to  be  the  unique  aim  of  existence,  and,  to  achieve  it,  sons 
forgot  their  paternal  relation  and  vassals  lost  sight  of  fealty.  The  nation  engaged 
in  an  armed  scramble;  individualism  became  paramount,  and  social  obliga- 
tions were  ignored.  This  is  the  more  noteworthy  because  loyalty  is  so  typical 
a  Japanese  virtue. 


THE    ADMINISTRATION    OF    THE    ASHIKAGA 

• 

The  common  saying  that  the  Kamakura  Bakufu  brought  the  entire  country 
under  one  administrative  control  requires  modification.  It  was  not  until 
Tokugawa  days  in  the  seventeenth  century  that  the  whole  sixty  provinces  passed 
under  one  feudal  ruler.  Still  as  between  the  Kamakura  Bakufu  and  the  Muro- 
machi,  the  latter,  though  its  military  supremacy  was  less  complete,  may  be  said 
to  have  extended  its  influence  theoretically  over  the  whole  of  the  lands  through- 
out the  empire  except  the  Chokodo  estates. 

In  another  respect,  also,  the  advantage  lay  with  the  Muromachi  shogunate. 
During  the  Kamakura  era,  the  Court  magnates  continued  to  despise  the  Bakufu 
adherents,  and  the  distance  between  the  capital  and  Kamakura  imparted  to  the 
latter  an  element  of  rusticity.  But  with  the  establishment  of  the  Muromachi 
shogunate  a  change  took  place.  The  Bakufu,  the  visible  repository  of  power, 
stood  side  by  side  with  the  Court,  and  opportunities  for  close  relations  existed 
constantly.  Moreover,  the  Court  nobles,  notably  antagonistic  to  the  military 
regime,  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  Southern  dynasty,  those  alone  remaining 
in  the  capital  who  were  on  more  or  less  intimate  terms  with  the  military.  Such 
were  the  Nijo,  the  Saionji,  the  Hino,  and  so  forth.  These  observed  the  behests 
of  the  Bakufu,  sought  to  acquire  the  latter 's  confidence,  and  always  paid  respect 
to  the  Hana  no  Gosho,  as  the  shogun  was  called.  So  close  were  the  relations  that 
for  ceremonial  purposes  at  the  Bakufu,  it  was  customary  to  employ  Court  officials, 
and  witty  writers  of  the  time  discourse  amusingly  on  the  often  clumsy  efforts 
made  by  the  courtiers  to  ape  the  customs  and  acquire  the  dialects  of  the  provincial 
soldiers. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEQPLE 
THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  CENTRAL  BAKUFU 

The  administrative  power  having  been  transferred  from  the  Court  to  the 
Bakufu,  it  may  be  said  that  the  sei-i  tai-shogun  exercised  supreme  authority 
throughout  the  empire.  But  the  shogun  himself  did  not  actually  discharge 
administrative  duties.  That  was  done  by  the  kwanryo  with  the  shogun 's 
consent.  Originally  this  official  was  called  shitsuji  (manager),  and  his  functions 
were  to  look  after  the  affairs  of  a  provincial  magnate 's  establishment.  During 
the  Kamakura  era,  the  Ashikaga  family  occupied  a  high  place.  Of  Minamoto 
origin,  it  was  connected  with  the  Hoj5  by  marriage,  and  for  generations  its 
shitsuji  had  been  a  member  of  the  Ko  family.  Ashikaga  Takauji  made  K6  no 
Moronao  his  shitsuji,  and  a  highly  competent  captain  he  proved  himself.  Sub- 
sequently, in  1362,  Shiba  Yoshimasa  was  appointed  shitsuji,  but  soon  his  title 
was  changed  to  kwanryo  (governor-general),  and  it  thenceforth  became  custo- 
mary for  the  latter  position  to  be  occupied  by  a  member  of  one  of  the  three  fami- 
lies, Shiba,  Hosokawa,  and  Hatakeyama,  in  succession. 

Speaking  broadly,  the  kwanryo  corresponded  to  the  skikken  (regent)  of 
Kamakura  days.  But  whereas,  the  Kamakura  shikken  exercised  virtually 
autocratic  authority,  the  shogun  being  a  minor,  the  Muromachi  kwanryo,  nominal- 
ly, at  all  events,  was  under  the  control  of  an  adult  shogun.  In  fact,  the  kwanryo 
in  the  Muromachi  polity  resembled  the  betto  of  the  Man-dokoro  in  Yoritomo  's 
time.  For  the  rest,  the  Muromachi  Bakufu  was  organized  on  practically  the 
same  lines  as  its  Kamakura  prototype.  There  was  a  Man-dokoro,  a  Monju- 
dokoro,  and  a  Samurai-dokoro,  and  the  staff  of  these  offices  was  taken  originally, 
as  far  as  possible,  from  the  families  of  men  who  had  distinguished  themselves  as 
legislators  and  administrators  at  Kamakura.  There  were  also  officials  called 
bugyo  (commissioners)  who  directed  the  enforcement  of  laws  and  ordinances. 
These  commissioners  numbered  thirty-six,  and  each  had  his  own  sphere  of 
duties:  as  the  shonin  bugyo,  who  controlled  judicial  affairs;  the  tosen  bugyo, 
who  dealt  with  affairs  of  foreign  trade;  the  jisha  bugyo ,  who  superintended 

temples  and  shrines;  the  onsho  bugyo,  who  had  to  do  with  official  rewards,  etc. 

• 

-OIUM  5:it  biJK  \  •• 

5"*d  Vj-r»      ORGANIZATION    OF   PROVINCIAL   GOVERNMENTS 

At  Kamakura,  also,  there  was  a  kwanryo  to  guard  the  eastern  provinces 
(Kwanto).  In  Takauji 's  time,  his  second  son,  Motouji,  was  appointed  to  this 
office,  and  it  was  thenceforth  inherited  for  some  generations,  the  Uesugi  family 
furnishing  a  shitsuji.  Ultimately  the  Kamakura  kwanryo  became  a  powerful 
military  satrap,  hostile  to  the  Muromachi  shogun.  The  holder  of  the  office  then 
received  the  title  of  kubo,  and  the  hitherto  shitsuji  became  kwanryo.  In  other 
respects  the  Kamakura  polity  retained  the  form  it  had  under  Yoritomo:  a 
Hyojo-shu  (Council),  a  Hikitsuke-shu,  a  Monju-dokoro,  a  Samurai-dokoro,  and 
various  bugyo.  In  Kyushu  and  Dewa,  the  principal  officer  was  called  shugo, 
that  post  being  of  special  importance;  while  in  the  other 'provinces  shugo  and 
jito  (high  constables  and  land-stewards)  continued  to  officiate  as  before. 

The  jurisdiction  of  these  high  constables  —  great  military  magnates  or 
relatives  of  the  shogun  —  extended  to  two  or  more  provinces,  and  the  shugo 
were  then  called  kuni-mochi-shu  (province-holder).  A  daimyo  (great  name, 
i.e.  feudal  lord),  in  communicating  with  Muromachi,  had  to  make  a  kuni-mochi 
his  medium.  For  the  Kwanto  and  Shikoku,  the  Hosokawa  house  was  the  kuni- 
mochi;  for  Shinano, Etchu,  Echigo,  and  Kaga,  the  Hatakeyama;  for  Ise,  Kai,  and 
Suruga,  the  Yamana;  and  for  Kyushu,  the  tandai.  After  the  power  of  the 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  437 

tandai  had  declined,  the  Ouchi  family  took  its  place.  In  the  days  of  Yoshinori  's 
shogunate,  there  were  twenty-two  shugo  in  the  country,  and  seven  of  them  ad- 
ministered  three  provinces  or  more,  each.  The  provincial  governors  appointed 
by  the  Southern  Court  disappeared,  for  the  most  part,  during  the  War  of  the 
Dynasties,  and  on  the  restoration  of  peace  the  only  one  of  these  high  officials 
that  remained  was  Kitabatake  of  Ise. 

.:-.-.:  r-i:    '    •;•    -.V  j.n  kcv/  J<om-v\^:Jj;A  {is'ifornrrf.  ono  1o jbfif;!  ii-'td'fr 

SHUGO  AND   JITO 

j'        -- •  \~     f  I  •  .       f  «r     • 

Originally  appointed  for  administrative  and  fiscal  purposes  only,  the  shugo 
said  jito  acquired  titles  of  land-ownership  from  the  beginning  of  the  Ashikaga  era. 
To  plunder  and  annex  a  neighbouring  province  became  thenceforth  a  common 
feat  on  the  part  of  these  officials.  In  1390,  tracts  of  land  measuring  from  one- 
half  of  a  province  to  two  or  three  provinces  are  found  to  have  been  converted 
from  the  shugo 's  jurisdictional  areas  into  military  domains.  Such  magnates 
as  Yamana  Tokiuji  held  from  five  to  eleven  provinces.  These  puissant  captains 
had  castles  and  armies  of  their  own.  At  first,  they  respected  the  requisitions 
of  the  Bakufu.  Thus,  in  1463,  when  an  elaborate  Buddhist  ceremony  had  to  be 
performed  on  the  decease  of  Yoshimasa's  mother,  a  tax  in  the  form  of  cotton 
cloth  was  levied  from  the  shugo,  a  ruler  of  three  provinces  contributing  ten 
thousand  pieces;  a  ruler  of  two  provinces,  five  thousand,  and  so  on.1 

But  after  the  Onin  War  (1467-1469),  military  magnates  resided  wholly  on 
their  own  domains  and  paid  no  attention  to  requisitions  from  the  Bakufu. 
Further,  these  magnates  compelled  all  jito  and  go-kenin  within  their  jurisdiction 
to  serve  as  their  vassals.  Previously  to  the  Onin  era  the  shugo  had  resided,  for 
the  most  part,  in  Kyoto,  delegating  the  discharge  of  their  provincial  functions 
to  deputies  (shugo-dai),  chosen  by  the  shugo  and  approved  by  the  Bakufu. 
Presently,  the  process  of  selection  was  dispensed  with,  and  the  office  became 
hereditary.  Thus,  Yusa  of  the  Hatakeyama,  Oda  of  the  Shiba,  Uragami  of  the 
Akamatsu,  and  so  forth  are  examples  of  deputies  who  resided  permanently  in  the 
provinces  concerned  and  acquired  influence  there  superior  even  to  that  of  their 
principals.  The  deputies,  in  turn,  had  their  vice-deputies  (ko-shugo-dai) ,  to 
whom  the  name  daikwan  (another  term  for  "deputy")  was  often  given.  These 
daikwan  were  selected  from  among  the  members  or  vassals  of  a  shugo-' s  family 
to  act  provisionally  as  shugo-dai.  As  for  the  jito,  from  the  middle  of  the  Kama- 
kura  epoch  their  posts  became  mere  sinecures,  the  emoluments  going  to  support 
their  families,  or  being  paid  over  to  a  temple  or  shrine.  Occasionally  the  office 
was  sold  or  pawned.  The  comparatively  small  areas  of  land  within  which  the 
jito  officiated  soon  came  to  be  recognized  as  their  private  domains,  but  after  the 
Onin  commotion  this  system  underwent  a  change,  the  jito  becoming  vassals  of 
the  shugo.  Many,  however,  held  their  original  position  until  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  In  the  days  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi  and  Oda  Nobunaga  — 
namely,  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  —  the  name  jito  was  given  to 
the  headman  of  a  village  or  district,  who  served  as  the  immediate  representative 

of  authority. 

:p->  KUW  c\  ;i»fw  ,(>\rt  i .fog  -jd)  ,Yl'Kii;;n  ;o?;.'  m  •&'•&  mov/  snioo  lovlie  IMIB  bloO    .bousfiifei/w 

FINANCE 

II  .9013  lp  '!v"A<v\  ft  jo  JTllCljiJflSl-fiOG)   O\  J    i  -)i- "d'l'JliC.    '\{v\t  flO  F   '  '•}'  i.iUP    PJI1O1  TO'fTr."')  Ir-^ii     <•   (if'O^1 

Cultivated  land  (koden)  was  the  great  source  of  official  revenue.  The  area 
under  rice  —  the  principal  staple  of  production  —  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 

[l  A  "piece"  was  40  feet,  approximately.  When  the  castle  of  Edo  was  built  in  Tokugawa 
days  —  seventeenth  century  —  each  daimyo  had  to  contribute  "aid"  (otetsudai),  after  the 
Ashikaga  custom.] 


438  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

century  was  about  a  million  of  cho,1  or  two  and  a  half  million  acres;  and  this  was 
owned  by  the  Court,  the  Court  nobles,  the  military  magnates,  the  temples,  and 
the  shrines.  From  an  uncertain  date,  but  probably  the  close  of  the  Kamakura 
Bakufu,  the  area  of  a  domain  ceased  to  be  calculated  in  terms  of  cho  and  tan  and 
was  expressed  in  kwan  (one  thousand  cash,  or  mori).  The  use  of  the  kwanior 
this  purpose  had  reference  to  the  military  service  leviable  upon  the  land.  Thus, 
when  land  of  one  hundred  kwan-mon  was  mentioned,  an  area  capable  of  support- 
ing military  service  valued  at  one  hundred  kwan-mon  was  understood.  The 
calculation  was  very  simple:  one  tsubo  corresponded  to  one  mon,  so  that  one 
kwan-mon  represented  one  thousand  tsubo  for  the  purposes  of  this  assessment.2 

From  various  documents  it  appears  that  the  three  grades  of  land  —  best, 
medium,  and  inferior  —  were  taxed  at  the  rate  of  sixty,  forty,  and  thirty  per 
cent.,  respectively,  of  the  yield.  In  other  words,  the  average  land-tax  was 
forty  per  cent,  of  the  yield — called  shi-ko  roku-min — or  four  parts  to  the  Govern- 
ment and  six  to  the  farmer.  If  we  consider  the  rates  between  the  current  price 
of  land  and  the  tax,  there  is  a  record,  dated  1418,  which  shows  that  the  tax 
levied  by  a  temple  —  Myoko-ji — was  twenty  per  cent,  of  the  market  price  of  the 
land.  But  it  would  seem  that  the  ratio  in  the  case  of  Government  taxation  was 
much  smaller,  being  only  one  and  a  half  per  cent,  of  the  market  value.  There 
were,  however,  other  imposts,  which,  though  not  accurately  stated,  must  have 
brought  the  land-tax  to  much  more  than  forty  per  cent,  of  the  yield. 

Turning  to  the  Imperial  Court,  we  find  it  supported  by  domains  hereditarily 
held;  by  contributions  from  the  seizei  (expediency  taxes,  that  is  to  say,  taxes 
set  aside  for  extraordinary  State  requirements) ;  by  occasional  presents,  and  by 
revenues  from  kugoden  (private  Imperial  land).  The  Court  nobles  had  their 
own  domains,  usually  small.  All  these  estates,  those  of  the  Crown,  of  princes, 
and  of  Court  nobles,  were  subject  to  a  system  called  hansai.  That  is  to  say, 
one-half  of  their  revenues  were  leviable  for  military  purposes.  Originally 
this  impost  was  understood  to  be  a  loan  to  the  Bakufu,  but  ultimately  it  came  to 
be  regarded  as  a  normal  levy,  though  its  practical  effect  was  to  reduce  the  revenue 
from  such  domains  by  one-half.  Moreover,  as  the  arrogance  of  the  military 
magnates  in  the  provinces  grew  more  insistent,  and  as  the  Bakufu 's  ability  to 
oppose  them  became  less  effective,  the  domain  of  the  Court  nobles  suffered 

frequent  encroachments. 

-win;/..  <>;iJ  i'>  sJbuiiu  onj  moii  ,:  ;:  •>! 

JKxfqfjs  o)  x.ni 

REVENUES   OF   THE   BAKUFU 

One  source  of  revenue  for  the  Bakufu  was  its  domains  in  various  places;  an- 
other was  the  buke-yaku,  or  military-house  dues.  These  were  at  first  two  per 
cent,  of  the  land-tax  of  the  house  concerned,  but  afterwards  they  increased  to 

['  The  cho  was  equal  to  10  tan,  and  the  tan  comprised  360  tsubo,  the  tsubo  being  a  square  of  6 
feet  side.  At  present  the  area  under  cultivation  is  some  3  millions  of  cho  (7^  millions  of 
acres).] 

[2  In  the  Ashikaga  era  the  unit  of  currency  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  copper  cash  of 
China — called  Eiraku-scn  after  the  name  (Chinese,  Yunglo)  of  the  Chinese  year  period  when  it 
was  issued.  Gold  and  silver  coins  were  also  in  use;  namely,  the  gold  ryo,  which  was  equivalent 
to  10  silver  ryo;  but  their  circulation  was  comparatively  small.  The  gold  ryo  was  equal  to 
2000  mon  of  copper  coins,  and  as  100  mon  purchased  1  to  (one-tenth  part  of  a  koku)  of  rice,  it 
follows  that  the  gold  ryo  represented  2  koku,  or  30  yen  of  modern  currency,  the  silver  ryo 
representing  3  yen  (1  yen=2  shillings-^50  cents).  It  follows  also  that  10  strings  of  cash  (one 
kwan)  were  worth  a  koku  of  rice,  or  15  yen.  As  for  silk  piece-goods,  1  roll  (hiki  =  48  yards)  of 
the  best  kind  was  worth  45  yen,  and  the  second  and  third-class  kinds  ranged  from  33  to  22^ 
yen.  Finally,  in  the  year  1498,  the  records  show  that  the  daily  wage  of  a  labourer  was  some 
16  sen  of  modern  money  (about  4  pence  or  8  cents).] 


439 

five  per  cent.  Thus  an  estate  paying  one  hundred  koku  in  the  form  of  land-tax, 
had  to  pay  a  further  five  koku  o&buke-yaku,  the  latter  proceeds  being  sent  to  Kyoto 
for  the  use  of  the  shogun  's  household.  Another  important  levy  was  the  tansen, 
which,  as  its  name  implies,  was  a  land-rate  levied  at  so  much  per  tan  (one- 
quarter  of  an  acre),  the  proceeds  being  devoted  to  special  purposes,  as,  for  exam- 
ple, to  defray  the  cost  of  grand  ceremonials  or  of  new  edifices.  The  records  show 
one  payment  of  tansen  which  works  out  at  fifty  mon  per  tan.  Another  document 
indicates  that  the  monthly  expenses  of  the  Man-dokoro  were  some  sixty  kwan- 
mon  and  that  they  were  clefrayed  by  levying  taxes  upon  pawnbrokers  and  sake- 
dealers  in  Kyoto  and  in  Omi  province.  The  latter  tax  (shuko-zei)  is  shown  to 
have  been,  on  one  occasion,  two  kwan  eight  hundred  mon  per  house.  The 
Bakufu  collected  dues  on  foreign  commerce,  also,  and  miscellaneous  imposts  of 
an  irregular  character  made  no  small  addition  to  its  income. 

mo   Oiiliilo   JiofSf.sriBiinaanib   9ii,t  >8fiw   9iolq"u:tr>    OB    ,~:'iift)i;s.ern 

''•       '•  I  :<  •.'•1"4(I 

REVENUE    OF    SHRINES   AND    TEMPLES 

Temples  and  shrines  derived  part  of  their  income  from  port-dues  and  barrier- 
tolls.  Thus,  the  Hachiman  temple  of  Iwashimizu  received  tolls  from  all  traffic 
passing  the  Yamazaki  barrier;  Kofuku-ji  levied  duties  on  vessels  entering  Hyogo 
port,  and  Engaku-ji  of  Kamakura  collected  tolls  at  the  Hakone  barrier  (sekisho). 
Such  taxes  proving  very  prolific  and  easy  to  levy,  the  number  of  barriers  increased 
rapidly,  to  the  no  small  obstruction  of  trade  and  travel.  Further,  the  priests 
were  constantly  enriched  with  donations  of  land  and  money,  in  addition  to  the 
rents  and  taxes  obtained  from  their  own  domains,  and  thus  it  resulted  that 
several  of  the  great  monasteries  possessed  much  wealth.  To  that  fact  is  to  be 
attributed  the  numerous  establishments  of  soldier-priests  maintained  at  Enryaku- 
ji,  on  Hiei-zan,  and  at  Kofuku-ji,  in  Nara.  To  that  also  is  to  be  ascribed  in  part 
the  signal  development  of  literature  among  the  friars,  and  the  influence  wielded 
by  the  Shinto  officials  of  Kitano  and  the  betto  of  Hachiman. 

ffrr-89idoji  bite  wniiq \dmti .{tsifo  mcn'i  .•^rfootfs.a.awH  -«ill  k>  oto    tfiJJ 

REVENUE    OF   JITO 
A1.    .  rrri/L  :9/ij  vTi  T;-)§«ifl'O'»fM 

A  special  tax  levied  by  the  jito  was  the  hyakusho-yaku,  or  farmers'  dues.  These 
were  one  per  cent,  of  the  land-tax  originally,  but  the  rate  was  subsequently 
doubled.  Other  heavy  imposts  were  frequently  and  arbitrarily  enacted,  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  financial  disorder  contributed  materially  to  bringing 
about  the  terrible  calamities  of  the  Battle  era  (Sengoku  Jidai) ,  as  the  period 
of  eleven  decades  ending  in  1600  is  called.  For,  if  the  fiscal  system  was  thus 
defective  during  the  comparatively  prosperous  age  of  the  Ashikaga,  it  fell  into 
measureless  confusion  at  a  later  date.  It  has  been  stated  above  that  the  area 
under  rice  cultivation  at  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  about  one 
million  did;  at  the  close  of  that  century  the  figure  was  found  to  have  decreased 
by  more  than  fifty  thousands  of  cho.  From  such  a  result,  opposed  as  it  is  to  all 
records  of  normal  development,  the  unhappy  plight  of  the  agricultural  classes 
may  be  inferred. 

.vjiaiul  oaifl  •  4vVV<  > '  ^dt 

TOKENS   OF    CURRENCY 

Minting  operations  also  were  discontinued  under  the  Ashikaga.  Cotton 
cloth  and  rice  served  as  principal  media  of  exchange.  Fortunately,  commerce 
with  China  in  the  days  of  the  Ming  rulers,  and  Yoshimasa  's  undignified  though 
practical  requests,  brought  a  large  supply  of  Yunglo  (Japanese,  Eiraku)  copper 


440  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

cash,  which,  with  other  Chinese  coins  of  the  Tang  and  Sung  dynasties,  served 
the  Japanese  as  media.  This  fortuito_us  element  was  conspicuous  in  all  the 
domain  of  finance,  especially  after  the  Onin  War,  when  the  territorial  magnatts 
fixed  the  taxes  at  their  own  convenience  and  without  any  thought  of  uniformity. 
One  of  the  only  sincere  and  statesmanlike  efforts  of  reform  was  made,  in  1491,  by 
Hojo  Soun.  He  reduced  the  rate  then  ruling,  namely,  equal  parts  to  the  tax- 
collector  and  to  the  taxpayer,  and  made  it  forty  per  cent,  to  the  former  and 
sixty  to  the  latter,  and  he  ordained  that  any  jito  collecting  so  much  as  a  mon  in 
excess  of  the  official  figure,  should  be  severely  punished.  How  the  people  fared 
elsewhere  it  is  not  possible  to  say  accurately,  but  the  records  show  that  extraor- 
dinary imposts  were  levied  frequently,  and  that  the  tansen  was  exacted  again 
and  again,  as  also  were  taxes  on  trades.  'As  for  the  Imperial  household,  such 
was  its  condition  that 'it  barely  subsisted  on  presents  made  by  certain  military 
magnates,  so  complete  was  the  decentralization  of  the  empire  in  this 
period. 

-vjhwf  bfui  y^ub-Jiocj  moil  smo->; :  I 

ATTITUDE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  TOWARDS  THE  THRONE 

. 

The  policy  of  the  Ashikaga  towards  the  Daikagu-ji  line  (the  Southern  Court) 
of  the  Imperial  house  was  evidently  one  of  complete  elimination  at  the  outset. 
But  the  impossibility  of  achieving  such  a  programme  soon  came  to  be  recognized 
and  reconciliation  was  substituted.  Thenceforth,  in  appearance  at  all  events, 
the  representatives  of  the  Daikagu-ji  line  received  due  consideration  and  were 
sufficiently  provided  with  incomes,  as  witness  the  treatment  of  the  ex^Emperor 
Go-Kameyama  by  Yoshimitsu.  But  subsequent  and  repeated  neglect  of  the 
claims  of  the  Southern  branch  in  regard  to  the  vital  matter  of  the  succes- 
sion betrayed  the  insincerity  of  the  Ashikaga,  and  provoked  frequent  appeals 
to  arms. 

The  situation  may  be  said  to  have  been  saved  by  the  habit  inaugurated  at 
the  close  of  the  Heian  epoch.  From  that  time  princes  and  nobles  who  saw  no 
prospect  of  secular  distinction  began  to  take  the  tonsure,  and  this  retirement 
to  the  cloister  was  assiduously  encouraged  by  the  Muromachi  shoguns.  A 
similar  policy  commended  itself  in  the  case  of  princes  of  the  Jimyo-in  branch 
(the  Northern  Court).  It  is  true  that,  from  the  first,  the  representatives  of  this 
line  had  relied  on  the  Bakufu,  whether  of  Kamakura  or  of  Muromachi.  But  in 
their  hearts  they  deeply  resented  the  usurpation  of  the  shogunate,  and  the  hit  t  IT, 
fully  cognisant  of  that  sentiment,  guarded  against  its  effective  display  by  provid- 
ing only  meagre  allowances  for  the  support  of  the  Imperial  household  (Kinri) 
and  the  ex-Emperor 's  household  (Sendo),  and  by  contriving  that  only  young  and 
delicate  princes  should  succeed  to  the  throne.  Thus,  of  seven  sovereigns  who 
reigned  between  1336  and  1464,  the  oldest  was  only  sixteen  at  the  time  of  his  suc- 
cession and  the  youngest  was  six.  When  an  Emperor  reached  maturity,  it  was ' 
usual  that  he  should  abdicate  and  administer  thenceforth  from  the  Inchu. 
Thus  the  influence  of  the  Court  was  divided  between  the  Kinri  and  the  Sendo  — 
the  reigning  sovereign  and  the  retired.  But  the  real  depository  of  power  was 
the  shikken  (regent)  of  the  Inchu,  to  which  office  a  member  of  the  Hino  family, 
maternal  relatives  of  the  Bakufu,  was  habitually  appointed.  When  Yoshinori 
was  shdgun,  he  himself  acted  as  shikken  of  the  Inchu.  As  for  the  Court  officials 
properly  so  called,  from  the  kwampaku  downwards,  they  were  mere  figureheads. 
Holding  their  posts,  indeed,  as  of  old,  they  constituted,  not  administrative 
actors,  but  an  audience. 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA 


441 


YOSHIMITSU    AND    THE    THRONE 

The  shogun  Yoshimitsu  instituted  the  custom  of  inviting  the  sovereign  to 
his  mansion,  and  thenceforth  such  visits  became  a  recognized  feature  of  the 
relations  between  the  Imperial  and  the  Muromachi  Courts.  Yoshimitsu  himself 
frequently  repaired  to  the  Kinri  and  the  Sendo,  and  frequently  accompanied  the 
Empresses  and  their  ladies  on  social  visits  or  pleasure  excursions.  He  is  said 
to  have  gone  in  and  out  at  the  Imperial  palaces  without  the  slightest  reserve, 
and  on  more  than  one  occasion  history  accuses  him  of  flagrantly  transgressing 
the  limits  of  decency  in  his  intercourse  with  Suken-mon-in,  mother  of  the 
Emperor  Go-Enyu.  As  a  subverter  of  public  morals,  however,  the  palm  belongs, 
not  to  Yoshimitsu,  but  to  his  immediate  successor,  Yoshimochi.  He  is  said  to 
have  visited  the  Kinri  and  the  Sendo  six  or  seven  times  every  month,  and  to  have 
there  indulged  in  all  kinds  of  licence.  History  says,  indeed,  that  he  was  often 
unable  to  appear  at  Court  owing  to  illness  resulting  from  intoxication. 


PRINCES   AND    PRIESTS 

As  to  the  fact  that,  from  the  close  of  the  Heian  epoch,  the  cloister  often  proved 
a  prison  for  Imperial  princes  whose  ambition  might  have  been  troublesome  had 
they  remained  at  large,  the  following  figures  are  eloquent : — 

Entered  religion. 

Of  8  sons  born  to  the  Emperor  Fushimi  (1287-1298), 


9 

4 

2 

9 

14 


Go-Fushimi  (1298-1301),    -,   .  .   ,.^  ,      . 
Hanazono  (1307-1318),         /.,,       .  " 

Suk5  (1348-1352), 

Prince  Sadatsune,  grandson  of  the  Emperor  Suko, 
Emperor  Go-Kogon  (1352-1371),      . 


14 


Absolute  accuracy  is  not  claimed  for  these  figures,  but  they  are  certainly 
close  approximations.-  In  fact,  under  the  Muromachi  Bakufu,  every  son  of  a 
sovereign,  except  the  Prince  Imperial,  was  expected  to  become  a  monk.  The 
Ashikaga  adopted  a  similar  system  and  applied  it  ruthlessly  in  their  own  families. 
In  truth,  the  Ashikaga  epoch  was  notorious  for  neglect  of  the  obligations  of 
consanguinity.  Father  is  found  pitted  against  son,  uncle  against  nephew,  and 
brother  against  brother. 

.•oioj/fioii  LJbfl iraqs! •  .,5ife8^;}Iv)o  /loiasvai  logaoM  oil}  ££iuA 

•  i  evarf  «t  masp  qidafon-jhl  loi!  aoob  ion  ^ybfloafo  Ltnavag  iol  Miow  wtuo 

;  .r^to^o'rf-tnsatihii  sd*  k>  imv  gigolo  Qili  al    .noijan  .aoaigyo  yajs  v,d 

;y  /  9iii  jfefli^-h  xiJHfi 
cf  ^fi.fii  ouuia  ;  ;- 

'ay*  -anaw 

/^/J^^^SA^t^lk      - 


• 


••fTJl] 
bflB  ,fi:,'. 
lo  if  aoriw. 


TILES  OF  THE  DAIBUTSUDEN  OP  TODAI-JI 

>j  v  ii :>  nji'j.io!}-!  A  .  . ,n -n  f i  in** v i jfii  ^geftecr r:  I .  */iT 


I-fHT    •!<>  J.i, 


DECORATION  OF  TOKONOMA  (AN  ALCOVE  IN  A  JAPANESE  PARLOUR) 
-     .  Muromachi  Period 


un9«#«3  -jtia  J<j  ijoisluijei  .  i  iT 

CHAPTER  XXXII 


Yaahp.o  eip.  yaifj  Jud  ,?.9u;gR  oaaffj  10!  f)9mij8fa  ^on  p,i  voj3H/oa,B  slulo- 
FOREIGN    INTERCOURSE,    LITERATURE,   ART,   RELIGION, 
MANNERS,  AND  CUSTOMS  IN  THE  MURO- 

MACHI    EPOCH"  -H7 
'lo  gooi>4§ilfifo  aif^  lo  ^»9l§-jrt  loleuonoioii  ^'..-r  riouqo  f;gj:/[i;W 

FOREIGN   ^T^bOtoSE 

l-*ii  jf 
AFTER  the  Mongol  invasion  of  Kyushu,  Japan  held  no  intercourse  with  the 

outer  world  for  several  decades,  nor  does  her  friendship  seem  to  have  been  sought 
by  any  oversea  nation.  In  the  closing  year  of  the  thirteenth  century,  merchant- 
men flying  the  Yuan  flag  are  reported  to  have  arrived,  but  the  record  is  nebulous, 
and  the  same  may  be  said  of  a  passing  reference  that,  in  1341,  Japanese  vessels 
were  sent  to  China  to  procure  articles  manufactured  there.  We  reach  more 
solid  ground  a  year  later  (1342),  when  the  Ashikaga  chief,  Takauji,  being  engaged 
in  building  the  temple  Tenryu-ji,  opened  trade  with  China  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  apparatus,  vestments,  and  works  of  art.  The  number  of  vessels  was 
limited  to  two  annually,  and  the  trade  must  not  exceed  five  hundred  kwan-mon 
(£750,  or  $3700).  Some  of  the  objects  then  carried  to  Japan  survive  to  this  day 
in  the  form  of  celadon  vases  known  in  Japan ':'as  Tenryuji-seiji.1  Meanwhile, 
not  a  few  Buddhist  priests  crossed  the  sea  from  China  to  preach  their  faith,  and 
it  is  certain  that  during  the  War  of  the  Dynasties  in  Japan,  when  the  south  of 
the  country  was  in  a  state  of  anarchy,  privateering  in  Korean  waters  was  freely 
resorted  to  by  Japanese  adventurers.  A  Korean  envoy  arrived  at  Fukuhara, 
[l  The  merchantmen  received  the  name  of  Tenryuji-bune  (bune  signifies  "ship")-] 

442 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH  443 

in  Settsu,  in  1367,  bearer  of  a  strong  protest  against  this  marauding,  and  de- 
claring that  for  a  decade  past  assassination  and  plunder  had  been  freely  prac- 
tised by  Japanese  subjects  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  Korean  littoral.  China  and 
Korea  were  then  in  a  troubled  condition. 

In  the  year  (1368)  after  the  arrival  of  this  envoy,  the  Yuan  dynasty  went 
down  in  China  before  the  Ming,  and  in  Korea  the  kingdom  of  Koma  was  over- 
thrown, the  Yi  dynasty  rising  on  its  ruins  and  calling  the  peninsula  Chosen. 
The  Ming  sovereign  immediately  attempted  to  establish  tradal  intercourse  with 
Japan,  but  the  negotiations  failed,  and  not  until  1392  is  there  any  record  of 
oversea  relations.  Then,  at  length,  Korea's  protest  elicited  a  reply  from 
Japan.  The  shogun,  Yoshimitsu,  sent  to  Chosen  a  despatch,  signifying  that  pi- 
racy had  been  interdicted,  that  all  captives  would  be  returned,  and  that  he  desired 
to  establish  friendly  relations.  It  appears  that  at  that  time  China  also  suffered 
from  the  depredations  of  Japanese  corsairs,  for  the  annals  say  that  she  repeatedly 
remonstrated,  and  that,  in  1401,  Yoshimitsu  despatched  to  China  an  envoy 
carrying  presents  and  escorting  some  Chinese  subjects  who  had  been  cast  away 
on  the  Japanese  coast  or  carried  captive  thither.  Another  record  suggests  that 
the  Chinese  Emperor  was  perplexed  between  the  two  warring  Courts  in  Japan. 
At  the  time  of  his  accession,  a  body  of  Mongol  fugitives  established  themselves 
in  Shantung,  where  they  received  assistance  from  some  Japanese  adventurers. 
The  Ming  sovereign  opened  communications  on  the  subject  with  Prince  Kanena- 
ga,  who  held  Kyushu  in  the  interests  of  the  Southern  Court,  but  the  tone  of  the 
Chinese  monarch  was  so  arrogant  that  Prince  Kanenaga  made  no  reply.  Then 
Taitsu  employed  a  Buddhist  priest,  but  the  character  of  this  bonze  having  been 
detected,  he  was  thrown  into  prison. 

These  things  happened  in  1380.  In  the  following  year  Taitsu  despatched  a 
duly  credited  envoy  who  used  menacing  language  and  was  sent  back  with  a 
defiance  from  Prince  Kanenaga.  The  priest,  however,  was  set  free  in  1382,  and 
having  learned  while  in  Japan  that  two  Courts  were  disputing  the  title  to  the 
Crown,  he  informed  the  Chinese  sovereign  in  thajfc  sense,  and  the  latter  subse- 
quently addressed  himself  to  Kyoto,  with  the  result  noted  aboye,  namely,  that 
Yoshimitsu  opened  friendly  relations  (1401).  It  was  to  the  Ouchi  family  of 
Suwo  that  the  management  of  intercourse  with  Chosen  was  entrusted,  the  latter 
sending  its  envoys  to  Yamaguchi.  Subsequently,  after  Ouchi  Yoshihiro's 
disaffection  and  disaster,  a  Buddhist  priest  and  well-known  artist,  Soami, 
acted  as  Muromachi  's  envoy  to  the  Ming  Court,  being  accompanied  by  a  merr 
chant,  Koetomi,  who  is  described  as  thoroughly  conversant  with  Chinese  condi- 
tions. By  these  two  the  first  commercial  treaty  was  negotiated.  It  provided 
that  an  envoy  should  be  sent  by  each  of  the  contracting  parties  in  every  period 
of  ten  years,  the  suite  of  this  envoy  to  be  limited  to  two  hundred,  and  any  ship 
carrying  arms  to  be  regarded  as  a  pirate. 

The  first  envoy  from  the  Ming  Court  under  this  treaty  was  met  by  Yoshimit- 
su himself  at  Hyogo,  and  being  escorted  to  Kyoto,  was  hospitably  lodged  in  a 
hotel  there.  Instructions  were  also  issued  from  Muromachi  to  the  officials  in 
Kyushu,  peremptorily  interdicting  piracy  and  ordering  the  arrest  of  any  that 
contravened  the  veto.  Further,  the  high  constables  in  several  provinces  were 
enjoined  to  encourage  trade  with  China  by  sending  the  best  products  of  their 
localities.  In  fact,  Yoshimitsu  showed  himself  thoroughly  earnest  in  promoting 
oversea  commerce,  and  a  considerable  measure  of  success  attended  his  efforts. 
Unfortunately,  an  interruption  was  caused  in  1419,  when  some  seventeen 
thousand  Koreans,  Mongolians,  and  "southern  barbarians"  —  a  name  given 


444  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

promiscuously  to  aliens  —  in  227  ships,  bore  down  on  Tsushima  one  midsummer 
day  and  were  not  driven  off  until  the  great  families  of  Kyushu  —  the  Otomo, 
the  ShSni,  the  Kikuchi,  and  the'Shiba  —  had  joined  forces  to  attack  the  invaders. 
The  origin  of  this  incident  is  wrapped  in  mystery,  but  probably  the  prohibition 
of  Japanese  pirates  was  not  enforced  for  the  protection  of  Chosen,  and  the  assault 
on  Tsushima  was  a  desperate  attempt  at  retaliation. 

Yoshimochi,  however,  who  was  then  shogun,  seems  to  have  associated  China 
with  the  invasion,  for  a  Ming  envoy,  arriving  just  at  the  time  of  the  contest,  was 
indignantly  refused  audience.  Thereafter,  the  iandai  appointed  from  Muro- 
inachi  to  administer  the  affairs  of  Kyushu  was  driven  out  by  the  Shoni  family, 
and  the  shogun1  s  policy  of  checking  piracy  ceased  to  be  enforced,  so  that  the 
coasts  of  China  and  Chosen  were  much  harried,  all  legitimate  commerce  being 
suspended.  When  Yoshinori  became  shogun,  however,  this  was  one  of  the  di- 
rections in  which  he  turned  his  reforming  hand.  A  Buddhist  priest,  Doen, 
proceeded  to  the  Ming  Court  as  Muromachi  's  delegate,  and  the  Chinese  sov- 
ereign agreed  to  restore  the  old  relations,  transmitting  for  that  purpose  a  hundred 
tallies  to  be  carried  by  the  merchantmen.  These  tallies  were  distributed  to 
several  high  constables,  to  five  great  temples,  and  to  merchants  in  HySgo  and 
Sakai,  the  corresponding  tallies  l  being  entrusted  to  the  Ouchi  family,  which, 
having  now  recovered  its  power,  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  superintending 
the  trade  with  China.  Meanwhile,  So  Sadamori  of  Tsushima  had  established 
commercial  relations  with  Chosen,  and  received  from  thence  a  yearly  consign- 
ment of  two  hundred  koku  of  soy  beans,  the  vessel  that  carried  the  staple  being 
guarded  by  boats  known  as  Tsushima-bune. 

Thus,  it  fell  out  that  the  right  of  supervising  the  trade  with  China  and  Korea 
came  into  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  Ouchi  and  the  So,  respectively,  and 
being  liberally  encouraged,  brought  great  wealth  to  them  as  well  as  to  other 
territorial  magnates  of  the  central  and  southern  provinces.  The  records  show 
that  large  profits  were  realized.  Four  or  five  hundred  per  cent,  is  spoken  of,  and, 
further,  the  Ming  sovereign,  in  Yoshimasa  's  time,  responded  generously,  as  has 
been  already  shown,  to  the  shogun 's  appeal  for  supplies  of  copper  cash.  One 
Japanese  fan  could  be  exchanged  for  a  copy  of  a  valuable  book,  and  a  sword  cost- 
ing one  kwan-mon  in  Japan  fetched  five  kwan-mon  in  China.  Such  prices  were 
paid,  however,  for  rare  goods  only,  notably  for  Japanese  raw  silk,  fifty  catties 
(sixty-seven  Ibs.)  of  which  sold  for  ten  kwan-mon  (£15,  or  $75,  approximately). 
Gold,  too,  was  much  more  valuable  in  China  than  in  Japan.  Ten  ryo  of  the 
yellow  metal  could  be  obtained  in  Japan  for  from  twenty  to  thirty  kwan-mon 
and  sold  in  China  for  130.  Sealskins,  swords,  spears,  pepper,  sulphur,  fans, 
lacquer,  raw  silk,  etc.  were  the  chief  staples  of  exports;  and  velvet,  musk,  silk 
fabrics,  porcelains,  etc.,  constituted  the  bulk  of  the  imports.  The  metropolis 
being  Kyoto,  with  its  population  of  some  900,000,  Hyogo  was  the  most  impor- 
tant harbour  for  the  trade,  and  after  it  came  Hakata,2  in  Chikuzen;  Bonotsu, 
in  Satsuma;  Obi,  in  Hyuga,  and  Anotsu,  in  Ise.  The  customs  duties  at  Hyogo 
alone  are  said  to  have  amounted  to  the  equivalent  of  £15,000,  or  $75, 000,  annually. 

In  China,  Ningpo  was  the  chief  port.  It  had  a  mercantile-marine  office  and 
an  inn  for  foreign  guests.  The  tribute  levied  on  the  trade  was  sent  thence  to 
Nanking.  In  size  the  vessels  employed  were  from  50  to  130  tons,  greater 

[l  The  tallies  were  cards  on  which  a  line  of  ideographs  were  inscribed.  The  card  was  then 
cat  along  the  line,  and  a  moiety  was  given  to  the  trader,  the  corresponding  moiety  being  kept 
by  the  superintendent.] 

P  Hakata 's  place  was  subsequently  taken  by  Hirado.] 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH  445 

dimensions  being  eschewed  through  fear  of  loss.  An  invoice  shows  that  the 
goods  carried  by  a  ship  in  1458  were:  sulphur  (410,750  Ibs.);  copper  (206,000 
Ibs.);  spears  (11);  fans  (1250);  swords  (9500) ;  lacquered  wares  (634  packages), 
and  sapan-wood  (141,333  Ibs.).  During  the  days  of  Yoshimasa's  shogunate 
such  profits  were  realized  that  overtrading  took  place,  and  there  resulted  a 
temporary  cessation.  Fifty  years  later,  when  Yoshiharu  ruled  at  Muromachi 
(1529),  a  Buddhist  priest,  Zuisa,  sent  by  the  shogun  to  China,  and  an.  envoy, 
Sosetsu,  despatched  by  the  Ouchi  family,  came  into  collision  at  Ningpo.  It  was 
a  mere  question  of  precedence,  but  in  the  sequel  Zuisa  was  seized,  Ningpo  was 
sacked,  and  its  governor  was  murdered.  The  arm  of  the  shogun  at  that  time 
could  not  reach  the  Ouchi  family,  and  a  demand  for  the  surrender  of  Sosetsu  was 
in  vain  preferred  at  Muromachi  through  the  medium  of  the  King  of  Ryukyu. 
Yoshiharu  could  only  keep  silence. 

The  Ming  sovereign  subsequently  (1531)  attempted  to  exact  redress  by 
sending  a  squadron  to  Tsushima,  but  the  deputy  high  constable  of  the  Ouchi 
compelled  these  ships  to  fly,  defeated,  and  thereafter  all  friendly  intercourse 
between  Japan  and  China  was  interrupted,  piratical  raids  by  the  Japanese 
taking  its  place.  This  estrangement  continued  for  seventeen  years,  until  (1548) 
Ouchi  Yoshitaka  re-established  friendly  relations  with  Chosen  and,  at  the  same 
time,  made  overtures  to  China,  which,  being  seconded  by  the  despatch  of  an 
envoy  —  a  Buddhist  priest,  Shuryo  —  from  Muromachi,  evoked  a  favourable 
response.  Once  more  tallies  were  issued,  but  the  number  of  vessels  being 
limited  to  three  and  their  crews  to  three  hundred,  the  resulting  commerce  was 
comparatively  small.  Just  at  this  epoch,  too,  Occidental  merchantmen  arrived 
in  China,  and  the  complexion  of  the  latter 's  oversea  trade  underwent  alteration. 
Thereafter,  the  Ashikaga  fell,  and  their  successor,  Oda  Nobunaga,  made  no 
attempt  to  re-open  commerce  with  China,  while  his  successor,  Toyotomi  Hide- 
yoshi,  planned  the  invasion  of  the  Middle  Kingdom,  so  that  the  sword  was  more 
in  evidence  than  the  soroban. 


'  ijsortiifi  Siivroi  snitool 
It  is  difficult  to  trace  the  beginnings  of  Japanese  piracy  in  Far  Eastern  waters, 

but  certainly  it  dated  from  a  remote  past  and  reached  its  extreme  in  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  records  show  that  Murakami  Yoshihiro,  of  lyo 
province,  obtained  control  of  all  the  corsairs  in  neighbouring  seas  and  developed 
great  puissance.  Nor  did  any  measure  of  opprobrium  attach  to  his  acts,  for 
on  his  death  he  was  succeeded  by  Morokiyo,  a  scion  of  the  illustrious  Kitabatake 
family.  Numbers  flocked  to  his  standard  during  the  disordered  era  of  the  War 
of  the  Dynasties,  and  from  Korea  in  the  north  to  Formosa  and  Amoy  in  the 
south  the  whole  littoral  was  raided  by  them. 

For  purposes  of  protection  the  Ming  rulers  divided  the  coast  into  five  sections, 
Pehchihli,  Shantung,  Chekiang,  Fuhkien,  and  Liangkwang,  appointing  a 
governor  to  each,  building  fortresses  and  enrolling  soldiers.  All  this  proving 
inefficacious,  the  Emperor  Taitsu,  as  already  stated,  addressed  to  Ashikaga 
Yoshimitsu  a  remonstrance  which  moved  the  shogun  to  issue  a  strict  injunction 
against  the  marauders.  It  was  a  mere  formality.  Chinese  annals  show  that 
under  its  provisions  some  twenty  pirates  were  handed  over  by  the  Japanese 
and  were  executed  by  boiling  in  kettles.  No  such  international  refinement  as 
extra-territorial  jurisdiction  existed  in  those  days,  and  the  Japanese  shogun  felt 
no  shame  in  delivering  his  countrymen  to  be  punished  by  an  alien  State.  It  is 


446  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

not  wonderful  that  when  Yoshimitsu  died,  the  Chinese  Emperor  bestowed  on 
him  the  posthumous  title Kung-hsien-wang, or  "the  faithful  and  obedient  king." 
But  boiling  a  score  of  the  Wokou 1  in  copper  kettles  did  not  at  all  intimidate 
the  corsairs.  On  nearly  all  the  main  islands  of  the  Inland  Sea  and  in  the 
Kyushu  waters  they  had  their  quarters.  In  fact,  the  governors  of  islands  and  a 
majority  of  the  military  magnates  having  littoral  estates,  took  part  in  the 
profitable  pursuit.  No  less  than  fourteen  illustrious  families  were  so  engaged, 
and  four  of  them  openly  bore  the  title  of  kaizoku  tai-shogun  (commander-in-chief 
of  pirates).  _ Moreover,  they  all  obeyed  the  orders  of  the  Ouchi  family.  It  is  on 
record  that  Ouchi  Masahiro  led  them  in  an  incursion  into  Chollado,  the  southern 
province  of  Korea,  and  exacted  from  the  sovereign  of  Chosen  a  promise  of  yearly 
tribute  to  the  Ouchi.  This  was  only  one  of  several  profitable  raids.  The  goods 
appropriated  in  Korea  were  sometimes  carried  to  China  for  sale,  the  pirates 
assuming,  now  the  character  of  peaceful  traders,  now  that  of  ruthless  plunderers. 
The  apparition  of  these  Pahan  2  ships  seems  to  have  inspired  the  Chinese  with 
consternation.  They  do  not  appear  to  have  made  any  effective  resistance. 
The  decade  between  1553  and  1563  was  evidently  their  time  of  greatest  suffering; 
and  their  annals  of  that  era  repay  perusal,  not  only  for  their  direct  interest  but 
also  for  their  collateral  bearing  on  the  story  of  the  invasion  of  Korea  at  the  close 
of  the  century. 

On  the  23d  of  the  fifth  month  of  1553,  twenty-seven  Japanese  vessels  arrived  at  Lungwang- 
tang.  They  looked  like  so  many  hills  and  their  white  sails  were  as  clouds  in  the  sky.  On  the 
fifth  day  of  the  fourth  month  of  1554,  there  appeared  on  the  horizon  a  large  ship  which  presently 
reached  Lungwang-tang.  Her  crew  numbered  562.  They  blew  conches  after  the  manner  of 
trumpets,  marshalled  themselves  in  battle  array,  and  surrounding  the  castle  with  flying 
banners,  attacked  it.  On  the  fourth  day  of  the  ninth  month  of  1555,  a  two-masted  ship 
carrying  a  crew  of  some  hundreds  came  to  Kinshan-hai,  and  on  the  next  day  she  was  followed 
by  eight  five-masted  vessels  with  crews  totalling  some  thousands.  They  all  went  on  shore 
and  looted  in  succession.  On  the  23d  of  the  second  month  of  1556,  pirate  ships  arrived  at  the 
entrance  to  Kinshan-hai.  Their  masts  were  like  a  dense  forest  of  bamboo. 

Further  records  show  that  in  1556  the  pirates  entered  Yang-chou,  looted  and 
burned  the  city;  that  in  1559  they  attacked  Chekiang;  that  in  1560,  they  made 
their  way  to  Taitsang,  and  thence  pushed  on  towards  Shanghai,  Sungteh,  etc., 
looting  towns  almost  daily.  There  was  no  effective  resistance.  We  find  also 
the  following  appreciation  of  Japanese  ships : — 

The  largest  of  the  Japanese  vessels  canjcarry  about  three  hundred  men;  the  medium-sized, 
from  one  to  two  hundred,  and  the  smallest  from  fifty  to  eighty.  They  are  constructed  low  and 
narrow.  Thus,  when  they  meet  a  big  ship  they  have  to  look  up  to  attack  her.  The  sails  are 
not  rigged  like  those  of  our  ships  which  can  be  navigated  in  any  wind.  But  wicked  people  on 
the  coast  of  Fuhkien  sold  their  ships  to  the  foreigners;  and  the  buyers,  having  fitted  them  with 
double  bottoms  and  keels  shaped  so  as  to  cleave  the  waves,  came  to  our  shores  in  them. 

Evidently  the  Chinese  were  better  skilled  in  the  art  of  shipbuilding  than  the 

Japanese.   As  for  the  defensive  measures  of  the  Chinese  the  following  is  recorded : 

.  i  i  • 

The  Government  troops  on  sea  and  on  land  made  every  effort  to  keep  off  the  pirates. 
They  flew  banners  at  morn  and  eve  and  fired  guns  seaward,  so  that  the  enemy,  understanding 
by  the  flash  and  the  detonation  that  we  were  prepared  to  resist,  abstained  from  landing.  But 
when  the  pirates  handled  their  swords  skilfully,  their  attack  was  fearful.  Our  countrymen 
when  they  saw  these  swordsmen,  trembled  and  fled.  Their  fear  of  the  Japanese  was  fear  of  the 
swords.  The  pirates'  firearms  were  only  guns  such  as  men  use  in  pursuit  of  game.  They  did 
not  range  over  one  hundred  paces.  But  their  skill  in  using  their  guns  was  such  that  they 
never  missed.  ^We  could  not  defeat  them.  They  rise  early  in  the  morning  and  take  their 
breakfast  kneeling  down.  Afterwards  their  chief  ascends  an  eminence  and  they  gather  below 
to  hear  his  orders.  He  tells  them  off  in  detachments  not  exceeding  thirty  men,  and  attaching 

-  o/- 

I1  Yamato  enemies.]  «»tw, 

P  Chinese  pronunciation  of  the  ideographs  read  by  the  Japanese  "Hachiman"  (god  of  War). 
The  pirates  inscribed  on  their  sails  the  legend  Hachiman  Dai-bosatsu.] 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH  447 

them  to  officers,  sends  them  to  loot  places.    The  detachments  operate  at  distances  of  from 
five  hundred  to  a  thousand  yards,  but  unite  at  the  sound  of  a  conch. 

To  re-enforce  a  detachment  in  case  of  emergency,  small  sections  of  three  or  four  swordsmen 
move  about.  At  the  sight  of  them  our  men  flee.  Towards  dark  the  detachments  return  to 
headquarters  and  hand  in  their  loot,  never  making  any  concealment.  It  is  then  distributed. 
They  always  abduct  women,  and  at  night  they  indulge  in  drinking  and  debauchery.  They 
always  advance  in  single  rank  at  a  slow  pace,  and  thus  their  extension  is  miles  long.  For  tens 
of  days  they  can  run  without  showing  fatigue.  In  camping,  they  divide  into  many  companies, 
and  thus  they  can  make  a  siege  effective.  Against  our  positions  they  begin  by  sending  a  few 
men  who  by  swift  and  deceptive  movements  cause  our  troops  to  exhaust  all  their  projectiles 
fruitlessly,  and  then  the  assault  is  delivered.  They  are  clever  in  using  ambushes,  and  often 
when  they  seem  to  be  worsted,  their  hidden  forces  spring  up  in  our  rear  and  throw  our  army 
into  a  panic. 

.rv.jfijuflriio:)   V:  ;   V9flj  boa   ,£'rT&-girAoL  oiu  "wornr 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  truth  of  these  records,  naive  as  are  some  of  the 
descriptions.  Unquestionably  the  Wokou  were  a  terrible  scourge  to  the  Chinese 
on  the  eastern  littoral. 


INTERCOURSE    WITH    RYU^YtJ 

Japanese  annals  say  that  the  royal  family  of  Ryukyu  was  descended  from  the 
hero  Minamoto  Tametomo  who  was  banished  to  the  island  in  1156,  and  certainly 
the  inhabitants  of  the  archipelago  are  a  race  closely  allied  to  the  Japanese.  But 
in  1373,  the  then  ruler,  Chuzan,  sent  an  envoy  to  the  Ming  Court  and  became  a 
tributary  of  the  latter.  In  1416,  however,  an  ambassador  from  the  islands 
presented  himself  at  the  Muromachi  shogunate,  and  twenty-five  years  later 
(1441),  the  shogun  Yoshinori,  just  before  his  death,  bestowed  Ryukyu  on  Shima- 
zu  Tadakuni,  lord  of  Satsuma,  in  recognition  of  meritorious  services.  Subse- 
quently (1471)  the  shogun  Yoshimasa,  in  compliance  with  a  request  from  the 
Shimazu  family,  forbade  the  sailing  of  any  vessel  to  Ryukyu  without  a  Shimazu 
permit,  and  when,  a  few  years  later,  Miyake  Kunihide  attempted  to  invade 
Ryukyu,  the  Shimazu  received  Muromachi  's  (Yoshitane  's)  commission  to 
punish  him.  Historically,  therefore,  Ryukyu  formed  part  of  Japan,  but  its 
rulers  maintained  a  tributary  attitude  towards  China  until  recent  times,  as  will 
presently  be  seen. 

•  ' 
LITERATURE    DURING    THE    MUROMACHI    PERIOD 

Throughout  the  Muromachi  period  of  two  and  a  half  centuries  a  group  of 
military  men  held  the  administration  and  reaped  all  rewards  and  emoluments 
of  office  so  that  literary  pursuits  ranked  in  comparatively  small  esteem.  Some 
education  was  necessary,  indeed,  for  men  of  position,  but  eminent  scholars  were 
exceptional.  Noteworthy  among  the  latter  were  Nijo  Yoshimoto,  Ichijo 
Fuyuyoshi,  Doin  Kinsada,  Sanjonishi  Sanetaka,  and  Kiyowara  Naritada. 
Most  renowned  was  Ichijo  Kaneyoshi.  Equally  versed  in  the  classics  of  China 
and  Japan,  as  well  as  in  Buddhism  and  Confucianism,  he  composed  several  works 
of  high  merit.  A  feature  of  the  period  was  the  erudition  of  the  priests.  Gen-e, 
a  bonze  of  the  temple  Hiei-zan,  adopted  the  commentaries  of  the  Sung  savants, 
Chengtzu  and  Chutsu,  rejecting  those  of  the  earlier  Han  and  Tang  writers.  In 
other  words,  he  adopted  the  eclectic  system  of  Buddhism  and  Confucianism  as 
compounded  by  the  scholars  of  the  Sung  and  the  Yuan  epochs,  in  preference  to 
the  system  of  earlier  pundits.  The  Emperor  Go-Daigo  invited  Gen-e  to  Court 
and  directed  him  to  expound  the  Sutras.  Thereafter,  the  Sung  philosophy 
obtained  wide  allegiance,  being  preached  by  the  priests  of  the  Five  Great 
Temples  in  Kyoto,  and  by  all  their  provincial  branches.  On  the  other  hand,  the 


448  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

hereditary  schools  of  Oye  and  Sugawara,  adhering  to  their  old  dogmas,  fell  behind 
the  times  and  declined  in  influence. 

The  feature  of  the  age  in  point  of  learning  was  that  scholarship  became  a 
priestly  specialty.  From  the  Five  Temples  (Go-zari)  students  constantly 
flocked  to  China,  where  they  received  instructions  in  the  exoterics  and  esoterics 
of  Buddhism,  as  modified  by  the  creed  of  Confucius,  laying  the  foundations  of 
systems  upon  which  philosophers  of  later  ages,  as  Kazan  and  Seiga,  built  fair 
edifices.  These  priests  of  the  Five  Temples  were  more  than  religious  propagan- 
dists: they  were  ministers  of  State,  as  Tenkai  and  Soden  were  in  after  times 
under  the  Tokugawa,  and  they  practically  commanded  the  shoguns.  One 
reason  operating  to  produce  this  result  was  that,  in  an  age  when  lineage  or  mili- 
tary prowess  was  the  sole  secular  step  to  fortune,  men  of  civil  talent  but  humble 
birth  had  to  choose  between  remaining  in  hopeless  insignificance  or  entering  the 
priesthood  where  knowledge  and  virtue  were  sure  passports  to  distinction.  It 
was  thus  that  in  nearly  every  monastery  there  were  found  men  of  superior 
intellect  and  erudition.  The  fact  was  recognized.  When  Ashikaga  Takauji 
desired  to  take  counsel  of  Muso  Kokushi,  he  repaired  to  that  renowned  priest 's 
temple  and  treated  him  as  a  respected  parent;  and  Yoshimitsu,  the  third  of  the 
Ashikaga  shoguns,  showed  equal  respect  towards  Gido,  Zekkai  and  Jorin,  whose 
advice  he  constantly  sought. 

It  was  strange,  indeed,  that  in  an  age  when  the  sword  was  the  paramount 
tribunal,  the  highest  dignitaries  in  the  land  revered  the  exponents  of  ethics  and 
literature.  Takauji  and  his  younger  brother,  Tadayoshi,  sat  at  the  feet  of 
Gen-e  as  their  preceptor.  Yoshimitsu  appointed  Sugawara  Hidenaga  to  be 
Court  lecturer.  Ujimitsu,  the  Kamakura  kwanryo,  took  Sugawara  Toyonaga  for 
preacher.  Yoshimasa's  love  of  poetry  impelled  him  to  publish  the  Kinshudan.1 
Above  all,  Yoshihisa  was  an  earnest  scholar.  He  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
Chinese  and  Japanese  classics;  he  was  himself  a  poetaster  of  no  mean  ability; 
he  read  canonical  books  even  as  he  sat  in  his  palanquin;  under  his  patronage 
Ichijo  Kaneyoshi  wrote  the  Shodan-chiyd  and  2  the  Bummei  Ittoki;  Fujiwara 
Noritane  compiled  the  Teio-keizu;  Otsuki  Masabumi  lectured  on  the  analects 
and  Urabe  Kanetomo  expounded  the  standard  literature  of  the  East. 

Yet,  side  by  side  with  these  patrons  of  learning  stood  a  general  public  too 
ignorant  to  write  its  own  name.  Military  men,  who  formed  the  bulk  of  the 
nation,  were  engrossed  with  the  art  of  war  and  the  science  of  intrigue  to  the 
exclusion  of  all  erudition.  The  priests  were  always  available  to  supply  any  need, 
and  the  priests  utilized  the  occasion.  Nevertheless,  it  stands  to  the  credit  of 
these  bonzes  that  they  made  no  attempt  to  monopolize  erudition.  Their  aim  was 
to  popularize  it.  They  opened  temple-seminaries  (tera-koya)  and  exercise  halls 
(dojo)  where  youths  of  all  classes  could  obtain  instruction  and  where  an  excellent 
series  of  text-books  was  used,  the  Iroha-uta  3  the  Doji-kyo,  the  Teikin-orai*  and 
the  Goseibai-shikimoku.6  The  Doji-kyo  has  been  translated  by  Professor 
Chamberlain  (in  Vol.  VIII  of  the  "  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan  "). 
A  few  extracts  will  serve  to  show  the  nature  of  the  ethical  teaching  given  to 
Japanese  children  in  medieval  days: — 

Let  nothing  lead  thee  into  breaking  faith  with  thy  friend,  and  depart  not  from  thy  word. 

' 

1  The  Embroidered  Brocade  Discourse.] 

2  Rustic  Ideals  of  Government.] 

3  A  syllabary  of  moral  precepts  like  the  ethical  copy-books  of  Occidentals.] 

4  A  model  letter-writer.] 

pThe  criminal  laws  of  Hojo  Yasutoki.  All  these  text-books  remained  in  use  until  the 
Meiji  era.] 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH  449 

It  is  the  tongue  that  is  the  root  of  misfortunes;  if  the  mouth  were  made  like  unto  the  nose,  a 
man  would  have  no  trouble  till  his  life's  end.  In  the  house  where  virtue  is  accumulated  there 
will  surely  be  superabundant  joy.  No  man  is  worthy  of  honour  from  his  birth;  'tis  the  garner- 
ing-up  of  virtue  that  bringeth  him  wisdom  and  virtue;  the  rich  man  may  not  be  worthy  of 
honour.  In  thin  raiment  on  a  winter 's  night,  brave  the  cold  and  be  reading  the  whole  night 
through;  with  scanty  fare  on  a  summer's  day,  repel  hunger  and  be  learning  the  whole  day 
long.  .  .  .  A  father's  loving  kindness  is  higher  than  the  mountains;  a  mother's  bounty  is 
deeper  than  the  sea.  .  .  .  He  that  receiveth  benefits  and  is  not  grateful  is  like  unto  the  birds 
that  despoil  the  branches  of  the  trees  they  perch  on.  .  .  .  Above  all  things,  men  must 
practise  charity ;  it  is  by  almsgiving  that  wisdom  is  fed ;  less  than  all  things,  men  must  grudge 
money;  it  is  by  riches  that  wisdom  is  hindered.  .  .  .  The  merit  of  an  alms  given  with  a 
compassionate  heart  to  one  poor  man  is  like  unto  the  ocean;  the  recompense  of  alms  given  to  a 
multitude  for  their  own  sake  is  like  unto  a  grain  of  poppy-seed. 

This  text-book,  the  Doji-kyo,  was  compiled  by  a  priest,  Annen,  who  lived  in 
the  second  half  of  the  ninth  century.  Its  origin  belongs,  therefore,  to  a  much 
more  remote  era  than  that  of  the  Muromachi  shoguns,  but,  in  common  with  the 
other  text-books  enumerated  above,  its  extensive  use  is  first  mentioned  in  the 
Ashikaga  epoch.  The  Five  Temples  of  Kyoto  —  to  be  spoken  of  presently  — 
were  seats  of  learning;  and  many  names  of  the  litterateurs  that  flourished  there 
have  been  handed  down.  Not  the  least  celebrated  were  Gido  and  Zekkai,  who 
paid  several  visits  to  China,  the  fountain-head  of  ideographic  lore.  But  these 
conditions  were  not  permanent.  The  Onin  War  created  a  serious  interruption. 
Kyoto  was  laid  in  ruins,  and  rare  books  lay  on  the  roadside,  no  one  caring  to 
pick  them  up. 

PRIVATE    SCHOOLS   AND    LIBRARIES 

Throughout  the  Ashikaga  period  the  Kyoto  university  existed  in  name  only, 
and  students  of  Japanese  literature  in  the  provinces  disappeared.  A  few  court- 
iers, as  Nakahara,  Dye,  Sugawara,  Miyoshi,  etc.,  still  kept  up  the  form  of  lecturing 
but  they  did  not  receive  students  at  large.  Nevertheless,  a  few  military  mag- 
nates, retaining  some  appreciation  of  the  value  of  erudition,  established  schools 
and  libraries.  Among  these,  the  Kanazawa-bunko  and  the  Ashikaga-gakko  were 
the  most  famous.  The  former  had  its  origin  in  the  closing  years  of  the  Kama- 
kura  Bakufu.  It  was  founded  during  the  reign  of  Kameyama  (1260-1274)  by 
Sanetoki,  grandson  of  Hojo  Yoshitoki.  A  large  collection  of  Chinese  and 
Japanese  works  filled  its  shelves,  and  all  desirous  of  studying  had  free  access. 
Akitoki,  son  of  Sanetoki,  adopted  Kanazawa  as  his  family  name  and  added 
largely  to  the  library.  He  caused  the  ideographs  Kanazawa-bunko  to  be  stamped 
in  black  on  all  Confucian  works,  and  in  red  on  Buddhist. 

It  is  recorded  in  the  Hojo  Kudaikiih&t  men  of  all  classes,  laymen  and  priests 
alike,  were  shut  up  daily  in  this  library  where  they  studied  gratis,  and  that 
Akitoki 's  son,  Sadaaki,  was  as  ardent  a  student  as  his  father,  so  that  men  spoke 
of  him  as  well  fitted  to  be  regent  (shikken),  thus  showing  that  literary  skill  was 
counted  a  qualification  for  high  office.  Fire,  the  destroyer  of  so  many  fine  relics 
of  Japanese  civilization,  visited  this  library  more  than  once,  but  during  the 
reign  of  Go-Hanazono  (1429-1464)  it  was  restored  and  extended  by  the  Uesugi 
family,  who  also  rebuilt  and  endowed  schools  for  the  study  of  Japanese  literature 
in  the  province  of  Kotsuke.  Among  these  schools  was  the  Ashikaga-gakko, 
under  the  presidency  of  a  priest,  Kaigen,  in  the  day  of  whose  ninth  successor, 
Kyiika,  the  pupils  attending  the  schools  totalled  three  thousand.  A  few  great 
families  patronized_  literature  without  recourse  to  priests.  This  was  notably 
the  case  with  thejOuchi,  whose  tradal  connexions  gave  them  special  access  to 
Chinese  books.  Ouchi  Yoshitaka,  in  particular,  distinguished  himself  as  an 
author.  He  established  a  library  which  remained  for  many  generations;  he  sent 


450  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLED 

officials  to  China  to  procure  rare  volumes,  and  it  is  incidentally  mentioned  that 
he  had  several  manuscripts  printed  in  the  Middle  Kingdom,  although  the  art  of 
block-printing  had  been  practised  in  Japan  since  the  close  of  the  eighth  century. 
A  composition  which  had  its  origin  at  this  epoch  was  the  yokyoku,  a  special  kind 
of  libretto  for  mimetic  dances.  Books  on  art  also  were  inspired  by  the  Higashi- 
yama  craze  for  choice  specimens  of  painting,  porcelain,  and  lacquer.  Commen- 
taries, too,  made  their  appearance,  as  did  some  histories,  romances,  and 
anthologies. 

PICTORIAL   ART 

As  Japan  during  the  Ashikaga  period  sat  at  the  feet  of  the  Sung  masters  in 
philosophy  and  literature,  so  it  was  in  the  realm  of  art.  There  is,  indeed,  a  much 
closer  relation  between  literature  and  pictorial  art  in  China  than  in  any  Occidental 
country,  for  the  two  pursuits  have  a  common  starting-point  —  calligraphy. 
The  ideograph  is  a  picture,  and  to  trace  it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  satisfy  the 
highest  canons  is  a  veritably  artistic  achievement.  It  has  been  shown  above 
that  in  the  Muromachi  era  the  priests  of  Buddha  were  the  channels  through 
which  the  literature  and  the  philosophy  of  Sung  reached  Japan,  and  it  will 
presently  be  seen  that  the  particular  priests  who  imported  and  interpreted  this 
culture  were  those  of  the  Zen  sect.  There  is  natural  sequence,  therefore,  in  the 
facts  that  these  same  priests  excelled  in  calligraphy  and  introduced  Japan  to  the 
pictorial  art  of  the  immortal  Sung  painters. 

There  were  in  China,  at  the  time  of  the  Ashikaga,  two  schools  of  painters: 
a  Northern  and  a  Southern.  The  term  is  misleading,  for  the  distinction  was 
really  not  one  of  geography  but  one  of  method.  What  distinguished  the 
Southern  school  was  delicacy  of  conception,  directness  of  execution,  and  lightness 
of  tone.  To  produce  a  maximum  of  effect  with  a  minimum  of  effort;  to  suggest 
as  much  as  to  depict,  and  to  avoid  all  recourse  to  heavy  colours  —  these  were  the 
cardinal  tenets  of  the  Southern  school.  They  were  revealed  to  Japan  by  a  priest 
named  Kao,  who,  during  the  reign  of  Go^-Daigo  (1318-1339),  passed  ten  years 
in  China,  and  returning  to  Ky5to,  opened  a  studio  in  the  temple  Kennin-ji, 
where  he  taught  the  methods  of  Li  Lungmin  of  the  Sung  dynasty  and  Yen  Hui 
of  the  Yuan.  He  revolutionized  Japanese  art.  After  him  Mincho  is  eminent. 
Under  the  name  of  Cho  Densu  —  the  Abbot  Ch5  —  he  acquired  perpetual 
fame  by  his  paintings  of  Buddhist  saints. 

But  Mincho 's  religious  pictures  did  not  help  to  introduce  the  Sung  academy 
to  Japan.  That  task  was  reserved  for  Josetsu  —  a  priest  of  Chinese  or  Japanese 
origin  —  who,  during  the  second  half  of  the  fourteenth  century,  became  the 
teacher  of  many  students  at  the  temple  Shokoku-ji,  in  Kyoto.  Among  his 
pupils  was  Shubun,  and  the  latter 's  followers  included  such  illustrious  names  as 
Sotan,  Sesshu,  Shinno;  Masanbbu,  and  Motonobu.  It  is  to  this  day  a  question 
whether  Japan  ever  produced  greater  artists  than  Sesshu  and  Motonobu.  To 
the  same  galaxy  belongs  Tosa  no  Mitsunobu,  the  founder  of  the  Tosa  school  as 
Motonobu  was  of  the  Kano.  That  official  patronage  was  extended  to  these  great 
men  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  Mitsunobu  was  named  president  of  iheE-dokoro, 
or  Court  Academy  of  Painting;  and  Motonobu  received  the  priestly  rank  of 
hogen. 

;  o)  o«Tf/"0'n  ir/<  ioiteq  &• 

.,tfjj  ,,vfi_  m,  APPLIED    ART  lir/'-JiMi-- 

Industries  in  general  suffered  from  the  continual  wars  of  the  Ashikaga  epoch, 
but  the  art  of  forging  swords  flourished  beyond  all  precedent.  Already  Awada- 


451 

guchi,  Bizen,  Osafune,  and  others  had  attained  celebrity,  but  for  Okazaki 
Masamune,  of  Kamakura,  who  worked  during  the  reign  of  Go-Daigo  (1318-1339) 
was  reserved  the  renown  of  peerlessness.  His  long  travels  to  investigate  the 
methods  of  other  masters  so  as  to  assimilate  their  best  features,  are  historically 
recorded,  and  at  the  head  of  the  great  trinity  of  Japanese  swordsmiths  his  name 
is  placed  by  universal  acclaim,  his  companions  being  Go  no  Yoshihiro  and 
Fujiwara  Yoshimitsu.1  In  Muromachi  days  so  much  depended  on  the  sword 
that  military  men  thought  it  worthy  of  all  honour.  A  present  of  a  fine  blade 
was  counted  more  munificent  than  a  gift  of  a  choice  steed,  and  on  the  decoration 
of  the  scabbard,  the  guard,  and  the  hilt  extraordinary  skill  was  expended. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  a  wonderful  expert  in  metals,  Goto 
Yujo,  devoted  himself  to  the  production  of  these  ornaments,  and  his  descendants 
perpetuated  his  fame  down  to  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
Gotos,  however,  constitute  but  a  small  section  of  the  host  of  masters  who  will 
always  be  remembered  in  this  branch  of  art.  In  the  Muromachi  period  alone 
we  have  such  names  as  Aoki  Kaneiye,  Myochin  Nobuiye,  Umetada  Akihisa  and 
others.2  Armour  making  also  was  carried  to  a  point  of  high  achievement 
during  the  epoch,  especially  by  Nobuiye.3 

.  .;b  bnfi  asbrresixo  -ii  fri  dnono'firb 

LACQUER 

;.r.-  ion.-ih  'io  loorfoa 
It  is  generally  conceded  that  the  Japanese  surpass  all  nations  in  the  art  of 

making  lacquer.  They  not  only  developed  the  processes  to  a  degree  unknown 
to  their  original  teacher,  China,  but  they  also  introduced  artistic  features  of 
great  beauty.  Unfortunately,  history  transmits  the  names  of  Jew  masters  in 
this  line.  We  can  only  say  that  in  the  days  of  Yoshimasa  's  shogunate,  that  is, 
during  the  second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century,  several  choice  varieties  began 
to  be  manufactured,  as  the  nashiji,  the  togidashi,  the  negoro-nuri,  the  konrinji- 
nuri,  the  shunkei-nuri,  the  tsuishu,  and  the  tsuikoku.  Choice  specimens  received 
from  later  generations  the  general  epithet  Higashiyama-mono,  in  reference 
to  the  fact  that  they  owed  so  much  to  the  patronage  of  Yoshimasa  in  his  mansion 
at  Higashi-yama.  .b  .^irttrfe"  B^JsioesutifaT  *s  deiktei^ 

:i?.oT  ,ioteeofl,s  te-ns-  l3o>omjjniM  sdj  to  ylbb  no'ii/jqf 
PORCELAIN    AND    FAIENCE 

To  the  Muromachi  epoch  belongs  also  the  first  manufacture  of  .faience,  as 
distinguished  from  unglazed  pottery,  and  of  porcelain,  as  distinguished  from 
earthenware.  The  former  innovation  is  ascribed  —  as  already  noted  —  to 
Kat5  Shirozaemon,  a  native  of  Owari,  who  visited  China  in  1223  and  studied 
under  the  Sung  ceramists;  the  latter,  to  Shonzui,  who  also  repaired  to  China  in 
1510,  and,  on  his  return,  set  up  a  kiln  at  Arita,  in  Hizen,  where  he  produced  a 
small  quantity  of  porcelain,  using  materials  obtained  from  China,  as  the  existence 
of  Japanese  supplies  was  not  yet  known.  The  faience  industry  found  many 
followers,  but  its  products  all  bore  the  somewhat  sombre  impress  of  the  cha-no-yu 
(tea  ceremonial)  canons. 

t1  Chamberlain  in  Things  Japanese  says:  "Japanese  swords  excel  even  the  vaunted  prod- 
ucts of  Damascus  and  Toledo.  To  cut  through  a  pile  of  copper  coins  without  nicking  the 
blade  is,  or  was,  a  common  feat.  History,  tradition,  and  romance  alike  re-echo  with  the 
exploits  of  this  wonderful  weapon."] 

[2  For  an  exhaustive  analysis  see  Brinkley  's  China  and  Japan.] 

[3  See  Conder's  History  of  Japanese  Costume;  Vol.  IX.  of  the  "Transactions  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Japan."] 


452  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ARCHITECTURE 

The  architectural  feature  of  the  time  Was  the  erection  of  tea-parlours  accord- 
ing to  the  severe  type  of  the  cha-no-yu  cult.  Such  edifices  were  remarkable  for 
simplicity  and  narrow  dimensions.  They  partook  of  the  nature  of  toys  rather 
than  of  practical  residences,  being,  in  fact,  nothing  more  than  little  chambers, 
entirely  undecorated,  where  a  few  devotees  of  the  tea  ceremonial  could 
meet  and  forget  the  world.  As  for  grand  structures  like  the  "Silver  Pavilion" 
of  Yoshimasa  and  the  "Golden  Pavilion"  of  Yoshimitsu,  they  showed 
distinct  traces  of  Ming  influence,  but  with  the  exception  of  elaborate  interior 
decoration  they  do  not  call  for  special  comment. 

A  large  part  of  the  work  of  the  Japanese  architect  consisted  in  selecting  rare 
woods  and  uniquely  grown  timber,  in  exquisite  joinery,  and  in  fine  plastering. 
Display  and  ornament  in  dwelling-houses  were  not  exterior  but  interior;  and 
beginning  with  the  twelfth  century,  interior  decoration  became  an  art  which 
occupied  the  attention  of  the  great  schools  of  Japanese  painters.  The  pecul- 
icir  nature  of  Japanese  interior  division  of  the  house  with  screens  or  light  par- 
titions instead  of  walls  lent  itself  to  a  style  of  decoration  which  was  quite  as 
different  in  its  exigencies  and  character  from  Occidental  mural  decorations  as 
was  Japanese  architecture  from  Gothic  or  Renaissance.  The  first  native 
school  of  decorative  ajti.sts  was  the  Yamato-ryu,  founded  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury by  Fujiwara  Motomitsu  and  reaching  the  height  of  its  powers  in  the  twelfth 
century.  In  the  thirteenth  century  Fujiwara  Tsunetaka,  a  great  painter 
of  this  school,  took  the  title  of  Tosa.  Under  him  the  Tosa-ryu  became  the 
successor  of  the  Yamato-ryu  and  carried  on  its  work  with  more  richness  and 
charm.  The  Tosa  school  was  to  a  degree  replaced  after  the  fifteenth  century 
in  interior  painting  by  the  schools  of  Sesshu  and  Kano. 


RELIGION 

As  one  of  Yoritomo's  first  acts  when  he  organized  the  Kamakura  Bakufu 
had  been  to  establish  at  Tsurugaoka  a  shrine  to  Hachiman  (the  god  of  War), 
patron  deity  of  the  Minamotos'  great  ancestor,  Yoshiiye,  so  when  Takauji, 
himself  a  Minamoto,  organized  the  Muromachi  Bakufu,  he  worshipped  at  the 
Iwashimizu  shrine  of  Hachiman,  and  all  his  successors  in  the  shogunate  followed 
his  example.  Of  this  shrine  Tanaka  Harukiyo  was  named  superintendent 
(betto),  and  with  the  Ashikaga  leader's  assistance,  he  rebuilt  the  shrine  on  a 
sumptuous  scale,  departing  conspicuously  from  the  austere  fashion  of  pure 
Shinto.2  It  may,  indeed,  be  affirmed  that  Shinto  had  never  been  regarded  as  a 
religion  in  Japan  until,  in  the  days  of  the  Nara  Court,  it  was  amalgamated  with 
Buddhism  to  form  what  was  called  Ryobu-shinto.  It  derived  a  further  character 
of  religion  from  the  theory  of  Kitabatake  Chikafusa,  who  contended  that 
Shinto,  Buddhism,  and  Confucianism  were  all  capable  of  being  welded  into  one 
whole.  Moreover,  in  the  Muromachi  period,  the  eminent  scholar,  Ichijo  Kane- 
yoshi  (1402-81),  wrote  a  thesis  which  gave  some  support  to  the  views  of 
Chikafusa. 

But,  during  the  reign  of  Go-Tsuchimikado  (1465-1500),  Urabe  Kanetomo, 
professing  to  interpret  his  ancestor,  Kanenobu,  enunciated  the  doctrine  of 
Yuiitsu-shinto  (unique  Shinto),  namely,  that  as  between  three  creeds,  Shinto 

[  1  The  shrine  covered  a  space  of  400  square  yards  and  had  a  golden  gutter,  80  feet  long,  13 
feet  wide,  and  over  1  inch  thick.] 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH 


453 


was  the  root;  Confucianism,  the  branches,  and  Buddhism,  the  fruit.  This 
was  the  first  explicit  differentiation  of  Shinto.  It  found  favour,  and  its  pro- 
pounder's  son,  Yoshida,  asserted  the  principles  still  more  strenuously.  The 
fact  is  notable  in  the  history  of  religion  in  Japan.  Yoshida  was  the  forerunner 
of  Motoori,  Hirata,  and  other  comparatively  modern  philosophers  who  contended 
for  the  revival  of  "Pure  Shinto."  Many  Japanese  annalists  allege  that  Shinto 
owes  its  religious  character  solely  to  the  suggestions  of  Buddhism,  and  point  to 
the  fact  that  the  Shinto  cult  has  never  been  able  to  inspire  a  great  exponent. 

£iri  li.8  io  fvofjoiovji  9if.T  bnfi  9Diiaiovi/i  jiv/o  fci/{  giirsbolq  <tfi9ixi 

BUDDHISM 

The  attitude  of  the  Ashikaga  towards  Buddhism  was  even  more  reverential. 
They  honoured  the  Zen  sect  almost  exclusively.  Takauji  built  the  temple 
Tenryu-ji,  in  Kyoto,  and  planned  to  establish  a  group  of  provincial  temples 


-Join 


• 

iv?i'-)b  n  j[-udQ$i&CL  lo  VmaS  DvA'Al :  n-niiWr; 

under  the  name  of  Ankoku-ji.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  his  animating 
purpose  in  thus  acting  was  to  create  a  counterpoise  to  the  overwhelming  strength 
of  the  monasteries  of  Nara  and  Hiei-zan.  The  latter  comprised  three  thousand 
buildings  —  temples  and  seminaries  —  and  housed  a  host  of  soldier-monks 
who  held  Kyoto  at  their  mercy  and  who  had  often  terrorized  the  city  and  the 
palace.  In  the  eighth  century,  when  the  great  temple,  Todai-ji.  was  established 
at  Nara,  affiliated  temples  were  built  throughout  the  provinces,  under  the  name 
of  Kokubun-ji. 

It  was  in  emulation  of  this  system  that  Takauji  erected  the  Tenryu-ji  and 
planned  a  provincial  net-work  of  Ankoku-ji.  His  zeal  in  the  matter  assumed 
striking  dimensions.  On  the  one  hand,  he  levied  heavy  imposts  to  procure 
funds;  on  the  other,  he  sent  to  China  ships — hence  called  Tenryuji-bune— 
to  obtain  furniture  and  fittings.  Thus,  in  the  space  of  five  years,  the  great  edifice 
was  completed  (1345),  and  there  remained  a  substantial  sum  in  the  Muromachi 
treasury.  The  monks  of  Enryaku-ji  (Hiei-zan)  fathomed  Takauji's  purpose. 


454  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

They  flocked  down  to  the  capital,  halberd  in  hand  and  sacred  car  on  shoulder, 
and  truculently  demanded  of  the  Emperor  that  Soseki,  high  priest  of  the  new 
monastery,  should  be  exiled  and  the  edifice  destroyed.  But  the  Ashikaga  leader 
stood  firm.  He  announced  that  if  the  soldier-monks  persisted,  their  lord-abbot 
should  be  banished  and  their  property  confiscated;  before  which  evidently  earnest 
menaces  the  mob  of  friars  turned  their  faces  homeward.  Thereafter,  Takauji, 
and  his  brother  Tadayoshi  celebrated  with  great  pomp  the  ceremony  of  opening 
the  new  temple,  and  the  Ashikaga  leader  addressed  to  the  priest,  Soseki,  a  docu- 
ment pledging  his  own  reverence  and  the  reverence  of  all  his  successors  at 
Muromachi.  But  that  part  of  his  programme  which  related  to  the  provincial 
branch  temples  was  left  incomplete.  At  no  time,  indeed,  were  the  provinces 
sufficiently  peaceful  and  sufficiently  subservient  for  the  carrying  out  of.  such  a 

plan  by  the  Ashikaga. 

'jiqoioj    ^jiJiTtnaTo  a;:./:i:  &  ; 

GREAT   PRIESTS 


The  priest  Soseki  —  otherwise  called  "Muso  Kokushi,"  or  "Muso,  the 
national  teacher" — was  one  of  the  great  bonzes  in  an  age  when  many  monasteries 
were  repositories  of  literature  and  statesmanship.  His  pupils,  Myoo  and 
Chushin,  enjoyed  almost  equal  renown  in  the  days  of  the  third  Ashikaga  shogun, 
Yoshimitsu,  whose  piety  rivalled  that  of  Takauji.  He  assigned  to  them  a 
residence  in  the  Rokuon-ji,  his  own  family  temple,  and  there  he  visited  them  to 
hear  discourses  on  Buddhist  doctrine  and  to  consult  about  administrative  affairs. 
A  still  more  illustrious  bonze  was  Ryoken,  of  Nanzen-ji.  It  is  related  of  him 
that  he  repaired,  on  one  occasion,  to  the  Kita-yama  palace  of  the  shogun 
Yosh  mitsu,  wearing  a  ragged  garment.  Yoshimitsu  at  once  changed  his  own 
brocade  surcoat  for  the  abbot 's  torn  vestment,  and  subsequently,  when  conduct- 
ing his  visitor  on  a  boating  excursion,  the  shogun  carried  the  priest 's  footgear. 
It  is  not  possible  for  a  Japanese  to  perform  a  lowlier  act  of  obeisance  towards 
another  than  to  be  the  bearer  of  the  latter 's  sandals.  Yoshimitsu  was  in  a 
position  to  dictate  to  the  Emperor,  yet  he  voluntarily  performed  a  menial  office 
for  a  friar. 

These  four  priests,  Soseki,  Myoo,  Chushin,  and  Ryoken,  all  belonged  to  the 
Zen  sect.  The  doctrines  of  that  sect  were  absolutely  paramount  in  Muromachi 
days,  as  they  had  been  in  the  times  of  the  Kamakura  Bakufu.  A  galaxy  of 
distinguished  names  confronts  us  on  the  pages  of  history  —  Myocho  of  Daitoku- 
ji;  Gen-e  of  Myoshin-ji;  Ikkyu  Zenji  of  Daitoku-ji,  a  descendant  of  the  Emperor 
Go-Komatsu;  Tokuso  of  Nanzen-ji;  Shiren  of  Tofuku-ji;  Shushin  of  Nanzen-ji; 
Juo  of  Myoshin-ji;  Tetsuo  of  Daitoku-ji,  and  Gazan  of  Soji-ji.  All  these  were 
propagandists  of  Zen-shu  doctrine.  It  has  been  well  said  that  the  torch  of  religion 
burns  brightest  among  dark  surroundings.  In  circumstances  of  tumultuous 
disorder  and  sanguinary  ambition,  these  great  divines  preached  a  creed  which 
taught  that  all  worldly  things  are  vain  and  valueless.  Moreover,  the  priests 
themselves  did  not  practise  the  virtues  they  inculcated.  They  openly  disregard- 
ed their  vow  of  chastity;  bequeathed  their  temples  and  manors  to  their  children; 
employed  hosts  of  stoled  soldiers;  engaged  freely  in  the  fights  of  the  era,  and 
waxed  rich  on  the  spoils  of  their  arms. 

It  is  recorded  of  Kenju  (called  also  Rennyo  Shoniri),  eighth  successor  of 
Shinran,  that  his  eloquence  brought  him  not  only  a  crowd  of  disciples  but  also 
wealth  comparable  with  that  of  a  great  territorial  magnate ;  that  he  employed 
a  large  force  of  armed  men,  and  that  by  dispensing  with  prohibitions  he  made  his 
doctrine  popular.  This  was  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  when  Yoshimasa 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH  455 

practised  dilettanteism  at  Higashi-yama.  It  became  in  that  age  a  common 
habit  that  a  man  should  shave  his  head  and  wear  priest 's  vestments  while  still 
taking  part  in  worldly  affairs.  The  distinction  between  bonze  and  layman 
disappeared.  Some  administrative  officials  became  monks;  some  daimyo 
fought  wearing  sacerdotal  vestments  over  their  armour,  and  some  priests  led 
troops  into  battle.  If  a  bonze  earned  a  reputation  for  eloquence  or  piety,  he 
often  became  the  target  of  jealous  violence  at  the  hands  of  rival  sectarians  and 
had  to  fly  for  his  life  from  the  ruins  of  a  burning  temple.  Not  until  the  advent 
of  Christianity,  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  did  these  outrages  cease, 
r  «£w  sbtffff  fftiitfbbfi  eMj^dft  \1ft0  artT  .friiiprrfiliiq.fi  i6- 'sadhiab-io 

THE    FIVE    TEMPLES   OF   KYOTO 

•'iniocr  iBHii'')     .ovrt  vff  boh  '  *cf  ')'uo  iMJ-cfoocmtrosovB 

The  Zen  sect  had  been  almost  equally  popular  during  the  epoch  of  the  Hojo. 
They  built  for  it  five  great  temples  in  Kamakura,  and  that  example  was  followed 
by  the  Ashikaga  in  Kyoto.  The  five  fanes  in  the  capital  were  called  collectively, 
Go-zan.  They  were  Kennin-ji,  Tofuku-ji,  Nanzen-ji,  Tenryu-ji,  and  Shokoku- 
ji.  After  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  Courts 
the  temple  Shokoku-ji  was  destroyed  by  fire  and  it  remained  in  ashes  until  the 
time  of  Yoshimasa,  when  the  priest,  Chushin,  persuaded  the  shogun  to  undertake 
the  work  of  reconstruction.  A  heavy  imposition  of  land-tax  in  the  form  of 
tansen,  and  extensive  requisitions  for  timber  and  stones  brought  funds  and 
materials  sufficient  not  only  to  restore  the  edifice  and  to  erect  a  pagoda  360  feet 
high,  but  also  to  replenish  the  empty  treasury  of  the  shogun.  Thus,  temple- 
building  enterprises  on  the  part  of  Japanese  rulers  were  not  prompted  wholly 
by  religious  motives. 

MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS 
vr/siifofi  vtnfJ  fi^ib;  v/ioum.:  '>/.*>  biuoo  aufiijon  jjiuj 

The  frugal  austerity  of  life  under  the  rule  of  the  Hojo  was  changed  to  lavish 
extravagance  under  the  Ashikaga.  Yet  things  should  have  been  otherwise,  for 
in  Takauji's  time  there  was  enacted  and  promulgated  the  code  of  regulations 
already  referred  to  as  the  Kemmu  Shikimoku,  wherein  were  strictly  forbidden 
basara,  debauchery,  gambling,  reunions  for  tea  drinking  and  couplet  composing, 
lotteries,  and  other  excesses.  Basara  is  a  Sanskrit  term  for  costly  luxuries  of 
every  description,  and  the  compilers  of  the  code  were  doubtless  sincere  in  their 
desire  to  popularize  frugality.  But  the  Ashikaga  rulers  themselves  did  not  con- 
firm their  precepts  by  example.  They  seemed,  indeed,  to  live  principally  for 
sensuous  indulgence. 

A  Japanese  writer  of  the  fifteenth  century,  in  a  rhapsodical  account  of 
the  Kyoto  of  his  day,  dwells  on  the  wonderful  majesty  of  the  "sky-piercing 
roofs"  and  "cloud-topping  balconies"  of  the  Imperial  palace.  And  he  points 
with  evident  pride  to  the  fact  that  this  splendor  —  a  splendor  only  a  little 
less — ;was  to  be  found  besides  in  many  other  elegant  residences  which  dis- 
played their  owners'  taste  and  wealth.  The  chronicler  notes  that  even  those 
who  were  not  noble,  including  some  who  had  made  their  money  by  fortune- 
telling  or  by  the  practice  of  medicine,  were  sometimes  able  to  make  such  display, 
to  live  in  pretentious  houses  and  have  many  servants.  So  could  the  provincial 
nobles,  who  it  seems  did  not  in  other  periods  make  much  of  a  showing  at  the 
capital. 

The  dwellers  in  these  mansions  lived  up  to  their  environment.  The  degree 
of  their  refinement  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  cooking  became  a  science ; 
they  had  two  principal  academies  and  numerous  rules  to  determine  the  sizes  and 


466  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

shapes  of  every  implement  and  utensil,  as  well  as  the  exact  manner  of  manipulat- 
ing them.  The  nomenclature  was  not  less  elaborate.  In  short,  to  become  a 
master  of  polite  accomplishments  and  the  cuisine  in  the  military  era  of  Japan 
demanded  patient  and  industrious  study. 

l,ni  ^nq  '.m-H  IH 

ntt     vf'tffT  in  •yiffiliPOh  lul 

MODE    OF    TRAVELLING 

i>n£  snarion 

The  fashions  of  the  Heian  epoch  in  the  manner  of  travelling  underwent  little 
change  during  the  military  age.  The  principal  conveyance  continued  to  be  an 
ox-carriage  or  a  palanquin.  The  only  notable  addition  made  was  the  kago,  a 
kind  of  palanquin  slung  on  a  single  pole  instead  of  on  two  shafts.  The  kago 
accommodated  one  person  and  was  carried  by  two.  Great  pomp  and  elaborate 
organization  attended  the  outgoing  of  a  nobleman,  and  to  interrupt  a  procession 
was  counted  a  deadly  crime,  while  all  persons  of  lowly  degree  were  required  to 
kneel  with  their  hands  on  the  ground  and  their  heads  resting  on  them  as  a 
nobleman  and  his  retinue  passed. 


Mftt  litfirr  ttfaji  fit  hgnifim^  tf 

LANDSCAPE    GARDENINQ,  ^ 

Great  progress  was  made  in  the  art  of  landscape  gardening  during  the 
Muromachi  epoch,  but  this  is  a  subject  requiring  a  volume  to  itself.  Here  it 
will  suffice  to  note  that,  although  still  trammelled  by  its  Chinese  origin,  the  art 
received  signal  extension,  and  was  converted  into  something  like  an  exact 
science,  the  pervading  aim  being  to  produce  landscapes  and  water-scapes  within 
the  limits  of  a  comparatively  small  park  without  conveying  any  sense  of  undue 
restriction.  Buddhist  monks  developed  signal  skill  in  this  branch  of  esthetics, 
and  nothing  could  exceed  the  delightful  harmony  which  they  achieved  between 
nature  and  art.  It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  first  treatise  on  the  art  of  land- 
scape gardening  appeared  from  the  pen  of  Gokyogoku  Yoshitsune  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  thirteenth  century.  It  has  been  well  said  that  the  chief  difference 
between  the  parks  of  Japan  and  the  parks  of  Europe  is  that,  whereas  the  latter 
are  planned  solely  with  reference  to  a  geometrical  scale  of  comeliness  or  in  pure 
and  faithful  obedience  to  nature's  indications,  the  former  are  intended  to  appeal 
to  some  particular  mood  or  to  evoke  special  emotion,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
preserving  a  likeness  to  the  landscapes  and  water-scapes  of  the  world  about  us. 

MINIATURE    LANDSCAPE    GARDENING 

By  observing  the  principles  and  practical  rules  of  landscape  gardening  while 
reducing  the  scale  of  construction  so  that  a  landscape  or  a  water-scape,  complete 
in  all  details  and  perfectly  balanced  as  to  its  parts,  is  produced  within  an  area  of 
two  or  three  square  feet,  the  Japanese  obtained  a  charming  development  of  the 
gardener's  art.  Admirable,  however,  as  are  these  miniature  reproductions  of 
natural  scenery  and  consummate  as  is  the  skill  displayed  in  bringing  all  their 
parts  into  exact  proportion  with  the  scale  of  the  design,  they  are  usually  marred 
by  a  suggestion  of  triviality.  In  this  respect,  greater  beauty  is  achieved  on  an 
even  smaller  scale  by  dwarfing  trees  and  shrubs  so  that,  in  every  respect  except 
in  dimensions,  they  shall  be  an  accurate  facsimile  of  what  they  would  have  been 
had  they  grown  for  cycles  unrestrained  in  the  forest.  The  Japanese  gardener 
"dwarfs  trees  so  that  they  remain  measurable  only  by  inches  after  their  age 
has  reached  scores,  even  hundreds,  of  years,  and  the  proportions  of  leaf,  branch 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH  457 

and  stem  are  preserved  with  fidelity.  The  pots  in  which  these  wonders  of 
patient  skill  are  grown  have  to  be  themselves  fine  specimens  of  the  keramist's 
craft,  and  as  much  as  £200  is  sometimes  paid  for  a  notably  well-trained  tree."  x 

TEA    CEREMONIAL 

The  tea  ceremonial  (cha-no-yu)  is  essentially  Japanese  in  its  developments 
though  its  origin  came  from  China.  It  has  been  well  described  as  "a  mirror  in 
which  the  extraordinary  elaborations  of  Japanese  social  etiquette  may  be  seen 
vividly  reflected."  In  fact,  the  use  of  tea  as  a  beverage  had  very  little  to  do  with 
the  refined  amusement  to  which  it  was  ultimately  elevated.  The  term ' '  tasting ' ' 
would  apply  more  accurately  to  the  pastime  than  "drinking."  But  even  the 
two  combined  convey  no  idea  of  the  labyrinth  of  observances  which  constituted 
the  ceremonial.  The  development  of  the  cha-no-yu  is  mainly  due  to  Shuko,  a 
priest  of  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhism,  who  seems  to  have  conceived  that  tea  drinking 
might  be  utilized  to  promote  the  moral  conditions  which  he  associated  with  its 
practice.  Prof.  H.  B.  Chamberlain  notes  that  "It  is  still  considered  proper 
for  tea  enthusiasts  to  join  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhism,  and  it  is  from  the  abbot 
of  Daitokuji  at  Kyoto  that  diplomas  of  proficiency  are  obtained."  The  bases 
of  Shuko's  system  were  the  four  virtues  —  urbanity,  purity,  courtesy,  and 
imperturbability  —  and  little  as  such  a  cult  seemed  adapted  to  the  practices 
of  military  men,  it  nevertheless  received  its  full  elaboration  under  the  feudal 
system.  But  although  this  general  description  is  easy  enough  to  formulate, 
the  etiquette  and  the  canons  of  the  cha-no-yu  would  require  a  whole  volume  for 
an  exhaustive  description. 


INCENSE  COMPARING 

The  Muromachi  epoch  contributed  to  aristocratic  pastimes  the  growth  of 
another  amusement  known  as  ko-awase,  "comparing  of  incense,"  a  contest 
which  tested  both  the  player's  ability  to  recognize  from  their  odour  different 
varieties  of  incense  and  his  knowledge  of  ancient  literature.  As  early  as  the 
seventh  century  the  use  of  incense  had  attained  a  wide  vogue  in  Japan.  But 
it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  that  Shino  Soshin  convert- 
ed the  pastime  into  something  like  a  philosophy.  From  his  days  no  less  than 
sixty-six  distinct  kinds  of  incense  were  recognized  and  distinguished  by  names 
derived  from  literary  allusions.  This  pastime  is  not  so  elaborate  as  the  cha-no- 
yu,  nor  does  it  furnish,  like  the  latter,  a  series  of  criteria  of  art-objects.  But  it 
shows  abundant  evidence  of  the  elaborate  care  bestowed  upon  it  by  generation 
after  generation  of  Japanese  dilettanti. 

rfoiif  /orf  ,HB  i. 

IKE-BANA 

, 

The  English  language  furnishes  no  accurate  equivalent  for  what  the  Japanese 
call  ike-bana.  The  literal  meaning  of  the  term  is  "living  flower,"  and  this  name 
well  explains  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  art,  namely,  the  arrangement  of 
flowers  so  as  to  suggest  natural  life.  In  fact,  the  blossoms  must  look  as  though 
they  were  actually  growing  and  not  as  though  they  were  cut  from  the  stems. 
It  is  here  that  the  fundamental  difference  between  the  Occidental  and  the 
Japanese  method  of  flower  arrangement  becomes  apparent;  the  former  appeals 
[l  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  Edition,  article  "Japan,"  Brinkley.] 


458  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

solely  to  the  sense  of  colour,  whereas  the  latter  holds  that  the  beauty  of  a  plant 
is  not  derived  from  the  colour  of  its  blossoms  more  than  from  the  manner  of  thoir 
growth.  *  In  fact,  harmony  of  colour  rather  than  symmetry  of  outline  was  the 
thing  desired  in  a  Japanese  floral  composition.  It  might  be  said  that  Western 
art,  in  general,  and  more  particularly  the  decorative  art  of  India,  Persia  and 
Greece  —  the  last  coming  to  Japan  through  India  and  with  certain  Hindu 
modifications  —  all  aim  at  symmetry  of  poise;  but  that  Japanese  floral  arrange- 
ment and  decorative  art  in  general  have  for  their  fundamental  aim  a  symmetry 
by  suggestion, —  a  balance,  but  a  balance  of  inequalities.  The  ike-bana  as 
conceived  and  practised  in  Japan  is  a  science  to  which  ladies,  and  gentlemen 
also,  devote  absorbing  attention. 

MiLr  4iuv0  .tufl     '\jjfliiLuhb1'  luuld  pm/te^q  odr  0.1  •14)t£;r!:r:w,  tmmi 
riaiilw  ao-Jiysyiygdo  lo  iiJjinvifnl  or! f  'k>  ani;:  on  v;> 

wb  xtoi"*M\H8^ 

It  will  be  understood  that  to  the  pastimes  mentioned  above  as  originating 
in  military  times  must  be  added  others  bequeathed  from  previous  eras.  Principal 
among  these  was  "flower  viewing"  at  all  seasons;  couplet  composing;  chess; 
draughts;  football;  mushroom  picking,  and  maple-gathering  parties,  as  well  as 
other  minor  pursuits.  Gambling,  also,  prevailed  widely  during  the  Muromachi 
epoch  and  was  carried  sometimes  to  great  excesses,  so  that  samurai  actually 
staked  their  arms  and  armour  on  a  cast  of  the  dice.  It  is  said  that  this  vice  had 
the  effect  of  encouraging  robbery,  for  a  gambler  staked  things  not  in  his  posses- 
sion, pledging  himself  to  steal  the  articles  if  the  dice  went  against  him. 

:  .aoiJqiiaayb 

SINGING    AND    DANCING 

One  of  the  chief  contributions  of  the  military  era  to  the  art  of  singing  was  a 
musical  recitative  performed  by  blind  men  using  the  four-stringed  Chinese  lute, 
the  libretto  being  based  on  some  episode  of  military  history.  The  performers 
were  known  as  biwa-bozu,  the  name  "bozu"  (Buddhist  priest)  being  derived  from 
the  fact  that  they  shaved  their  heads  after  the  manner  of  bonzes.  These  musi- 
cians developed  remarkable  skill  of  elocution,  and  simulated  passion  so  that  in 
succeeding  ages  they  never  lost  their  popularity.  Sharing  the  vogue  of  the 
biwa-bozu,  but  differing  from  it  in  the  nature  of  the  story  recited  as  well  as  in  that 
of  the  instrument  employed,  was  the  joruri,  which  derived  its  name  from  the 
fact  that  it  was  originally  founded  on  the  tragedy  of  Yoshitsune's  favourite 
mistress,  Joruri.  In  this  the  performer  was  generally  a  woman,  and  the  instru- 
ment on  which  she  accompanied  herself  was  the  samisen.  These  two  dances 
may  be  called  pre-eminently  the  martial  music  of  Japan,  both  by  reason  of 
the  subject  and  the  nature  of  the  musical  movement;'"' 

The  most  aristocratic  performance  of  all,  however,  was  the  yokyoku,  which 
ultimately  grew  into  the  no.  This  was  largely  of  dramatic  character  and  it 
owed  its  gravity  and  softness  of  tone  to  priestly  influence,  for  the  monopoly  of 
learning  possessed  in  those  ages  by  the  Buddhist  friars  necessarily  made  them 
pre-eminent  in  all  literary  accomplishments.  The  no,  which  is  held  in  just  as 
high  esteem  to-day  as  it  was  in  medieval  times,  was  performed  on  a  stage  in  the 
open  air  and  its- theme  was  largely  historical.  At  the  back  of  the  stage  was 
seated  a  row  of  musicians  who  served  'as  chorus,  accompanying  the  performance 
with  various  instruments,  chiefly  the  flute  and  the  drum,  and  from  time  to  time 
intoning  the  words  of  the  drama.  An  adjunct  of  the  no  was  the  kyogen.  The 
no  was  solemn  and  stately;  the  kyogen  comic  and  sprightly.  In  fact,  the  latter 


CULTURE  IN  THE  MUROMACHI  EPOCH 


459 


was  designed  to  relieve  the  heaviness  of  the  former,  just  as  on  modern  stages 
the  drama  is  often  relieved  by  ?the  farce.  It  is  a  fact  of  sober  history  that  the 
shogun  Yoshimasa  officially  invested  the  no  dance  with  the  character  of  a  cere- 
monious accomplishment  of  military  men  and  that  Hideyoshi  himself  often 
joined  the  dancers  on  the  stage. 


ia&w^o  "-rfpota  am1 

V 

J/ 


:>B 
• 


:'L9YOB 


ton  t-; 

_ 

i^Hl  : ^  '•' 

tefirf  jl-,.  .Sf^r.Iijte;;  bs^uqsib.nu , hprr^hn 

•:oJ ;;  >'/^  angiq'i^foa  lo  isdttiufi  ojit  f^Jiirr 

FLOWBE  Ppra  AND  DWAEF  TEKB 


bos 


o  98fi.o  orft 

ipy  -glrft 


91001 


ni 


e  . 


T5IUOO  3IIT 

.      ^ 
IQ 

;!Jeib, 
s; 
ii 

•  UO/-K!  :-)ia  ai^daioo  rf^a  ted)  •' 
i  yj'hif?  fr^OG.i>,  K^aniidiij^-iib  boi/ano 
BHi  §  -ft  'to  rriin  srft  ^il-BiiQ,  ^nivJoviii  y,lno  .ton  bus  ^ii 


JT 


orli  o>t  !>ob/i9iKD 
B  oi 


HOOTr   IHOAMOflUM  C1HT 


ui      xus  n<>ai  •^icua 


SWORDS  PRESERVED  AT  SHOSO-IN  TEMPLE,  AT  NARA 


CHAPTER   XXXIII 


THE   EPOCH   OF  WARS  (Sengoku  Jidai) 


LIST    OF    EMPERORS 


Order  of  Succession 
97th  Sovereign 
98th 
99th 

100th 

101st 

102d 

103d 

104th 

105th 

106th 

107th 


• 


Date 

A.  D.  1339-1368 
1368-1372 
1372-1392 
1392-1412 
1412-1428 
1428-1465 
1465-1500 
1500-1526 
1526-1557 
1557-1586 
1586-1611 


Name 

Go-Murakami 
Chokei          . 
Go-Kameyama 
Go-Komatsu     " 
Shoko       XT* 
Go-Hanazono 
Go-Tsuchimikado 
Go-Kashiwabara  . 
Go-Nara 

Okimachi     .        f;  - 
Go-Y6zei      . 

THE  sovereigns  of  the  Northern  Court,  not  being  recognized  as  legitimate  by 
Japanese  annalists,  are  excluded  from  the  above  list.  Go-Komatsu,  however, 
is  made  an  exception.  He  reigned  from  1382  to  1392  as  representing  the 
Northern  Court,  and  thereafter,  the  two  Courts  having  ceased  their  rivalry,  he 
reigned  undisputed  until  1412.  It  has  further  to  be  noted  that  many  histories 
make  the  number  of  sovereigns  greater  by  two  than  the  figures  recorded  in  the 
lists  of  this  volume.  That  is  because  the  histories  in  question  count  as  two  the 
Empresses  Kogyoku  (642-645)  and  Saimei  (655-661),  although  they  represent 
the  same  sovereign  under  different  names,  and  because  they  adopt  a  similar 
method  of  reckoning  in  the  case  of  the  Empresses  Koken  (749-758)  and  Shotoku 
(765-770),  whereas  in  this  volume  the  actual  number  of  sovereigns  is  alone 
recorded. 

THE   COURT 

The  interval  between  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  is  set  apart  by  Japanese  annalists  as  the  most  disturbed  period  of  the 
country 's  history  and  is  distinguished  by  the  term  Sengoku  Jidai,  or  the  Epoch  of 
Wars.  It  would  be  more  accurate  to  date  the  beginning  of  that  evil  time  from 
the  Onin  year-period  (1467-1469);  for  in  the  Onin  era  practical  recognition  was 
extended  to  the  principle  that  the  right  of  succession  to  a  family  estate  justifies 
appeal  to  arms,  and  that  such  combats  are  beyond  the  purview  of  the  central 
authority.  There  ensued  disturbances  constantly  increasing  in  area  and  in- 
tensity, and  not  only  involving  finally  the  ruin  of  the  Ashikaga  shogunate  but 

460 


THE  EPOCH  OF  WARS  461 

also  subverting  all  law,  order,  and  morality.  Sons  turned  their  hand  against 
fathers,  brothers  against  brothers,  and  vassals  against  chiefs.  Nevertheless, 
amid  this  subversion  of  ethics  and  supremacy  of  the  sword,  there  remained  always 
some  who  reverenced  the  Throne  and  supported  the  institutions  of  the  State; 
a  noteworthy  feature  in  the  context  of  the  fact  that,  except  during  brief  intervals, 
the  wielder  of  the  sceptre  in  Japan  never  possessed  competence  to  enforce  his 
mandates  but  was  always  dependent  in  that  respect  on  the  voluntary  co-opera- 
tion of  influential  subjects. 

In  the  Sengoku  period  the  fortunes  of  the  Imperial  Court  fell  to  their  lowest 
ebb.  The  Crown  lands  lay  in  the  provinces  of  Noto,  Kaga,  Echizen,  Tamba, 
Mino,  and  so  forth,  and  when  the  wave  of  warfare  spread  over  the  country,  these 
estates  passed  into  the  hands  of  military  magnates  who  absorbed  the  taxes  into 
their  own  treasuries,  and  the  collectors  sent  by  the  Court  could  not  obtain  more 
than  a  small  percentage  of  the  proper  amount.  The  exchequer  of  the  Muromachi 
Bakufu  suffered  from  a  similar  cause,  and  was  further  depleted  by  extravagance, 
so  that  no  aid  could  be  obtained  from  that  source.  Even  worse  was  the  case 
with  the  provincial  manors  of  the  Court  nobles,  who  were  ultimately  driven  to 
leave  the  capital  and  establish  direct  connexion  with  their  properties.  Thus, 
the  Ichijo  family  went  to  Tosa;  the  Ane-no-koji  to  Hida,  and  when  Ouchi 
Yoshioki  retired  to  Suwo  on  resigning  his  office  (kwanryo),  many  Court  magnates 
who  had  benefitted  by  his  generosity  in  Kyoto  followed  him  southward. 

So  impoverished  was  the  Imperial  exchequer  that,  in  the  year  1500,  when  the 
Emperor  Go-Tsuchimikado  died,  the  corpse  lay  for  forty  days  in  a  darkened 
room  of  the  palace,  funds  to  conduct  the  funeral  rites  not  being  available. 
Money  was  finally  provided  by  Sasaki  Takayori,  and  in  recognition  of  his 
munificence  he  was  authorized  to  use  the  Imperial  crest  (chrysanthemum  and 
Paulo wnia) ;  was  granted  the  right  of  entree  to  the  palace,  and  received  an 
autographic  volume  from  the  pen  of  the  Emperor  Go-Kogon.  If  there  was  no 
money  to  bury  Go-Tsuchimikado,  neither  were  any  funds  available  to  perform 
the  coronation  of  his  successor,  Go-Kashiwabara.  Muromachi  made  a  futile 
attempt  to  levy  contributions  from  the  daimyo,  and  the  kwanryo,  Hosokawa 
Masamoto,  is  recorded  to  have  brusquely  said,  in  effect,  that  the  country  could 
be  administered  without  crowning  any  sovereign.  Twenty  years  passed  before 
the  ceremony  could  be  performed,  and  means  were  ultimately  (1520)  furnished 
by  the  Buddhist  priest  Koken  —  son  of  the  celebrated  Rennyo  Shonin,  prelate 
of  the  Shin  sect  —  who,  out  of  the  abundant  gifts  of  his  disciples,  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Court  a  sum  of  ten  thousand  gold  ryo,1  being  moved  to  that 
munificence  by  the  urging  of  Fujiwara  Sanetaka,  a  former  nai-daijin.  In 
recognition  of  this  service,  Koken  was  raised  to  high  ecclesiastical  rank. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  ejirly  in  this  sixteenth  century,  Yoshioki,  deputy 
kwanryo  and  head  of  the  great  Ouchi  house,  had  contributed  large  sums  to  the 
Muromachi  treasury;  had  contrived  the  restoration  of  several  of  the  Court 
nobles '  domains  to  their  impoverished  owners,  and  had  assisted  with  open  hand 
to  relieve  the  penury  of  the  throne.  The  task  exhausted  his  resources,  and  when 
recalled  to  his  province  by  local  troubles  in  1518,  the  temporary  alleviation  his 
generosity  had  brought  was  succeeded  by  hopeless  penury.  From  time  im- 
memorial it  had  been  the  universal  rule  to  rebuild  the  two  great  shrines  at  Ise 
every  twentieth  year,  but  nothing  of  the  kind  had  been  possible  in  the  case  of  the 
Naigu  (inner  shrine)  since  1462,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Gegu  (outer  shrine)  since 
1434.  Such  neglect  insulted  the  sanctity  of  the  Throne;  yet  appeals  to  the 

o  p  £30,000 — $145,000.],  (80S1-J 


462  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Bakufu  produced  no  result.  In  1526,  the  Emperor  Go-Kashiwabara  died.  It 
is  on  record  that  his  ashes  were  carried  from  the  crematorium  in  a  box  slung 
from  the  neck  of  a  general  officer,  and  that  the  funeral  train  consisted  of  only 
twenty-six  officials.  For  the  purposes  of  the  coronation  ceremony  of  this 
sovereign's  successor,  subscriptions  had  to  be  solicited  from  the  provincial 
magnates,  and  it  was  not  until  1536  that  the  repairs  of  the  palace  could  be  under- 
taken, so  that  the  Emperor  Go-Nara  was  able  to  write  in  his  diary,  "All  that 
I  desired  to  have  done  has  been  accomplished,  and  I  am  much  gratified."  On 
this  occasion  the  Ouchi  family  again  showed  its  generosity  and  its  loyalty 
to  the  Throne. 

The  extremity  of  distress  was  reached  during  the  Kyoroku  era  (1528-1531;, 
when  the  struggle  between  the  two  branches  of  the  Hosokawa  family  converted 
Kyoto  once  more  into  a  battle-field  and  reduced  a  large  part  of  the  city  to  ashes. 
The  Court  nobles,  with  their  wives  and  children,  had  to  seek  shelter  and  refuge 
within  the  Imperial  palace,  the  fences  of  which  were  broken  down  and  the 
buildings  sadly  dilapidated. 

A  contemporary  record  tells  with  much  detail  the  story  of  the  decay  of 
the  capital  and  the  pitiful  plight  of  the  Throne.  The  Emperor  Go-Nara  (1527- 
1557)  was  reduced  to  earning  his  own  living.  This  he  did  by  his  skill  as  a 
calligrapher  —  at  least  one  instance  of  something  useful  resulting  from  the 
penchant  of  the  Court  for  the  niceties  of  Chinese  art  and  letters.  Any  one 
might  leave  at  the  palace  a  few  coins  for  payment  and  order  a  fair  copy 
of  this  or  that  excerpt  from  a  famous  classic.  The  palace  was  overrun,  the 
chronicler  says.  Its  garden  became  a  resort  for  tea-drinking  among  the  lower 
classes  and  children  made  it  a  play-ground.  It  was  no  longer  walled  in,  but 
merely  fenced  with  bamboo.  The  whole  city  was  in  a  similar  desolation,  things 
having  become  worse  and  worse  beginning  with  the  Oni  n  disturbance  of  1467  and 
the  general  exodus  of  the  samurai  from  the  capital  at  that  time.  At  this  time 
the  military  nobles  came  to  the  city  only  to  fight,  and  the  city's  population 
melted  away.  All  was  disorder.  The  city  was  flooded  and  the  dike  which  was 
built  to  check  the  flooded  rivers  came  to  be  thought  a  fine  residence  place  in 
comparison  with  lower  parts  of  the  town. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  men  might  be  observed  begging  for  rice  in  the  streets 
of  the  capital.  They  carried  bags  to  receive  contributions  which  were  designated 
kwampaku-ryo  (regent's  money).  Some  of  the  bags  thus  used  are  preserved  by 
the  noble  family  of  Nijo  to  this  day.  Another  record  says  that  the  stewardess 
of  the  Imperial  household  service  during  this  reign  (Go-Nara),  on  being  asked 
how  summer  garments  were  to  be  supplied  for  the  ladies-in-waiting,  replied  that 
winter  robes  with  their  wadded  linings  removed  should  be  used.  The  annals 
go  so  far  as  to  allege  that  deaths  from  cold  and  starvation  occurred  among  the 
courtiers.  An  important  fact  is  that  one  of  the  provincial  magnates  who 
contributed  to  the  succour  of  the  Court  at  this  period  was  Oda  Nobuhide  of 
Owari,  father  of  the  celebrated  Oda  Nobunaga. 


„*£,  BUDDHIST    VIOLENCE 

The  decline  of  the  Muromachi  Bakufu'  s  authority  encouraged  the  monks 
as  well  as  the  samurai  to  become  a  law  to  themselves.  Incidental  references  have 
already  been  made  to  this  subject,  but  the  religious  commotions  of  the  Sengoku 
period  invite  special  attention.  The  Buddhists  of  the  Shin  sect,  founded  by 
Shinran  Shonin  (1184-1268),  which  had  for  headquarters  the  great  temple 


.RCXTTHE  EPOCH  OF  WARS 


463 


A 

b 


~"*--^ 
,  HuY-.-Ynh    '•  '  liowi 


0/1.1  :l 


"^  N 

SHINBAN  Shonin 


taorlj  Jc-jiud^K 
>  bio  ,ojr>vyl 
MA^O 

•-'-r?--r     :!  .i.asrv?  n  .rrfoi/i  <»cl.t  'to 

Hongwan-ji  in  Kyoto,  were  from  the  outset  hostile  to  the  monks  of  Enryaku-ji. 
Religious  doctrine  was  not  so  much  concerned  in  this  feud  as  rivalry.  Shinran 
had  been  educated  in  the  Tendai  tenets  at  Enryaku-ji.  Therefore,  from  the 
latter 's  point  of  view  he  was  a  renegade,  and  while  vehemently  attacking  the 
creed  of  his  youth,  he  had  acquired  power  and  influence  that  placed  the  Hongwan- 
ji  almost  on  a  level  with  the  great  Hiei-zan.  In  the  days  of  Kenju,  popularly 
called  Rennyo  Shonin  (1415-1479),  seventh  in  descent  from  the  founder, 
Shinran,  the  Ikko  —  by  which  name  the  Shin  sect  was  known  —  developed  con- 
spicuous strength.  Kenju  possessed  extraordinary  eloquence.  Extracts  from 
his  sermons  were  printed  on  an  amulet  and  distributed  among  worshippers,  who 
grew  so  numerous  and  so  zealous  that  the  wealth  of  the  sect  became  enormous, 
and  its  leaders  did  not  hesitate  to  provide  themselves  with  an  armed  following. 
Finally  the  monks  of  Hiei-zan  swept  down  on  Hongwan-ji,  applied  the  torch 
to  the  great  temple,  and  compelled  the  abbot,  Kenju,  to  fly  for  his  life. 

It  is  significant  of  the  time  that  this  outrage  received  no  punishment.  Kenju 
escaped  through  Omi  to  Echizen,  where  the  high  constable,  an  Asakura,  combin- 
ing with  the  high  constable,  a  Togashi,  of  the  neighbouring  province  of  Kaga, 
erected  a  temple  for  the  fugitive  abbot,  whose  favour  was  well  worth  courting. 
The  Ikko-shu,  however,  had  its  own  internal  dissensions.  In  the  province  of 
Kaga,  a  sub-sect,  the  Takata,  endeavoured  to  oust  the  Hongwan  disciples,  and 
rising  in  their  might,  attacked  (1488)  the  high  constable;  compelled  him  to  flee; 
drove  out  their  Takata  rivals;  invaded  Etchu;  raided  Noto,  routing  the  forces 
of  the  high  constable,  Hatakeyama  Yoshizumi ;  seized  the  three  provinces  — 
Kaga,  Notq,  and  Etchu  —  and  attempted  to  take  possession  of  Echizen.  This 
wholesale  campaign  was  spoken  of  as  the  Ikko-ikki  (revolt  of  Ikko) .  A  few  years 
later,  the  Shin  believers  in  Echizen  joined  these  revolters,  and  marched  through 
the  province,  looting  and  burning  wherever  they  passed.  No  measure  of 
secular  warfare  had  been  more  ruthless  than  were  the  ways  of  these  monks. 


464  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  high  constable,  Asakura  Norikage,  now  took  the  field,  and  after  fierce 
fighting,  drove  back  the  fanatics,  destroyed  their  temples,  and  expelled  their 
priests. 

This  was  only  one  of  several  similar  commotions.  So  turbulent  did  the 
monks  show  themselves  under  the  influence  of  Shin-shu  teachers  that  the  Uesugi 
of  Echigo,  the  Hojo  of  Izu,  and  other  great  daimyo  interdicted  the  propagandism 
of  that  form  of  Buddhism  altogether.  The  most  presumptuous  insurrection  of 
all  stands  to  the  credit  of  the  Osaka  priests.  A  great  temple  had  been  erected 
there  to  replace  the  Hongwan-ji  of  Kyoto,  and  in,  1529,  its  lord-abbot,  Kokyo, 
entered  Kaga,  calling  himself  the  "son  of  heaven"  (Emperor)  and  assigning  to 
his  steward,  Shimoma  Yorihide,  the  title  of  shogun.  This  was  called  the  "great 
revolt"  (dai-ikki),  and  the  movement  of  opposition  provoked  by  it  was  termed 
the  "small  revolt"  (sho-ikki).  Again  recourse  was  had  to  the  most  cruel 
methods.  Men's  houses  were  robbed  and  burned  simply  because  their  inmates 
stood  aloof  from  the  insurrection.  Just  at  that  time  the  septs  of  Hosokawa 
and  Miyoshi  were  engaged  in  a  fierce  struggle  for  supremacy.  Kokyo  threw 
in  his  lot  with  Hosokawa  Harumoto,  and,  at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  troops, 
attacked  and  killed  Miyoshi  Motonaga.  Very  soon,  however,  the  Hosokawa 
chief  fell  out  with  his  cassocked  allies.  But  he  did  not  venture  to  take  the  field 
against  them  single  handed.  The  priests  of  the  twenty-one  Nichiren  temples  in 
Kyoto,  old  enemies  of  the  Ikko,  were  incited  to  attack  the  Hongwan-ji  in 
Osaka.  This  is  known  in  history  as  the  Hokke-ikki,  Hokke-shu  being  the  name 
of  the  Nichiren  sect.  Hiei-zan  was  involved  in  the  attack,  but  the  warlike 
monks  of  Enryaku-ji  replied  by  pouring  down  into  the  capital,  burning  the 
twenty-one  temples  of  the  Nichiren  and  butchering  three  thousand  of  their 
priests.  Such  were  the  ways  of  the  Buddhists  in  the  Sengoku  period. 

'    c-'-i'*i-J«}J  ' '-* 

THE    KWANTO 

During  the  Sengoku  period  (1490-1600)  the  Japanese  empire  may  be  com- 
pared to  a  seething  cauldron,  the  bubbles  that  unceasingly  rose  to  the  surface 
disappearing  almost  as  soon  as  they  emerged,  or  uniting  into  groups  with  more 
or  less  semblance  of  permanence.  To  follow  in  detail  these  superficial  changes 
would  be  a  task  equally  interminable  and  fruitless.  They  will  therefore  be 
traced  here  in  the  merest  outline,  except  in  cases  where  large  results  or  national 
effects  are  concerned.  The  group  of  eight  provinces  called  collectively  Kwanto 
first  claims  attention  as  the  region  where  all  the  great  captains  and  statesmen 
of  the  age  had  their  origin  and  found  their  chief  sphere  of  action.  It  has  been 
seen  that  the  fifth  Ashikaga  kwanryo,  Shigeuji,  driven  out  of  Kamakura,  took 
refuge  at  Koga  in  Shimotsuke;  that  he  was  thenceforth  known  as  Koga  Kubo; 
that  the  Muromachi  shogun,  Yoshimasa,  then  sent  his  younger  brother,  Masato- 
mo,  to  rule  in  the  Kwanto;  that  he  established  his  headquarters  at  Horigoe  in 
Izu,  and  that  he  was  officially  termed  Horigoe  Gosho.  His  chief  retainers  were 
the  two  Uesugi  families  —  distinguished  as  Ogigayatsu  Uesugi  and  Yamanouchi 
Uesugi,  after  the  names  of  the  palaces  where  their  mansions  were  situated  — 
both  of  whom  held  the  office  of  kwanryo  hereditarily. 

These  Uesugi  families  soon  engaged  in  hostile  rivalry,  and  the  ^Ogigayatsu 
branch,  being  allied  with  Ota  Dokwan,  the  founder  of  Yedo  Castle,  gained  the 
upper  hand,  until  the  assassination  of  Dokwan,  when  the  Yamanouchi  became 
powerful.  It  was  at  this  time  —  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  —  that  there 
occurred  in  the  Horigoe  house  one  of  those  succession  quarrels  so  common  since 


THE  EPOCH  OF  WARS&OT8JH 


465 


the  Onin  era.  Ashikaga  Masatomo,  seeking  to  disinherit  his  eldest  son,  Chacha- 
maru, in  favour  of  his  second  son,  Yoshimichi.  was  killed  by  the  former,  the  latter 
taking  refuge  with  the  Imagawa  family  in  Suruga,  by  whom  he  was  escorted  to 
the  capital,  where  he  became  the  Muromachi  shogun  under  the  name  of  Yoshi- 
zumi.  Parricides  and  fratricides  were  too  common  in  that  disturbed  age  for 
Chachamaru 's  crime  to  cause  any  moral  commotion.  But  it  chanced  that 
among  the  rear  vassals  of  the  Imagawa  there  was  one,  Nagauji,  who,  during 
many  years,  had  harboured  designs  of  large  ambition.  Seizing  the  occasion 
offered  by  Chachamaru 's  crime,  he  constituted  himself  Masatomo 's  avenger, 
and  marching  into  Izu,  destroyed  the  Horigoe  mansion,  and  killed  Chachamaru. 
Then  (1491)  Nagauji  quietly  took  possession  of  the  province  of  Izu,  building  for 
himself  a  castle  at  Hojo.  He  had  no  legal  authority  of  any  kind  for  the  act, 
neither  command  from  the  Throne  nor  commission  from  the  shogun. 

It  was  an  act  of  unqualified  usurpation.  Yet  its  perpetrator  showed  that 
he  had  carefully  studied  all  the  essentials  of  stable  government  —  careful 
selection  of  official  in- 
struments; strict  ad- 
ministration of  justice; 
benevolent  treatment  of 
the  people,  and  the  prac- 
tice of  frugality.  Being 
descended  from  the 
Taira  of  Ise  and  having 
occupied  the  domains 
long  held  by  the  Hojo, 
he  adopted  the  uji  name 
of  "Hojo,"  and  having 
extended  his  conquests 
to  Sagami  province,  built 
a  strong  castle  at  Oda- 
wara.  He  is  often  spoken 
of  as  Soun,  the  name  he 
adopted  in  taking  the 
tonsure,  which  step  did 
not  in  any  degree  inter- 
fere with  his  secular 
activities.  A  profoundly 
skilled  tactician,  he  never 
met  with  a  military  re- 
verse, and  his  fame  at- 
tracted adherents  from 
many  provinces.  His 
instructions  to  his  son  Ujitsuna  were  characteristic.  Side  by  side  with  an  in- 
junction to  hold  himself  in  perpetual  readiness  for  establishing  the  Hojo  sway 
over  the  whole  of  the  Kwanto,  as  soon  as  the  growing  debility  of  the  Uesugi 
family  offered  favourable  opportunity,  stood  a  series  of  rules  elementary  almost 
to  affectation :  to  believe  in  the  Kami;  to  rise  early  in  the  morning ;  to  go  to  bed 
while  the  night  is  still  young,  and  other  counsels  of  cognate  simplicity  formed 
the  ethical  thesaurus  of  a  philosopher  wise  enough  to  formulate  the  astute 
maxim  that  a  ruler,  in  choosing  his  instruments,  must  remember  that  they,  too, 
choose  him. 


HOJO  SOUN 


466  HISTORY  .OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Ujitsuna  proved  himself  a  worthy  son  of  Soun,  but  much  had  still  to  be  ac- 
complished before  the  Kwanto  was  fully  won.  Among  the  eight  provinces,  two, 
Awa  and  Kazusa,  which  looked  across  the  sea  to  Odawara,  were  under  the  firm 
sway  of  the  Satomi  family  — one  of  the  "eight  generals"  of  the  Kwanto  — 
and  not  until  1538  could  the  Hojo  chief  find  an  opportunity  to  crush  this  strong 
sept.  The  fruits  of  his  victory  had  hardly  been  gathered  when  death  overtook 
him,  in  1543.  His  sword  descended,  however,  to  a  still  greater  leader,  his  son 
Ujiyasu,  who  pushed  westward  into  Suruga;  stood  opposed  to  Kai  in  the  north, 
and  threatened  the  Uesugi  in  the  east.  The  two  branches  of  the  Uesugi  had 
joined  hands  in  the  presence  of  the  Hojo  menace,  and  a  powerful  league  including 
the  Imagawa  and  the  Ashikaga  of  Koga,  had  been  formed  to  attack  the  Hojo. 
So  long  did  they  hesitate  hi  view  of  the  might  of  Odawara,  that  the  expression 
" Odawara-hyogi"  passed  into  the  language  as  a  synonym  for  reluctance;  and 
when  at  length  they  moved  to  the  attack  with  eighty  thousand  men,  Hojo 
Ujiyasu,  at  the  head  of  a  mere  fraction  of  that  number,  inflicted  a  defeat  which 
settled  the  supremacy  of  the  Kwanto. 

The  name  of  Hojo  Ujiyasu  is  enshrined  hi  the  hearts  of  Japanese  bushi. 
He  combined  in  an  extraordinary  degree  gentlemess  and  bravery,  magnanimity 
and  resolution,  learning  and  martial  spirit.  It  was  commonly  said  that  from 
the  age  of  sixteen  he  had  scarcely  doffed  his  armour;  had  never  once  showed  his 
back  to  a  foe,  and  had  received  nine  wounds  all  in  front.1  Before  he  died  (1570) 
he  had  the  satisfaction  of  establishing  a  double  link  between  the  Hojo  and  the 
house  of  the  great  warrior,  Takeda  Shingen,  a  son  and  a  daughter  from  each 
family  marrying  a  daughter  and  a  son  of  the  other.2 

THE    TAKEDA    AND    THE    UESUGI 

.  _1    3    1 

Descended  (sixteenth  generation)  from  Minamoto  Yoshimitsu,  Takeda 
Harunobu  (1521-1573)  took  the  field  against  his  father,  who  had  planned  to 
disinherit  him  in  favour  of  his  younger  brother.  Gaining  the  victory,  Harunobu 
came  into  control  of  the  province  of  Kai,  which  had  long  been  the  seat  of  the 
Takeda  family.  This  daimyo,  commonly  spoken  of  as  Takeda  Shingen,  the 
latter  being  the  name  he  took  on  receiving  the  tonsure,  ranks  among  Japan's 
six  great  captains  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  roll  reading  thus :  — 

Takeda  Shingen  ....  (1521-1573) 

Uesugi  Kenshin        .         .         .         .       ''.'  *  .         .  (1530-1578) 

HojoUjimasa        _^ £      ._.  _1£  __»_  -I ': "'      .  (1538-1590) 

Oda  Nobunaga      '•*-*—  ^t-  ^ -M-  -4-^  i-';(1      .  (1534-1582) 

Toyotomi  Hideyoshi          .          .          .      \'.,.<H  v^  1  .{*  (1536-1598) 

Tokugawa  leyasu     .      __. ._      *.•    '  -r^  ^  v  ••»  e  &*•  (1542-1616) 

The  second  of  the  above,  Uesugi  Kenshin,  was  not  «,  member  of  the  great 
Uesugi  family  which  took  such  an  important  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Kwanto. 
He  belonged  to  the  Nagao,  which  originally  stood  in  a  relation  of  vassalage  to  the 
Yamanouchi  branch  of  the  Uesugi  in  Echigo,  and  his  father  attained  an  independ- 
ent position.  Kagetora,  as  Kenshin  was  called  hi  his  youth,  found  himself 
engaged  in  his  twenty-first  year  in  a  contest  with  his  elder  brother,  whom  he 
killed,  and,  by  way  of  penance  for  the  fratricide,  he  took  the  tonsure  under  the 
name  of  Kenshin  and  would  have  retired  from  the  world  had  not  his  generals 

[l  Thus  a  frontal  wound  came  to  be  designated  by  his  name.] 
[*  The  present  Viscount  Hojo  is  a  descendant  of  Ujiyasu.] 


I S  j  e  1 1  f  o  "8  8  5 1  a 

10  Siii»illlJllls 

•°    a^usz  t5«u'0«  s  WM 

^       «o  t— 


< 
o 


^SSS    53    SJSJSiSSa 


i 

§  o  'g  s  « J2 

liiill 

^  .a  o  2  |  g 
S  2  -2  -  K°  fe  S 


.a  ^  a  § 


313 


THE  EPOCH  OF  WARS 


467 


it) 


insisted  on  his  remaining  in  command.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Kenshin  became 
a  member  of  the  Uesugi  sept.  In  1505,  the  two  branches  of  the  Kwanto  Uesugi 
joined  hands  against  their  common  enemy,  Ho  jo  Soun,  and  from  that  time  the 
contest  was  continued  until  1551,  when  Ujiyasu,  grandson  of  Soun,  drove  Uesugi 
Norimasa  from  his  castle  of  Hirai  in  Kotsuke.  The  vanquished  general  fled  to 
Echigo  to  seek  succour  from  his  family's  old-time  vassal,  Nagao  Kagetora, 
already  renowned  under  the  name  of  Kenshin.  Norimasa  bestowed  the  office 
of  kwanryo  as  well  as  the  uji  of  Uesugi  on  Kenshin,  who  thenceforth  became 
known  as  Uesugi 
Kenshin,  and  who 
thus  constituted 
himself  the  foe  of 
the  Hojo.  At  a 
somewhat  earlier 
date,  Kenshin  had 
been  similarly  sup- 
plicated by  Mura- 
kami Yoshikiyo, 
whose  castle  was  at 
Kuzuo  in  Shinano, 
whence  he  had  been 
driven  by  Takeda 
Shingen. 

It  thus  fell  out 
that  Uesugi  Ken- 
shin  had  for  ene- 
mies the  two  cap- 
tains of  highest 
renown  in  his  era, 
Hojo  Ujimasa  and 
Takeda  Shingen. 
This  order  of  an- 
tagonism had  far-reaching  effects.  For  Kenshin 's  ambition  was  to  become 
master  of  the  whole  Kwanto,  under  pretence  of  re-establishing  the  original 
Uesugi,  but  his  expansion  southward  from  Echigo  was  barred  by  Shingen  in 
Shinano  and  Kai,  and  his  expansion  eastward  by  the  Hojo  in  Sagami  and 
Musashi.  The  place  of  the  struggle  between  Shingen-and  Kenshin  was  Kawana- 
ka-jima,  an  arena  often  pictured  by  artists  of  later  generations  and  viewed  to-day 
by  pilgrims  to  the  venerable  temple,  Zenko-ji.  There  the  two  generals,  recog- 
nized as  the  two  greatest  strategists  of  that  epoch,  met  four  times  in  fierce 
strife,  and  though  a  Japanese  historian  compares  the  struggle  to  the  eruption 
of  volcanoes  or  the  blowing  of  gales  of  blood,  victory  never  rested  on  either 
standard. 

Peace. having  been  at  length  restored  for  a  moment,  in  1558,  Kenshin  visited 
Kyoto  in  the  following  year.  There  he  was  received  with  distinction.  The 
Emperor  —  Okimachi  —  bestowed  on  him  a  sword,  and  the  shogun,  Yoshiteru, 
entitled  him  to  incorporate  the  ideograph  "teru"  in  his  name,  which  was  thus 
changed  from  Kagetora  to  Terutora.  He  was  also  granted  the  office  of  kwanryo. 
On  his  return  to  Echigo,  Kenshin  proceeded  to  assert  his  new  title.  Mustering 
an  army  said  to  have  been  110,000  strong,  he  attacked  the  Hojo  in  Odawara. 
But  Ujiyasu  would  not  be  tempted  into  the  open.  He  remained  always  behind 


IY\^^\^\Y?'^:i^^^7^ 


UESUGI  KENSHIN 


TIA8    M! 


468 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


the  ramparts,  and,  in  the  meanwhile  incited  Shingen  to  invade  Echigo,  so  that 
Kenshin  had  to  raise  the  siege  of  Odawara  and  hasten  to  the  defence  of  his  home 
province.  There  followed  another  indecisive  battle  at  Kawanaka-jima,  and 
thereafter  renewed  attacks  upon  the  Hojo,  whose  expulsion  from  the  KwantO 
devolved  on  Kenshin  as  kwanryo.  But  the  results  were  always  vague:  the 
Hojo  refrained  from  final  resistance,  and  Shingen  created  a  diversion.  The 
chief  sufferers  were  the  provinces  of  the  Kwanto,  a  scene  of  perpetual  bat- 
tle. In  the  end,  after  Etchu 
and  Kotsuke  had  been  brought 
under  Kenshin  's  sway, 
peace  was  concluded  between 
him  and  the  Hojo,  and  he 
turned  his  full  strength  against 
his  perennial  foe,  Shingen.  But 
at  this  stage  the  situation  was 
entirely  changed  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  Oda  Nobunaga  on 
the  scene,  as  will  be  presently 
narrated.  It  is  recorded  that, 
on  the  eve  of  his  death, 
Shingen  advised  his  son  to 
place  himself  and  his  domains 
in  Kenshin 's  keeping,  for,  said 
he,  "Kenshin  now  stands  un- 
rivalled, and  Kenshin  will 
never  break  faith  with  you;" 
and  it  is  recorded  of  Kenshin 
that  when  he  heard  of  Shingen 's  death,  he  shed  tears  and  exclaimed,  "Would 
that  the  country  had  such  another  hero!"1 

*     '     '        'I     '     '          flflfl     JJ 

KiHB/.aH  ji)-;ejTJ  .  flOJJfl 

THE    IMAGAWA,  THE    KITABATAKE,  THE   SAITO,  AND   THE;.  ODA   FAMILIES 

The  Imagawa,  a  branch  of  the  Ashikaga,  served  as  the  latter 's  bulwark  in 
Suruga  province  during  many  generations.  In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century  the  head  of  the  family  was  Yoshimoto.  His  sway  extended  over  the 
three  provinces  of  Suruga,  Totomi,  and  Mikawa,  which  formed  the  littoral 
between  Owari  Bay  and  the  Izu  promontory.  On  the  opposite  side  of  Owari 
Bay  lay  Ise  province,  the  site  of  the  principal  Shinto  shrine  and  the  original 
domain  of  the  Taira  family,  where,  too,  the  remnants  of  the  Southern  Court  had 
their  home.  Its  hereditary  governor  was  a  Kitabatake,  and  even  after  the  union 
of  the  two  Courts  that  great  family,  descendants  of  the  immortal  historian  and 
philosopher,  Chikafusa,  continued  to  exercise  sway.  But,  in  1560,  discord 
among  the  chief  retainers  of  the  sept  furnished  a  pretext  for  the  armed  interven- 
tion of  Oda  Nobunaga,  who  invested  his  son,  Nobukatsu,  with  the' rights  of 
government.  On  the  northern  littoral  of  Owari  Bay,  and  therefore  separating 
Ise  and  Mikawa,  was  situated  the  province  of  Owari,  which,  in  turn,  opened  on 
the  north  into  Mino.  In  this  latter  province  the  Doki  family  was  destroyed 
by  the  Saito,  and  these  in  turn  were  crushed  by  the  Oda,  in  1561,  who,  from  their 
headquarters  in  Owari,  shattered  the  Imagawa  of  Mikawa  and  the  Saito  in 
Mino,  thereafter  sweeping  over  Ise. 

P  The  present  Count  Uesugi  is  descended  from  Kenshin.] 


THE  EPOCH  OF  WARS 


469 


THE  ROKKAKU,  THE  ASAI,  THE  ASAKURA,  AND  THE   HATAKEYAMA  FAMILIES 

_ 

The  province  of  Omi  had  special  importance  as  commanding  the  approaches 
to  Kyoto  from  the  east.  Hence  it  became  the  scene  of  much  disturbance,  in 
which  the  Hosokawa,  the  Kyogoku,  the  Rokkaku,  and  the  Asai  families  all  to'ok 
part.  Finally,  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  Asai  gained  the 
ascendancy  by  obtaining  the  assistance  of  the  Asakura  of  Echizen.  This  latter 
province,  conterminous  with  the  north  of  Omi,  was  originally  under  the  control 
of  the  Shiba  family,  but  the  Asakura  subsequently  obtained  the  office  of  ihgh 
constable,  and  acquired  a  great  access  of  power  at  the  time  of  the  Ikko  revolt 
by  driving  the  turbulent  priests  from  the  province.  At  that  era,  or  a  little 
later,  the  provinces  of  Kii,  Kawachi,  Izumi,  and  Yamato  were  all  the  scenes  of 
fierce  fighting,  but  the  pages  of  history  need  not  be  burdened  with  details  of  the 
clash  of  purely  private  ambitions. 

.1  o'^oyi  afiT    "AL.  ..araAiioisoi-j  :>  'JIJT  .GiLtr.>i  aiiT  ,IH«OYII/:  r-iiit 

THE    MORI    AND    THE    AMAKO    FAMILIES 

The  Ouchi  family  was  very  powerfully  situated.  Descended  from  a  Korean 
Crown  Prince  who  migrated  to  Japan  early  in  the  seventh  century,  its  representa- 
tive, Yoshioki  (1477-1528),  controlled  the  southern  provinces  of  the  main 
island  —  Iwami,  Aki,  Suwo,  and  Nagato — as  well  as  the  two  northern  provinces 
of  Kyushu  —  Chikuzen  and  Buzen.  This  was  the  chieftain  who,  in  1508, 
marched  to  Kyoto  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  and  restored  the  Ashikaga  shogun 
Yoshitane,  himself  receiving 

|^^\ 

doM 

J^i  f^i. : 

319<ft 


the  office  of  kwanryo.  Eleven 
years  later,  on  his  return  to 
the  south,  he  was  followed  by 
many  nobles  from  Kyoto,  and 
his  chief  provincial  town,  Ya- 
maguchi,  on  the  Shimonoseki 
Strait,  prospered  greatly.  But 
his  son  Yoshitaka  proved  a 
weakling,  and  being  defeated 
by  his  vassal,  Suye  Harukata 
—  called  also  Zenkyo  —  he 
committed  suicide,  having 
conjured  another  vassal,  Mori 
Motonari,  to  avenge  him. 

The  Mori  family l  had  for  fiS33  ^K^ 

ancestor  the  great  statesman       ^^^^S    ^^^^^^     -^^^^ 
and  legislator  of  Yoritomo's 

time,  Oye  Hiromoto,  and  its  re-  ;•*  JH  M5w  MOTONA« 

presentative,  Motonari  (1497- 

1571),  had  two  sons  scarcely  inferior  to  himself  in  strategical  ability,  Kikkawa 
Motoharu  and  Kohayakawa  Takakage.  A  commission  having  been  obtained 
from  Kyoto,  Motonari  took  the  field  in  1555,  and  with  only  three  thousand 
men  succeeded,  by  a  daring  feat,  in  shattering  Harukata  with  twenty  thousand. 
Thus  far,  Mori  Motonari  had  obeyed  the  behest  of  his  late  chief.  But  thereafter 
he  made  no  attempt  to  restore  the  Ouchi  family.  On  the  contrary,  he  relent- 
lessly prosecuted  the  campaign  against  Suye  Harukata,  with  whom  was  associated 
t1  Now  represented  by  Prince  Mori.] 


470  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Ouchi  Yoshinaga,  representing  the  Ouchi  house  by  adoption,  until  ultimately 
Yoshinaga  committed  suicide  and,  the  Ouchi  family  becoming  extinct,  Motonari 
succeeded  to  all  its  domains. 

At  that  time  the  province  of  Izumo,  which  is  conterminous  with  Iwami  along 
its" western  frontier,  was  under  the  control  of  the  high  constable,  Amako  Tsune- 
hisa  (1458-1540),  who,  profiting  by  the  fall  of  the  great  Yamana  sept,  had 
obtained  possession  of  the  provinces  Bingo  and  Hoki  as  well  as  of  the  Oki  Islands. 
This  daimyo  was  a  puissant  rival  of  the  Ouchi  family,  and  on  the  downfall  of  the 
latter  he  soon  came  into  collision  with  Mori  Motonari.  Tsunehisa's  grandson, 
Yoshihisa  (1545-1610),  inherited  this  feud,  which  ended  with  the  extinction  of 
the  Amako  family  and  the  absorption  of  its  domains  by  the  Mori,  the  latter  thus 
becoming  supreme  in  no  less  than  thirteen  provinces  of  the  Sanyo-do  and  the 
Sanin-do. 


THE  MIYOSHI,  THE  ICHIJO,  THE   CHOSOKABE,  AND  THE   KONO   FAMILIES 

With  the  island  of  Shikoku  (four  provinces)  are  connected  the  names  of  the 
Hosokawa,  the  Miyoshi,  the  Ichijo,  the  Chosokabe,  and  the  Kono  families. 
Early  in  the  fourteenth  century,  the  celebrated  Hosokawa  Yoriyuki  was  banished 
to  Sanuki,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  we  find  nearly  the  whole 
of  the  island  under  the  sway  of  Hosokawa  Katsumoto.  Then,  in  the  Daiei  era 
(1521-1528),  the  Miyoshi,  vassals  of  the  Hosokawa,  came  upon  the  scene  in 
Awa.  From  1470  to  1573,  the  province  of  Tosa  was  governed  by  the  IchijO, 
but,  in  the  latter  year,  Motochika,  head  of  the  Chosokabe,  one  of  the  seven 
vassal  families  of  the  Ichijo,  usurped  the  province,  and  then  received  orders 
from  Oda  Nobunaga  to  conquer  the  other  three  provinces  of  the  island  in  the 
interests  of  Nobunaga  's  son.  Motochika  obeyed,  but  on  the  death  of  Nobunaga 
and  his  son  he  constituted  himself  master  of  Shikoku  until  Hideyoshi  deprived 
him  of  all  save  Tosa.  From  1156  to  1581  the  Kono  family  held  the  province  of 
lyo,  but  there  is  nothing  of  historical  interest  in  their  career. 


-  • 

THE   DAIMYO    IN    KYUSHU          .    ,ab(i  J,,, 

Connected  with  Kyushu  are  the  families  of  ShSni,  Otomo,  Ryuzoji,  Kikuchi 
and  Shimazu.  The  term  "shdni"  originally  signified  vice-governor.  Its  first 
bearer  was  Muto  Sukeyori  (Fujiwara),  who  received  the  commission  of  Dazai  no 
shdni  from  Minamoto  Yoritomo.  Subsequently  it  became  a  family  name,  and 
the  Shoni  are  found  fighting  against  the  Mongol  invaders;  stoutly  supporting  the 
Southern  Court;  passing  over  to  the  side  of  the  Ashikaga,  and  losing  their  places 
in  history  after  the  suicide  of  Tokihisa  (1559),  who  had  suffered  repeated  defeats 
at  the  hands  of  the  Ryuzoji. 

The  Otomo  family  was  a  branch  of  the.  Fujiwara.  One  of  its  members, 
Nakahara  Chikayoshi,  received  from  Minamoto  Yoritomo  the  office  of  high 
constable  of  the  Dazai-fu,  and  to  his  son,  Yoshinao,  was  given  the  uji  of  Otomo, 
which,  as  the  reader  knows,  belonged_originally  to  Michi  no  Omi,  a  general  of  the 
Emperor  Jimmu.  In  Kyushu,  the  Otomo  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Northern 
Court,  and  made  themselves  masters  of  Buzen,  Bungo,  Chikuzen,  Chikugo, 
Hizen,  and  Higo.  In  1396,  the  head  of  the  family  —  Chikayo  —  held  the  office 
of  tandai  of  Kyushu.  Yoshishige,  commonly  called  Sorin  (1530-1587),  fought 
successfully  with  the  Kikuchi  and  the  Akizuki,  and  the  closing  years  of  his  life 
were  devoted  to  a  futile  struggle  against  the  Shimazu,  the  Ryuzoji,  and  the 


•3  THE  EPOCH  OF  WARS  471 

Akizuki.     He  escaped  disaster  by  obtaining  succour  from  Hideyoshi,  but  the 
Otomo  domain  was  reduced  to  the  single  province  of  Bungo. 

The  Ryuzoji  first  appear  in  history  as  vassals  of  the  Shoni,  under  whose 
banner  they  fought  against  the  Otomo,  in  1506.  Subsequently  they  became 
independent  and  established  a  stronghold  in  Hizen,  which  province  was  granted 
to  them  in  fief  by  Hideyoshi. 

The  Kikuchi,  a  branch  of  the  Fujiwara,  held  office  in  Kyushu  from  the  tenth 
century.  They  are  chiefly  noteworthy  for  their  gallant  defence  of  the  cause  of 
the  Southern  Court.  After  many  vicissitudes  the  family  disappeared  from 
history  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  ancestor  of  the  Shimazu  family  was  Tadahisa,  an  illegitimate  son  of 
Minamoto  Yoritomo.  His  mother,  to  escape  the  resentment  of  Yoritomo's 
wife,  Masa,  fled  to  Kyushu,  and  Tadahisa,  having  been  named  governor  of 
Satsuma,  proceeded_thither,  in  1 196,  and  by  conquest  added  to  it  the  two  prov- 
inces, Hyuga  and  Osumi.  The  Shimazu  family  emerged  victorious  from  all 
campaigns  until  Hideyoshi  in  person  took  the  field  against  them,  as  will  be 
presently  related.1 

'i  a*  mroofo-^rift  b$h<  •         _  '•*  ->^>O  &*  iitiu</f  n.iT     ..L-TU;->, 

dtfrO  orii  THE  °~U  REGION 

The  0-U  region  (Mutsu-Dewa)  was  the  home  of  many  septs  which  fought 
among  themselves  for  supremacy.  Of  these  the  most  influential  were  the  Moga- 
mi  of  Yamagata,  the  Date  of  Yonezawa,  and  the  Ashina  of  Aizu.  In  the  extreme 
north  were  the  Nambu  who,  however,  lived  too  remote  from  the  political  centres 
to  occupy  historical  attention.  The  Date  maintained_friendly  relations  with  the 
Ashikaga,  and  Harumune  was  nominated  tandai  of  Oshu  by  the  shogun  Yoshi- 
haru,  of  whose  name  one  ideograph  (haru)  was  given  to  the  Date  chief.  The 
family  attained  its  greater  distinction  in  the  time  of  Masamune  (1566-1636), 
and  was  fortunate  in  being  able  to  stand  aloof  from  some  of  the  internecine 
strife  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Nevertheless,  the  region  was  sufficiently  dis- 
turbed. Thus,  the  Tsugaru  and  the  Nambu  struggled  in  the  north,  while  the 
Date,  further  north,  shattered  the  power  of  the  Nikaido,  the  Nihonmatsu,  the 
Ashina,  and  the  Tamura,  or  fought  less  decisively  against  the  Satake  (of  Hitachi), 
and  in  Ushu  (Dewa)  the  Mogami  were  confronted  by  the  Uesugi  of  Echigo. 


DATE    MASAMUNE 

The  most  renowned  of  the  Date  family  was  Masamune,  who  to  great  military 
skill  added  artistic  instincts  and  considerable  poetic  ability.  Tradition  has 
handed  down  some  incidents  which  illustrate  the  ethics  of  that  time  as  well  as 
the  character  of  the  man.  It  is  stated  that  Masamune  came  into  possession  of 
a  scroll  on  which  were  inscribed  a  hundred  selected  poems  copied  by  the  celebrat- 
ed Fujiwara  letaka.  Of  this  anthology  Masamune  was  much  enamoured,  for 
the  sake  alike  of  its  contents  and  of  its  calligraphy.  But  learning  accidentally 
that  the  scroll  had  been  pawned  to  the  merchant  from  whom  he  had  obtained 
it,  he  instituted  inquiries  as  to  its  owner,  and  ultimately  restored  the  scroll  to 
him  with  the  addition  of  five  gold  ryo.  The  owner  was  a  knight-errant  (roniri) 
named  Imagawa  Motome,  who  thereafter  entered  Masamune 's  service  and 
ultimately  rose  to  be  a  general  of  infantry  (ashigaru).  The  sympathy  which 
taught  Masamune  to  estimate  the  pain  with  which  the  owner  of  the  scroll  must 
have  parted  with  it  was  a  fine  trait  of  character.  Another  incident  in  this 
[*  The  family  is  now  represented  by  Prince  Shimazu.] 


472 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


remarkable  man's  career  happened  at  an  entertainment  where  he  accidentally 
trod  on  the  robe  of  one  Kanematsu,  a  vassal  of  the  Tokugawa.  Enraged  by  an 
act  of  carelessness  which  amounted  almost  to  a  deliberate  insult,  Kanematsu 
struck  Masamune,  A  commotion  at  once  arose,  the  probable  outcome  being 
that  Masamune  would  return  the  blow  with  his  sword.  But  he  remained  pertly 
cool,  making  no  remark  except  that  he  had  been  paid  for  his  want  of  care,  and 
that,  at  any  rate,  Kanematsu  was  not  an  adversary  worthy  of  his  resentment. 
1o  ^vrus-j  -.Jill  to  oon.^tob  J/ieltag  -u-ntl-iol  vtiihirwyjoii  y.iTu.'b  yi 


THE 


'  -CENTRES 


ifc  arlj  in 

Among  the  welter  of  warring  regions  glanced  at  above,  five  sections  detach 
themselves  as  centres  of  disturbance.  The  first  is  the  Court  in  Kyoto  and  the 
Muromachi  Bakufu,  where  the  Hosokawa,  the  Miyoshi,  and  the  Matsunaga 
deluged  the  streets  with  blood  and  reduced  the  city  to  ashes.  The  second  is 
the  Hojo  of  Odawara,  who  compassed  the  destruction  of  the  kubo  at  Koga  and 
of  the  two  original  Uesugi  families;.  The  third  is  Takeda  of  Kai,  who  struggled 
on  one  side  with  the  Uesugi  of  Echigo  and  on  the  other  with  the  Imagawa  of 
Suruga.  The  fourth  is  Oda  Nobunaga,  who  escorted  the  shogun  to  the  capital. 
And  the  fifth  is  the  great  Mori  family,  who,  after  crushing  the  Oilchi  and  the 
Amako,  finally  came  into  collision  with  the  armies  of  Oda  under  the  leadership 
of  HideyoshLyjr  j^.j 

•jnr/-.?/.')  ydJ  nl 

oot  bivyii  <ravwod  ,orivr  in  \i 

-dtiw  gfloileir?  Yhnonl  b  >m&hnuui  ^>.ud  odT 


.j[ji«jii  yil-j"  ni  i1 


"V         »' 

(Pictures  Painted  on  Wood,  Especially  of  Horses,  Hung  up  in  the  Temple  as  Motive  Offerings) 


ibidvr  ^iteqarfB  oriT  .(^«>\j*Aao)  ^*« 
i8i.'-'a  Hoio«  9rl)  to  r-awo  orf^t  doidv/  rfdrw 
erdi  tn  im3broni^adtoaA  .isioBTedo  ^ 

5-jfiii*I  -^d  hsl 


u&aViA'iAi  "JUT  MO 


Ji-M:w  i>f?>:  iioriq  t-id  lo  pj-uii^nr  laW'jd  ':>•>  f  ot  ljs;_K;q.i-: 
/^ ^*j% 


V  t)kpfi')j  &  •>()) 
^  /  ^ss.  ^j 

\  L^>        M 

•:  LuJ^f^^Vls^  y  /W^^^^^Ihrro:3i 

jSfBi  Hhrs  //I        SB? 

H  1\    //•• 

•  -JLioJi-:  i-  ? 
;  Ji  iloot  jg^fiiYi 
hriij  .'Vjii-iiuli 
:oioooj3  10 von  hi; 

9no  no  Jfiilt  boh'K 
yd  Iv. 

8i93ifio  odt  I  (A.     .TH'i"  jilt  lo  :ir 

ODA  NOBUNAGA 

7fon>l  or  h-j/Toqqp.ri  ;ul  .iinfj  l^oiicfai  no  I. 
noil'r/  iioiajjooo  c"i.fO; 

ih  ,^h.iiiid  rtlri 

oUaii;)  -.ijoini.)  *j    • 

CHAPTER  XXXIV 

NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND   IEYASU 

od  bmon^  )i  '  '  ••••;  >!-.:r/  --i.-it 

8idt  itqobjs  oT  Jut!  'j<iiuo-.;'ji  on  ''-vCL. .    XT_  1-,-rT,.T . .-.  »> ''.';>»  i.'!:ii  * 

ODA  NOBUNAGA 

WHEN  the  Taira  sept  was  shattered  finally  at  Dan-no-ura,  a  baby  grandson  of 
Kiyomori  was  carried  by  its  mother  to  the  hamlet  of  Tsuda,  in  Omi  province. 
Subsequently  this  child,  Chikazane,  was  adopted  by  a  Shinto  official  of  Oda,  in 
Echizen,  and  thus  acquired  the  name  of  Oda.  For  generations  the  family  served 
uneventfully  at  the  shrine  in  Omi,  but  in  the  disturbed  days  of  the  Ashikaga 
shoguns,  the  representative  of  the  eighth  generation  from  Chikazane  emerged 
from  the  obscurity  of  Shinto  services  and  was  appointed  steward  (karo)  of  the 
Shiba  family,  which  appointment  involved  removal  of  his  residence  to  Owari. 
From  that  time  the  fortunes  of  the  family  became  brighter.  Nobuhide,  its 
representative  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  acquired  sufficient 
power  to  dispute  the  Imagawa  's  sway  over  the  province  of  Mikawa,  and  sufficient 
wealth  to  contribute  funds  to  the  exhausted  coffers  of  the  Court  in  Kyoto. 

This  man's  son  was  Nobunaga.  Born  in  1534,  and  destined  to  bequeath  to 
his  country  a  name  that  will  never  die,  Nobunaga,  as  a  boy,  showed  much  of  the 
eccentricity  of  genius.  He  totally  despised  the  canons  of  the  time  as  to  costume 
and  etiquette.  One  of  his  peculiarities  was  a  love  of  long  swords,  and  it  is  related 
that  on  a  visit  to  Kyoto  in  his  youth  he  carried  in  his  girdle  a  sword  which  trailed 
on  the  ground  as  he  walked.  Rough  and  careless,  without  any  apparent  dignity, 
he  caused  so  much  solicitude  to  his  tutor  and  guardian,  Hirate  Masahide,  and 
showed  so  much  indifference  to  the  latter 's  remonstrances,  that  finally  Masahide 
had  recourse  to  the  faithful  vassal's  last  expedient  —  he  committed  suicide, 

473 


474  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

leaving  a  letter  in  which  the  explanation  of  his  act  was  accompanied  by  a  stirring 
appeal  to  the  better  instincts  of  his  pupil  and  ward.  This  proved  the  turning- 
point  in  Nobunaga  's  career.  He  became  as  circumspect  as  he  had  previously 
been  careless,  and  he  subsequently  erected  to  the  memory  of  his  brave  moni- 
tor a  temple  which  may  be  seen  to  this  day  by  visitors  to  Nagoya. 

It  is  frequently  said  of  Nobunaga  that  his  indifference  to  detail  and  his  lack 
of  patience  were  glaring  defects  in  his  moral  endowment.  But  that  accusation 
can  scarcely  be  reconciled  with  facts.  Thus,  when  still  a  young  man,  it  is  related 
of  him  that  he  summoned  one  of  his  vassals  to  his  presence  but,  giving  no  order, 
allowed  the  man  to  retire.  This  was  repeated  with  two  others,  when  the  third, 
believing  that  there  must  be  something  in  need  of  care,  looked  about  attentively 
before  retiring,  and  observing  a  piece  of  torn  paper  on  the  mats,  took  it  up  and 
carried  it  away.  Nobunaga  recalled  him,  eulogized  his  intelligence,  and  declared 
that  men  who  waited  scrupulously  for  instructions  would  never  accomplish 
much.  The  faculties  of  observation  and  initiation  were  not  more  valued  by 
Nobunaga  than  those  of  honesty  and  modesty.  It  is  recorded  that  on  one 
occasion  he  summoned  all  the  officers  of  his  staff,  and  showing  them  a  sword  by 
a  famous  maker,  promised  to  bestow  it  upon  the  man  who  should  guess  most 
correctly  the  number  of  threads  in  the  silk  frapping  of  the  hilt.  All  the  officers 
wrote  down  their  guesses  with  one  exception,  that  of  Mori  Rammaru.  Asked 
for  the  reason  of  his  abstention,  Mori  replied  that  he  happened  to  know  the  exact 
number  of  threads,  having  counted  them  on  a  previous  occasion  when  admiring 
the  sword.  Nubunaga  at  once  placed  the  weapon  in  his  hands,  thus  recognizing 
his  honesty.  Again,  after  the  construction  of  the  famous  castle  at  Azuchi,  to 
which  reference  will  be  made  hereafter,  Nobunaga,  desiring  to  have  a  record 
compiled  in  commemoration  of  the  event,  asked  a  celebrated  priest,  Sakugen,  to 
undertake  the  composition  and  penning  of  the  document.  Sakugen  declared 
the  task  to  be  beyond  his  literary  ability,  and  recommended  that  it  should  be 
entrusted  to  his  rival,  Nankwa.  Nobunaga  had  no  recourse  but  to  adopt  this 
counsel,  and  Nankwa  performed  the  task  admirably,  as  the  document,  which 
is  still  in  existence,  shows.  In  recognition  of  this  success,  Nobunaga  gave  the 
compiler  one  hundred  pieces  of  silver,  but  at  the  same  time  bestowed  two  hun- 
dred on  Sakugen  for  his  magnanimity  in  recommending  a  rival. 

Nobunaga  unquestionably  had  the  gift  of  endearing  himself  to  his  retainers, 
though  there  are  records  which  show  that  he  was  subject  to  outbursts  of  fierce 
anger.  Even  his  most  trusted  generals  were  not  exempt  from  bitter  words  or 
even  blows,  and  we  shall  presently  see  that  to  this  fault  in  his  character  was 
approximately  due  his  tragic  end.  Nevertheless,  he  did  not  lack  the  faculty  of 
pity.  On  the  occasion  of  a  dispute  between  two  of  his  vassals  about  the  boun- 
daries of  a  manor,  the  defeated  litigant  bribed  one  of  Nobunaga 's  principal 
staff -officers  to  appeal  for  reversal  of  the  judgment.  This  officer  adduced 
reasons  of  a  sufficiently  specious  character,  but  Nobunaga  detected  their  fallacy, 
and  appeared  about  to  take  some  precipitate  action  when  he  happened  to  observe 
the  wrinkles  which  time  had  written  on  the  suppliant's  face.  He  recovered 
his  sang-froid  and  contented  himself  with  sending  the  officer  from  his  presence 
and  subsequently  causing  to  be  handed  to  him  a  couplet  setting  forth  the  evils 
of  bribery  and  corruption.  He  forgave  the  guilty  man  in  consideration  of  his 
advanced  age,  and  the  incident  is  said  to  have  closed  with  the  suicide  of  the  old 
officer.  Frugality  was  another  trait  of  Nobunaga 's  character.  But  he  did  not 
save  money  for  money's  sake.  He  spent  with  lavish  hand  when  the  occasion 
called  for  munificence;  as  when  he  contributed  a  great  sum  for  the  rebuilding  of 

871- 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU 


475 


the  Ise  shrines.     Perhaps  nothing  constitutes  a  better  clue  to  his  disposition 
than  the  verses  he  habitually  quoted :  — • 

Life  is  short;  the  world  is  a  mere  dream  to  the  idle. 

Only  the  fool  fears  death,  for  what  is  there  of  life  that  does 

Not  die  once,  sooner  or  later? 

Man  has  to  die  once  and  once  only; 

He  should  make  his  death  glorious. 

•'i*tq  —  mill  <&tfiW3,&  -?ifiw  arHflto>ovv 

It  is  recorded  that  Nobunaga  's  demeanour  in  battle  truly  reflected  the  spirit 
of  these  verses. 


HIDEYOSHI 

Nobunaga  certainly  deserved  the  success  he  achieved,  but  that  he  achieved 
it  must  be  attributed  in  part  to  accident.  That  accident  was  his  association  with 
Hideyoshi.1  It  has  been  sometimes  said  that  circumstances  beget  the  men  to 

/-r^to 

t-srmT 


moit  jf> 

I  fwrf 

i    BfflOO 


TOYOTOMI    HlDEYOSHI 

deal  with  them.  Fallacious  as  such  a  doctrine  is,  it  almost  compels  belief  when 
we  observe  that  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  in  Japan  produced 
three  of  the  greatest  men  the  world  has  ever  seen,  and  that  they  joined  hands  to 
accomplish  the  stupendous  task  of  restoring  peace  and  order  to  an  empire  which 
had  been  almost  continuously  torn  by  war  throughout  five  consecutive  centuries. 
These  three  men  were  born  within  an  interval  of  eight  years:  Nobunaga,  in 
1534;  Hideyoshi,  in  1536,  and  leyasu,  in  1542. 

There  are  many  stories  about  Hideyoshi 's  early  days,  but  the  details  are 
obscured  by  a  record  called  the  Taikoki,  which  undoubtedly  makes  many 
excursions  into  the  region  of  romance.  The  plain  facts  appear  to  be  that 
Hideyoshi  was  the  son  of  a  humble  farmer  named  Kinoshita  Yaemon,  who  lived 
in  the  Aichi  district  of  Owari  province,  and  who  preferred  the  life  of  a  foot- 
soldier  (ashigaru)  to  the  pursuit  of  agriculture.  Yaemon  served  the  Oda  family, 
and  died  when  Hideyoshi  was  still  a  youth.  In  Owari  province,  at  a  homestead 
called  Icho-mura  from  the  name  of  the  tree  (maiden-hair  tree)  that  flourishes 

[l  To  avoid  needless  difficulty  the  name  "Hideyoshi"  is  used  solely  throughout  this  history. 
But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  great  statesman  and  general  was  called  in  his  childhood  Nakamura 
Hiyoshi ;  his  adult  name  was  Tokichi ;  afterwards  he  changed  this  to  Hashiba  and  ultimately, 
he  was  known  as  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi.] 


476  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

there  in  abundance,  there  stands  a  temple  built  in  the  year  1616  on  the  ate  of 
the  house  where  Hideyoshi  was  born.  This  temple  is  known  as  Taiko-zan  — 
"Taiko"  having  been  the  title  of  Hideyoshi  in  the  latter  years  of  his  life — and 
in  the  grounds  of  the  temple  may  be  seen  the  well  from  which  water  was  drawn 
to  wash  the  newly  born  baby.  The  child  grew  up  to  be  a  youth  of  dimunitive 
stature,  monkey-like  face,  extraordinary  precocity,  and  boundless  ambition. 
Everything  was  against  him  —  personal  appearance,  obscurity  of  lineage,  and 
absence  of  scholarship.  Yet  he  never  seems  to  have  doubted  that  a  great  future 
lay  before  him. 

Many  curious  legends  are  grouped  about  his  childhood.  They  are  for  the 
most  part  clumsily  constructed  and  unconvincing,  though  probably  we  shall  be 
justified  in  accepting  the  evidence  they  bear  of  a  mind  singularly  well  ordered 
and  resourceful.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  was  employed  by  a  Buddhist  priest 
to  assist  m  distributing  amulets,  and  by  the  agency  of  this  priest  he  obtained 
an  introduction  to  Matsushita  Yukitsuna,  commandant  of  the  castle  of  Kuno 
at  Hamamatsu,  in  Totomi  province.  This  Matsushita  was  a  vassal  of  Imagawa 
Yoshimoto.  He  controlled  the  provinces  of  Mikawa,  Totomi,  and  Suruga,  which 
lie  along  the  coast  eastward  of  Owari,  and  he  represented  one  of  the  most  power- 
ful families  in  the  country.  Hideyoshi  served  in  the  castle  of  Kuno  for  a  period 
variously  reckoned  at  from  one  year  to  five.  Tradition  says  that  he  abused 
the  trust  placed  in  him  by  his  employer,  and  absconded  with  the  sum  of  six  ryo 
wherewith  he  had  been  commissioned  to  purchase  a  new  .kind  of  armour  which 
had  recently  come  into  vogue  in  Owari  province.  But  though  this  alleged 
theft  becomes  in  certain  annals  the  basis  of  a  picturesque  story  as  to  Hideyoshi 
repaying  Matsushita  a  thousandfold  in  later  years,  the  unadorned  truth  seems 
to  be  that  Hideyoshi  was  obliged  to  leave  Kuno  on  account  of  the  jealousy  of  his 
fellow  retainers,  who  slandered  him  to  Yukitsuna  and  procured  his  dismissal. 

Returning  to  Owari,  he  obtained  admission  to  the  ranks  of  Oda  Nobunaga 
hi  the  humble  capacity  of  sandal-bearer.  He  deliberately  chose  Nobunaga 
through  faith  in  the  greatness  of  his  destiny,  and  again  the  reader  of  Japanese 
history  is  confronted  by  ingenious  tales  as  to  Hideyoshi 's  -devices  for  obtaining 
admission  to  Nobunaga 's  house.  But  the  most  credible  explanation  is,  at  the 
same  time,  the  simplest,  namely,  that  Hideyoshi 's  father,  having  been  borne  on 
the  military  roll  of  Nobunaga 's  father,  little  difficulty  offered  hi  obtaining  a 
similar  favour  for  Hideyoshi. 

Nobunaga  was  then  on  the  threshold  of  his  brilliant  career.  In  those  days 
of  perpetual  war  and  tumult,  the  supreme  ambition  of  each  great  territorial 
baron  in  Japan  was  to  fight  his  way  to  the  capital,  there  to  obtain  from  the 
sovereign  and  the  Muromachi  Bakufu  a  commission  to  subdue  the  whole 
country  and  to  administer  it  as  their  lieutenant.  Nobunaga  seems  to  have 
cherished  that  hope  from  his  early  years,  though  several  much  more  powerful 
military  magnates  would  surely  oppose  anything  like  his  pre-eminence.  More- 
over, in  addition  to  comparative  weakness,  he  was  hampered  by  local  incon- 
venience. The  province  of  Owari  was  guarded  on  the  south  by  sea,  but  on  the 
east  it  was  menaced  directly  by  the  Imagawa  family  and  indirectly  by  the 
celebrated  Takeda  Shingen,  while  on  the  north  it  was  threatened  by  the  Saito 
and  on  the  west  by  the  Asai,  the  Sasaki,  and  the  Kitabatake.  Any  one  of  these 
puissant  feudatories  would  have  been  more  than  a  match  for  the  Owari  chief- 
tain, and  that  Imagawa  Yoshimoto  harboured  designs  against  Owari  was  well 
known  to  Nobunaga,  for  in  those  days  spying,  slander,  forgery,  and  deceit  of 
every  kind  had  the  approval  of  the  Chinese  writers  on  military  ethics  whose 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  477 

books  were  regarded  as  classics  by  the  Japanese.  Hideyoshi  himself  figures  at 
this  very  time  as  the  instigator  and  director  of  a  series  of  acts  of  extreme  treach- 
ery, by  which  the  death  of  one  of  the  principal  Imagawa  vassals  was  com- 
passed; and  the  same  Hideyoshi  was  the  means  of  discovering  a  plot  by  Imagawa 
emissaries  to  delay  the  repair  of  the  castle  of  Kiyosu,  Nobunaga's  headquarters, 
where  a  heavy  fall  of  rain  had  caused  a  landslide.  Nobunaga  did  not  venture 
to  assume  the  offensive  against  the  Imagawa  chief.  He  chose  as  a  matter  of 
necessity  to  stand  on  the  defensive,  and  when  it  became  certain  that  Imagawa 
Yoshimoto  had  taken  the  field,  a  general  impression  prevailed  that  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Oda  family  was  unavoidable. 

Jo  ^Jjft  £>r!J 


BATTLE    OF    OKEHAZAMA 

In  the  month  of  June,  1560,  Imagawa  Yoshimoto  crossed  the  border  into 
Owari  at  the  head  of  a  force  stated  by  the  annals  to  have  been  forty-six  thousand 
strong.  Just  two  years  had  elapsed  since  Hideyoshi's  admission  to  the  service 
of  the  Owari  baron  in  the  office  of  sandal-bearer.  Nevertheless,  some  generally 
credible  records  do  not  hesitate  to  represent  Hideyoshi  as  taking  a  prominent 
part  in  the  great  battle  against  the  Imagawa,  and  as  openly  advising  Nobunaga 
with  regard  to  the  strategy  best  adapted  to  the  situation.  It  is  incredible  that 
a  private  soldier,  and  a  mere  youth  of  twenty-two  at  that,  should  have  risen  in 
such  a  short  time  to  occupy  a  place  of  equality  with  the  great  generals  of  No- 
bunaga's army.  But  that  Hideyoshi  contributed  more  or  less  to  the  result  of 
the  fight  may  be  confidently  asserted. 

The  battle  itself,  though  the  forces  engaged  were  not  large,  must  be  counted 
one  of  the  great  combats  of  the  world,  for  had  not  Nobunaga  emerged  victorious 
the  whole  course  of  Japanese  history  might  have  been  changed.  At  the  outset, 
no  definite  programme  seems  to  have  been  conceived  on  Nobunaga's  side.  He 
had  no  allies,  and  the  numerical  inferiority  of  his  troops  was  overwhelming. 
The  latter  defect  was  remedied  in  a  very  partial  degree  by  the  resourcefulness 
of  Hideyoshi.  In  his  boyhood  he  had  served  for  some  time  under  a  celebrated 
chief  of  freebooters,  by  name  Hachisuka  Koroku,1  and  he  persuaded  that 
chieftain  with  his  fifteen  hundred  followers  to  march  to  the  aid  of  the  Owari 
army,  armour  and  weapons  having  been  furnished  by  Sasaki  Shotei,  of  Omi 
province.  Sasaki  regarded  Nobunaga's  plight  as  too  hopeless  to  warrant  direct 
aid,  but  he  was  willing  to  equip  Hachisuka's  men  for  the  purpose,  although  the 
addition  of  fifteen  hundred  soldiers  could  make  very  little  difference  in  the  face 
of  such  a  disparity  as  existed  between  the  combatants. 

Shortly  before  these  events,  Owari  had  been  invaded  from  the  west  by  the 
Kitabatake  baron,  whose  domain  lay  in  Ise,  and  the  invaders  had  been  beaten 
back  by  a  bold  offensive  movement  on  Nobunaga's  part.  The  ultimate  result 
had  not  been  conclusive,  as  Nobunaga  advisedly  refrained  from  carrying  the 
war  into  Ise  and  thus  leaving  his  own  territory  unguarded.  But  the  affair  had 
taught  the  superiority  of  offensive  tactics,  and  thus  Nobunaga's  impulse  was 
to  attack  the  army  of  Imagawa,  instead  of  waiting  to  be  crushed  by  preponderate 
force.  His  most  trusted  generals,  Shibata  Katsuiye,  Sakuma  Nobumori,  and 
Hayashi  Mitsukatsu,  strenuously  opposed  this  plan.  They  saw  no  prospect 
whatever  of  success  in  assuming  the  offensive  against  strength  so  superior,  and 
they  urged  the  advisability  of  yielding  temporarily  and  awaiting  an  oppor- 
tunity to  recover  independence.  Here,  Hideyoshi  is  reputed  to  have  shown 
f1  Ancestor  of  the  present  Marquis  Hachisuka,] 


478 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


conspicuous  wisdom  at  the  council-table.  He  pointed  out  that  there  could 
be  no  such  thing  as  temporary  surrender.  The  Imagawa  would  certainly 
insist  on  hostages  sufficiently  valuable  to  insure  permanent  good  faith,  and  he 
further  declared  that  it  was  a  mistake  to  credit  the  Imagawa  with  possessing 
the  good-will  of  any  of  the  other  great  feudatories,  since  they  were  all  equally 
jealous  of  one  another. 

Finally,  it  was  resolved  that  seven  forts  should  be  built  and  garrisoned,  and 
that  five  of  them  should  be  allowed  to  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands  if  resistance 
proved  hopeless.  In  the  remaining  two  forts  the  garrisons  were  to  be  composed 
of  the  best  troops  hi  the  Owari  army,  and  over  these  strongholds  were  to  be  flown 
the  flags  of  Nobunaga  himself  and  of  his  chief  general.  It  was  hoped  that  by 
their  success  hi  five  of  the  forts  the  Imagawa  army  would  be  at  once  physically 
wearied  and  morally  encouraged  to  concentrate  their  entire  strength  and  atten- 
tion on  the  capture  of  the  last  two  fortresses.  Meanwhile,  Nobunaga  himself, 
with  a  select  body  of  troops,  was  to  march  by  mountain  roads  to  the  rear  of  the 
invading  forces  and  deliver  a  furious  attack  when  such  a  manoeuvre  was  least 
expected.  The  brave  men  who  engaged  in  this  perilous  enterprise  were  strength- 
ened by  worshipping  at  the  shrine  of  Hachiman  in  the  village  of  Atsuta,  and 
their  prayers  evoked  appearances  which  were  interpreted  as  manifestations  of 
divine  assistance.  Most  fortunately  for  the  Owari  troops,  their  movements  were 
shrouded  by  a  heavy  rainfall,  and  they  succeeded  in  inflicting  serious  loss  on  the 
invading  army,  driving  it  pele-mele  across  the  border  and  killing  its  chief, 
Yoshimoto.  No  attempt  was  made  to  pursue  the  fugitives  into  Mikawa. 
Nobunaga  was  prudently  content  with  his  signal  victory.  It  raised  him  at 
once  to  a  level  with  the  greatest  provincial  barons  in  the  empire,  and  placed  him 
in  the  foremost  rank  of  the  aspirants  for  an  Imperial  commission. 


no 


TOKUGAWA    IEYASU 


The  battle  of  Okehazama  led  to  another  incident  of  prime  importance  in 
Japanese  history.  It  brought  about  an  alliance  between  Oda  Nobunaga  and 
Tokugawa  leyasu.  Among  the  small  barons  subject  to  the  Imagawa  there  was 
one  called  Matsudaira  Motoyasu.  He  had  taken  the  name,  Motoyasu,  by 

adopting  one  of  the  ide- 

^^fc  ographs  of  Yoshimoto's 

/SB  appellation.    His  family, 

/•:/ifi£  long  in  alliance  with  the 

Imagawa,  were  at  a  va- 
riance with  the  Oda,  and 
in  the  battle  of  Okeha- 
zama this  Motoyasu  had 
captured  one  of  the 
Owari  forts.  But  on  the 
defeat  and  death  of  Yo- 
shimoto, the  Matsudaira 
chieftain  retired  at  once 
to  his  own  castle  of  Oka- 
zaki,  in  the  province  of 
Mikawa.  He  had  then 
to  consider  his  position, 
IETABTT  for  by  the  death  of  Yo- 


shimoto,  the  headship  of  the  Imagawa  family  had  fallen  to  his  eldest  son, 
Ujizane,  a  man  altogether  inferior  in  intellect  to  his  gifted  father.  Nobunaga 
himself  appreciated  the  character  of  the  new  ruler,  and  saw  that  the  wisest 
plan  would  be  to  cement  a  union  with  Matsudaira  Motoyasu.  Accordingly 
he  despatched  an  envoy  to  Okazaki  Castle  to  consult  the  wishes  of  Motoyasu. 
The  latter  agreed  to  the  Owari  chief's  proposals,  and  in  February,  1562,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  castle  of  Kiyosu,  where  he  contracted  with  Oda  Nobunaga  an 
alliance  which  endured  throughout  the  latter's  lifetime.  In  the  following  year, 
Motoyasu  changed  his  name  to  leyasu,  and  subsequently  he  took  the  uji  of 
Tokugawa.  The  alliance  was  strengthened  by  intermarriage,  Nobuyasu,  the 
eldest  son  of  leyasu,  being  betrothed  to  a  daughter  of  Nobunaga. 

•!)-.jiinii  oil!  fiou    \>\  dtmlw  9omvoi    ooiM 


)  h>'/)[[  oil)  .u's-h:  io\r~A  oJ  b/;oi  taoifisvno.o  foom  eitt 

NOBUNAGA'S    POSITION 

It  was  at  this  time,  according  to  Japanese  annalists,  that  Nobunaga  seriously 
conceived  the  ambition  of  making  Kyoto  his  goal.  The  situation  offered  in- 
ducements. In  the  presence  of  a  practically  acknowledged  conviction  that  no 
territorial  baron  of  that  era  might  venture  to  engage  in  an  enterprise  which 
denuded  his  territory  of  a  protecting  army,  it  was  necessary  to  look  around 
carefully  before  embarking  upon  the  Kyoto  project.  Nobunaga  had  crushed 
the  Imagawa,  for  though  his  victory  had  not  been  conclusive  from  a  military 
point  of  view,  it  had  placed  the  Imagawa  under  incompetent  leadership  and  had 
thus  freed  Owari  from  all  menace  from  the  littoral  provinces  on  the  east.  Again, 
in  the  direction  of  Echigo  and  Shinano,  the  great  captain,  Uesugi  Kenshin, 
dared  not  strike  at  Nobunaga's  province  without  exposing  himself  to  attack 
from  Takeda  Shingen.  But  Shingen  was  not  reciprocally  hampered.  His 
potentialities  were  always  an  unknown  quality.  He  was  universally  recognized 
as  the  greatest  strategist  of  his  time,  and  if  Nobunaga  ventured  to  move  west- 
ward, the  Kai  baron  would  probably  seize  the  occasion  to  lay  hands  upon  Owari. 
It  is  true  that  the  alliance  with  Tokugawa  leyasu  constituted  some  protection. 
But  leyasu  was  no  match  for  Shingen  in  the  field.  Some  other  check  must 
be  devised,  and  Nobunaga  found  it  in  the  marriage  of  his  adopted  daughter 
to  Shingen's  son,  Katsuyori. 

:  ':    />    ti>   !  i  . 

THE    COURT    APPEALS    TO    NOBUNAGA 

In  Kyoto,  at  this  time,  a  state  of  great  confusion  existed.  The  Emperor 
Okimachi  had  ascended  the  throne  in  1557.  But  in  the  presence  of  the  violent 
usurpations  of  the  Miyoshi  and  others,  neither  the  sovereign  nor  the  shogun 
could  exercise  any  authority,  and,  as  has  been  shown  already,  the  Throne  was 
constantly  in  pecuniarily  embarassed  circumstances.  Nobunaga's  father, 
Nobuhide,  had  distinguished  himself  by  subscribing  liberally  to  aid  the  Court 
financially,  and  this  fact  being  now  recalled  in  the  context  of  Nobunaga's  rapidly 
rising  power,  the  Emperor,  in  the  year  1562,  despatched  Tachiri  Munetsugu 
nominally  to  worship  at  the  shrine  of  Atsuta,  but  in  reality  to  convey  to  Nobu- 
naga an  Imperial  message  directing  him  to  restore  order  in  the  capital.  The 
Owari  baron  received  this  envoy  with  marked  respect.  It  is  recorded  that 
he  solemnly  performed  the  ceremony  of  lustration  and  clothed  himself  in  hitherto 
unworn  garments  on  the  occasion  of  his  interview  with  the  envoy.  It  was  not 
in  his  power,  however,  to  make  any  definite  arrangement  as  to  time.  He  could 
only  profess  his  humble  determination  to  obey  the  Imperial  behest,  and  promise 


480  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  utmost  expedition.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  arrival  of  this 
envoy  decided  the  question  of  a  march  to  Kyoto,  though  some  years  were 
destined  to  elapse  before  the  project  could  be  carried  out. 

Two  things  were  necessary,  however,  namely,  a  feasible  route  and  a  plausible 
pretext.  Even  in  those  times,  when  wars  were  often  undertaken  merely  for 
the  purpose  of  deciding  personal  supremacy,  there  remained  sufficient  public 
morality  to  condemn  any  baron  who  suffered  himself  to  be  guided  openly  by 
ambition  alone.  Some  reasonably  decent  cause  had  to  be  found.  Now  the 
Emperor,  though,  as  above  stated,  communicating  his  will  verbally  to  Nobu- 
naga,  had  not  sent  him  any  written  commission.  The  necessary  pretext  was 
furnished,  however,  by  the  relations  between  the  members  of  the  Saito  family  of 
Mino  province,  which  lay  upon  the  immediate  north  of  Owari,  and  constituted 
the  most  convenient  road  to  Kyoto.  Hidetatsu,  the  head  of  that  family,  had 
fought  against  Nobunaga's  father,  Nobuhide,  and  one  of  the  conditions  of  peace 
had  been  that  the  daughter  of  Hidetatsu  should  become  the  wife  of  Nobunaga. 

Subsequently,  the  Saito  household  was  disturbed  by  one  of  the  family 
feuds  so  common  during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  in  Japan.  Hi- 
detatsu, desiring  to  disinherit  his  eldest  son,  Yoshitatsu,  had  been  attacked 
and  killed  by  the  latter,  and  Nobunaga  announced  his  intention  of  avenging 
the  death  of  his  father-in-law.  But  before  this  intention  could  be  carried  out, 
Yoshitatsu  died  (1561),  and  his  son,  Tatsuoki,  a  man  of  little  resource  or  ability, 
had  to  bear  the  onset  from  Owari.  Nobunaga,  at  the  head  of  a  large  force, 
crossed  the  Kiso  River  into  Mino.  But  he  found  that,  even  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Tatsuoki,  the  Mino  men  were  too  strong  for  him,  and  he  was  ultimately 
compelled  to  adopt  the  device  of  erecting  on  the  Mino  side  of  the  river  a  fortress 
which  should  serve  at  once  as  a  basis  of  military  operations  and  as  a  place  for 
establishing  relations  with  the  minor  families  in  the  province.  The  building  of 
this  fort  proved  a  very  difficult  task,  but  it  was  finally  accomplished  by  a  clever 
device  on  the  part  of  Hideyoshi,  who,  a  master  of  intrigue  as  well  as  of  military 
strategy,  subsequently  won  over  to  Nobunaga's  cause  many  of  the  principal 
vassals  of  the  Saito  family,  among  them  being  Takenaka  Shigeharu,  who  after- 
wards proved  a  most  capable  lieutenant  to  Hideyoshi. 

These  preliminaries  arranged,  Nobunaga  once  more  crossed  the  Kiso  (1564) 
at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  and  after  many  days  of  severe  fighting,  captured 
the  castle  of  Inaba-yama,  which  had  been  strongly  fortified  by  Yoshitatsu,  and 
was  deemed  impregnable.  Nobunaga  established  his  headquarters  at  this 
castle,  changing  its  name  to  Gifu,  and  thus  extending  his  dominion  over  the 
province  of  Mino  as  well  as  Owari.  He  had  now  to  consider  whether  he  would 
push  on  at  once  into  the  province  of  Omi,  which  alone  lay  between  him  and 
Kyoto,  or  whether  he  would  first  provide  against  the  danger  of  a  possible  attack 
on  the  western  littoral  of  Owari  from  the  direction  of  Ise.  He  chose  the  latter 
course,  and  invaded  Ise  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force.  But  he  here  met 
with  a  repulse  at  the  hands  of  Kusunoki  Masatomo,  who  to  the  courage  and 
loyalty  of  his  immortal  ancestor,  Masashige,  added  no  small  measure  of  strat- 
egical ability.  He  succeeded  in  defending  his  castle  of  Yada  against  Nobu- 
naga's attacks,  and  finally  the  Owari  general,  deceived  by  a  rumour  to  the  effect 
that  Takeda  Shingen  had  reached  the  neighbourhood  of  Gifu  with  a  strong 
army,  retired  hurriedly  from  Ise. 

It  may  here  be  mentioned  that  three  years  later,  in  1568,  Hideyoshi  succeeded 
in  inducing  all  the  territorial  nobles  of  northern  Ise,  except  Kusunoki  Masatomo, 
to  place  themselves  peacefully  under  Nobunaga's  sway.  Hideyoshi's  history 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  481 

shows  him  to  have  been  a  constant  believer  in  the  theory  that  a  conquered  foe 
generally  remains  an  enemy,  whereas  a  conciliated  enemy  often  becomes  a  friend. 
Acting  on  this  conviction  and  aided  by  an  extraordinary  gift  of  persuasive  elo- 
quence, he  often  won  great  victories  without  any  bloodshed.  Thus  he  succeeded 
in  convincing  the  Ise  barons  that  Nobunaga  was  not  swayed  by  personal  am- 
bition, but  that  his  ruling  desire  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  wars  which  had 
devastated  Japan  continuously  for  more  than  a  century.  It  is  right  to  record 
that  the  failures  made  by  Nobunaga  himself  in  his  Ise  campaign  were  in  the 
sequel  of  measures  taken  in  opposition  to  Hideyoshi's  advice,  and  indeed  the 
annals  show  that  this  was  true  of  nearly  all  the  disasters  that  overtook  Nobunaga 
throughout  his  career,  whereas  his  many  and  brilliant  successes  were  generally 
the  outcome  of  Hideyoshi's  counsels,  -.i-jmih 

-i(  '!o  •:?#m'tifwisi9  ;sfe»Jb'Vj&  iio  ^uiora  gnhoiw^Eipa  !o   •'£ht>yoriq 

ANOTHER    SUMMONS    FROM    THE   EMPEROR 

In  November,  1567,  the  Emperor  again  sent  Tachiri  Munetsugu  to  invite 
Nobunaga'  s  presence  in  Kyoto.  His  Majesty  still  refrained  from  the  dangerous 
step  of  giving  a  written  commission  to  Nobunaga,  but  he  instructed  Munetsugu 
to  carry  to  the  Owari  chieftain  a  suit  of  armour  and  a  sword.  Two  years 
previously  to  this  event,  the  tumult  in  Kyoto  had  culminated  in  an  attack  on 
the  palace  of  the  shogun  Yoshiteru,  the  conflagration  of  the  building,  and  the 
suicide  of  the  shogun  amid  the  blazing  ruins.  Yoshiteru's  younger  brother, 
Yoshiaki,  effected  his  escape  from  the  capital,  and  wandered  about  the  country 
during  three  years,  supplicating  one  baron  after  another  to  take  up  his  cause. 
This  was  in  1568,  just  nine  months  after  the  Emperor's  second  message  to 
Nobunaga,  and  the  latter,  acting  upon  Hideyoshi's  advice,  determined  to  become 
Yoshiaki's  champion,  since  by  so  doing  he  would  represent  not  only  the  sovereign 
but  also  the  shogun  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation.  Meanwhile  —  and  this  step  also 
was  undertaken  under  Hideyoshi's  advice  —  a  friendly  contract  had  been 
concluded  with  Asai  Nagamasa,  the  most  powerful  baron  in  Omi,  and  the 
agreement  had  been  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  Nobunaga's  sister  to  Naga- 
masa. i  no 

BUNAGA    PROCEEDS    TO    KYO* 


In  October,  1568,  Nobunaga  set  out  for  Kyoto  at  the  head  of  an  army  said 
to  have  numbered  thirty  thousand.  He  did  not  encounter  any  serious  resist- 
ance on  the  way,  but  the  coming  of  his  troops  threw  the  city  into  consternation, 
the  general  apprehension  being  that  the  advent  of  these  provincial  warriors 
would  preface  a  series  of  depredations  such  as  the  people  were  only  too  well 
accustomed  to.  But  Nobunaga  lost  no  time  in  issuing  reassuring  proclama- 
tions, which,  in  the  sequel,  his  officers  proved  themselves  thoroughly  capable  of 
enforcing,  and  before  the  year  closed  peace  and  order  were  restored  in  the 
capital,  Yoshiaki  being  nominated  shogun  and  all  the  ceremonies  of  Court  life 
being  restored.  Subsequently,  the  forces  of  the  Miyoshi  sept  made  armed 
attempts  to  recover  the  control  of  the  city,  and  the  shogun  asked  Nobunaga  to 
appoint  one  of  his  most  trusted  generals  and  ablest  administrators  to  maintain 
peace.  It  was  fully  expected  that  Nobunaga  would  respond  to  this  appeal  by 
nominating  Shibata,  Sakuma,  or  Niwa,  who  had  served  under  his  banners  from 
the  outset,  and  in  whose  eyes  Hideyoshi  was  a  mere  upstart.  But  Nobunaga 
selected  Hideyoshi,  and  the  result  justified  his  choice,  for  during  Hideyoshi's 
sway  Kyoto  enjoyed  such  tranquillity  as  it  had  not  known  for  a  century. 


482  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Nobunaga  omitted  nothing  that  could  make  for  the  dignity  and  comfort 
of  the  new  shogun.  He  caused  a  palace  to  be  erected  for  him  on  the  site  of  the 
former  Nijo  Castle,  contributions  being  levied  for  the  purpose  on  the  five 
provinces  of  the  Kinai  as  well  as  on  six  others;  and  Nobunaga  himself  personally 
supervised  the  work,  which  was  completed  in  May,  1569.  But  it  may  fairly 
be  doubted  whether  Nobunaga  acted  in  all  this  matter  with  sincerity.  At  the 
outset  his  attitude  towards  the  shogun  was  so  respectful  and  so  considerate  that 
Yoshiaki  learned  to  regard  and  speak  of  him  as  a  father.  But  presently  Nobu- 
naga presented  a  memorial,  charging  the  shogun  with  faults  which  were  set  forth 
in  seventeen  articles.  In  this  impeachment,  Yoshiaki  was  accused  of  neglecting 
his  duties  at  Court;  of  failing  to  propitiate  the  territorial  nobles;  of  partiality 
in  meting  out  rewards  and  punishments;  of  arbitrarily  confiscating  private 
property;  of  squandering  money  on  needless  enterprises;  of  listening  to  flat- 
terers; of  going  abroad  in  the  disguise  of  a  private  person,  and  so  forth.  It  is 
claimed  by  some  of  Nobunaga's  biographers  that  he  was  perfectly  honest  in 
presenting  this  memorial,  but  others,  whose  judgment  appears  to  be  more 
perspicacious,  consider  that  his  chief  object  was  to  discredit  Yoshiaki  and  thus 
make  room  for  his  own  subsequent  succession  to  the  shogunate. 

At  all  events  Yoshiaki  interpreted  the  memorial  in  that  sense.  He  became 
openly  hostile  to  Nobunaga,  and  ultimately  took  up  arms.  Nobunaga  made  many 
attempts  to  conciliate  him.  He  even  sent  Hideyoshi  to  solicit  Yoshiaki's  return 
to  Kyoto  from  Kawachi  whither  the  shogun  had  fled.  But  Yoshiaki,  declining 
to  be  placated,  placed  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  Mori  family,  and 
thus  from  the  year  1573,  Nobunaga  became  actual  wielder  of  the  shogun's 
authority.  Ten  years  later,  Yoshiaki  returned  to  the  capital,  took  the  tonsure 
and  changed  his  name  to  Shozan.  At  the  suggestion  of  Hideyoshi  a  title  and  a 
yearly  income  of  ten  thousand  koku  were  conferred  on  him.  He  died  in  Osaka 
and  thus  ended  the  Ashikaga  shogunate. 

arfi  bite  ,utiG  jttr-nc;«s«.i  Ln.-v.voq  .     ; 

.p'a;p®fKlo>i, -lo  eg-      SAKAI  .,,{•: 

One  of  the  incidents  connected  with  Hideyoshi's  administration  jn  Kyoto 
illustrates  the  customs  of  his  time.  Within  eight  miles  of  the  city  of  Osaka  lies 
Sakai,  a  great  manufacturing  mart.  This  latter  town,  though  originally  forming 
part  of  the  Ashikaga  domain,  nevertheless  assisted  the  Miyoshi  in  their  attack 
upon  the  shogunate.  Nobunaga,  much  enraged  at  such  action,  proposed  to 
sack  the  town,  but  Hideyoshi  asked  to  have  the  matter  left  in  his  hands.  This 
request  being  granted,  he  sent  messengers  to  Sakai,  who  informed  the  citizens 
that  Nobunaga  contemplated  the  destruction  of  the  town  by  fire.  Thereupon 
the  citizens,  preferring  to  die  sword  in  hand  rather  than  to  be  cremated,  built 
forts  and  made  preparations  for  resistance. 

This  was  just  what  Hideyoshi  designed.  Disguising  himself,  he  repaired 
to  Sakai  and  asked  to  be  informed  as  to  the  object  of  these  military  preparations. 
Learning  the  apprehensions  of  the  people,  he  ridiculed  their  fears;  declared 
that  Nobunaga  had  for  prime  object  the  safety  and  peace  of  the  realm,  and  that 
by  giving  ear  to  such  wild  rumours  and  assuming  a  defiant  attitude,  they  had 
committed  a  fault  not  to  be  lightly  condoned.  Delegates  were  then  sent  from 
Sakai  at  Hideyoshi's  suggestion  to  explain  the  facts  to  Nobunaga,  who  acted 
his  part  in  the  drama  by  ordering  the  deputies  to  be  thrown  into  prison  and 
promising  to  execute  them  as  well  as  their  fellow  townsmen.  In  this  strait 
the  people  of  Sakai  appealed  to  a  celebrated  Buddhist  priest  named  Kennyo, 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  483 

and  through  his  intercession  Hideyoshi  agreed  to  ransom  the  town  for  a  payment 
of  twenty  thousand  ryo.  The  funds  thus  obtained  were  devoted  to  the  repair 
of  the  palaces  of  the  Emperor  and  the  shdgun,  a  measure  which  won  for  Nobun- 
aga  the  applause  of  the  whole  of  Kyoto. 


NOBUNAGA'S    SITUATION 

T     -)  :  • 

Oda  Nobunaga  was  now  in  fact  shdgun.  So  far  as  concerned  legalized  power 
he  had  no  equal  in  the  empire,  but  his  military  strength  was  by  no  means 
proportionate.  In  the  north,  in  the  east,  in  the  west,  and  in  the  south,  there 
were  great  territorial  nobles  who  could  put  into  the  field  armies  much  larger 
than  all  the  Owari  chief's  troops.  Takeda  Shingen,  in  the  Kwanto,  was  the 
most  formidable  of  these  opponents.  In  the  year  1570,  when  the  events  now 
to  be  related  occurred,  the  Hojo  sept  was  under  the  rule  of  Ujimasa,  and  with 
him  Shingen  had  concluded  an  alliance  which  rendered  the  latter  secure  against 
attack  on  the  rear  in  the  event  of  movement  against  Kyoto.  The  better  to  ensure 
himself  against  Hojo  designs,  Shingen  joined  hands  with  the  Satomi  family  in 
Awa,  and  the  Satake  family  in  Hitachi;  while  to  provide  against  irruptions  by 
the  Uesugi  family  he  enlisted  the  co-operation  of  the  priests  in  Kaga,  Echizen, 
and  Noto.  Shingen  further  established  relations  of  friendship  with  Matsunaga 
Hisahide  in  the  far  west.  It  was  this  baron  that  had  attacked  the  palace  of 
Nijo  when  Yoshiteru,  the  shdgun,  had  to  commit  suicide,  and  Shingen's  object 
in  approaching  him  was  to  sow  seeds  of  discord  between  the  shogunate  and  No- 
bunaga. Most  imminent  of  all  perils,  however,  was  the  menace  of  the  Asai 
family  in  Omi,  and  the  Asakura  family  in  Echizen.  A  glance  at  the  map  shows 
that  the  Asai  were  in  a  position  to  sever  Nobunaga's  communications  with  his 
base  in  Mino,  and  that  the  Asakura  were  in  a  position  to  cut  off  his  communica- 
tions with  Kyoto.  In  this  perilous  situation  Nobunaga's  sole  resource  lay  in  To- 
kugawa  leyasu  and  in  the  latter's  alliance  with  the  Uesugi,  which  compact 
the  Owari  chief  spared  no  pains  to  solidify.  But  from  a  military  point  of  view 
leyasu  was  incomparably  weaker  than  Shingen. 

THE    STRUGGLE    WITH   THE    ASAKURA   AND    THE   ASAI 

In  1570,  Nobunaga  determined  to  put  his  fortunes  to  a  final  test.  Having 
concentrated  a  large  body  of  troops  in  Kyoto,  he  declared  war  against  Asakura 
Yoshikage,  who  had  refused  to  recognize  the  new  shdgun.  Success  crowned 
the  early  efforts  of  the  Owari  forces  in  this  war,  but  the  whole  situation  was 
changed  by  Asai  Nagamasa,  who  suddenly  marched  out  of  Omi  and  threatened 
to  attack  Nobunaga 's  rear.  It  is  true  that  before  setting  out  for  Kyoto  original- 
ly, Nobunaga  had  given  his  sister  in  marriage  to  Nagamasa,  and  had  thus 
invited  the  latter's  friendship.  But  Nagamasa  had  always  been  on  terms  of 
close  amity  with  Yoshikage,  and,  indeed,  had  stipulated  from  the  outset  that 
Nobunaga  should  not  make  war  against  the  latter.  It  cannot  be  said,  therefore, 
that  Nagamasa 's  move  constituted  a  surprise.  Nobunaga  should  have  been 
well  prepared  for  such  contingencies.  He  was  not  prepared,  however,  and  the 
result  was  that  he  found  himself  menaced  by  Yoshikage's  army  in  front  and  by 
Nagamasa's  in  rear.  Tokugawa  leyasu,  who  had  associated  himself  by  invita- 
tion with  this  expedition  into  Echizen,  advised  Nobunaga  to  countermarch  with 
all  rapidity  for  Kyoto,  and  it  was  so  determined.  Hideyoshi  was  left  with 
three  thousand  men  to  hold  Yoshikage's  forces  in  some  degree  of  check. 


4S4  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

The  situation  at  that  moment  was  well-nigh  desperate.  There  seemed  to 
be  no  hope  for  either  Nobunaga  or  Hideyoshi.  But  Nobunaga  was  saved  by 
the  slowness  of  Nagamasa,  who,  had  he  moved  with  any  rapidity,  must  have 
reached  Kyoto  in  advance  of  Nobunaga's  forces;  and  Hideyoshi  was  saved  by 
an  exercise  of  the  wonderful  resourcefulness  which  peril  always  awoke  in  this 
great  man.  Calculating  that  Yoshikage's  army  would  reach  Kanagasaki  Castle 
at  nightfall,  Hideyoshi,  by  means  of  thousands  of  lanterns  and  banners  gave  to 
a  few  scores  of  men  a  semblance  of  a  numerous  army.  Yoshikage,  who  believed 
that  Nobunaga  had  retired,  was  visited  by  doubts  at  the  aspect  of  this  great 
array,  and  instead  of  advancing  to  attack  at  once,  he  decided  to  await  the  morn- 
ing. Meanwhile,  Hideyoshi  with  his  little  band  of  troops,  moved  round  Yoshi- 
kage's flank,  and  delivering  a  fierce  attack  at  midnight,  completely  defeated  the 
Echizen  forces.1 

This  episode  was,  of  course,  not  conclusive.  It  merely  showed  that  so  long 
as  Nagamasa  and  Yoshikage  worked  in  combination,  Nobunaga's  position  in 
Kyoto  and  his  communications  with  his  base  in  Mino  must  remain  insecure. 
He  himself  would  have  directed  his  forces  at  once  against  Nagamasa,  but 
Hideyoshi  contended  that  the  wiser  plan  would  be  to  endeavour  to  win  over 
some  of  the  minor  barons  whose  strongholds  lay  on  the  confines  of  Omi  and 
Mino.  This  was  gradually  accomplished,  and  after  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
upon  the  part  of  Sasaki  Shotei  of  Omi  to  capture  a  castle  (Chok6-ji)  which  was 
under  the  command  of  Nobunaga's  chief  general,  Katsuiye,  the  Owari  forces 
were  put  in  motion  against  Nagamasa's  principal  strongholds,  Otani  and 
Yoko-yama.  The  former  was  attacked  first,  Nobunaga  being  assisted  by  a 
contingent  of  five  thousand  men  under  the  command  of  leyasu.  Three  days  of 
repeated  assaults  failed  to  reduce  the  castle,  and  during  that  interval  Nagamasa 
and  Yoshikage  were  able  to  enter  the  field  at  the  head  of  a  force  which  greatly 
outnumbered  the  Owari  army. 

In  midsummer,  1570,  there  was  fought,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ane-gawa,  one 
of  the  great  battles  of  Japanese  history.  It  resulted  hi  the  complete  discomfiture 
of  the  Echizen  chieftains.  The  records  say  that  three  thousand  of  their  follow- 
ers were  killed  and  that  among  them  were  ten  general  officers.  The  castle  of 
Otani,  however,  remained  in  Nagamasa's  hands.  Nobunaga  now  retired  to 
his  headquarters  in  Gifu  to  rest  his  forces. 

But  he  was  quickly  summoned  again  to  the  field  by  a  revolt  on  the  part 
of  the  Buddhist  priests  in  the  province  of  Settsu,  under  the  banner  of  Miyoshi 
Yoshitsugu  and  Saito  Tatsuoki.  Nobunaga's  attempt  to  quell  this  insurrection 
was  unsuccessful,  and  immediately  Nagamasa  and  Yoshikage  seized  the  occasion 
to  march  upon  Kyoto.  The  priests  of  Hiei-zan  received  them  with  open  arms, 
and  they  occupied  on  the  monastery's  commanding  site,  a  position  well-nigh 
impregnable,  from  which  they  constantly  menaced  the  capital.  It  was  now  the 
commencement  of  winter.  For  the  invading  troops  to  hold  their  own  upon 
Hiei-zan  throughout  the  winter  would  have  been  even  more  difficult  than  for 
Nobunaga's  army  to  cut  off  their  avenues  of  retreat  and  supply. 

In  these  circumstances  peace  presented  itself  to  both  sides  as  the  most 
feasible  plan,  and  the  forces  of  Nagamasa  and  Yoshikage  were  allowed  to  march 
away  unmolested  to  Omi  and  Echizen,  respectively.  This  result  was  intensely 
mortifying  to  Hideyoshi,  who  had  devoted  his  whole  energies  to  the  destruction 
of  these  dangerous  enemies.  But  the  final  issue  was  only  postponed.  By 
contrivances,  which  need  not  be  related  in  detail,  Nagamasa  was  again  induced 
[l  See  A  New  Life  of  Toyolomi  Hideyoshi,  by  W.  Dening.] 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND'IEYASU  485 

to  take  the  field,  and,  in  1573,  the  Owari  forcesjound  themselves  once  more 
confronted  by  the  allied  armies  of  Echizen  and  Omi.  By  clever  strategy  the 
Echizen  baron  was  induced  to  take  the  fatal  step  of  separating  himself  from  his 
Omi  colleague,  and  at  Tone-yama  he  sustained  a  crushing  defeat,  leaving  two 
thousand  of  his  men  and  twenty-three  of  his  captains  dead  upon  the  field.  He 
himself  fled  and  for  a  time  remained  concealed,  but  ultimately,  being  closely 
menaced  with  capture,  he  committed  suicide.  Meanwhile,  Nagamasa  had 
withdrawn  to  his  stronghold  of  Otani,  where  he  was  besieged  by  Nobunaga. 
The  castle  ultimately  fell,  Nagamasa  and  his  son  dying  by  their  own  hands. 

This  year  witnessed  also  the  death  of  Takeda  Shingen,  and_thus  Nobunaga 
not  only  established  his  sway  over  the  whole  of  the  provinces  of  Omi  and  Echizen 
but  also  was  relieved  from  the  constant  menace  of  a  formidable  attack  by  a 
captain  to  whom  public  opinion  justly  attributed  the  leading  place  among 
Japanese  strategists.  The  whole  of  Nagamasa's  estates,  yielding  an  annual 
return  of  180,000  koku,  was  given  to  Hideyoshi,  and  he  was  ordered  to  assume 
the  command  of  Otani  Castle,  whence,  however,  he  moved  shortly  afterwards 
to  Nagahama. 

vliawi  'lo 


It  was  now  possible  for  Nobunaga  to  devote  his  entire  attention  to  the  soldier- 
priests  who  had  allied  themselves  with  his  enemies.  It  has  been  shown  that  the 
monastery  of  Hiei-zan  had  afforded  shelter  and  sustenance  to  the  forces  of  Echi- 
zen and  Omi  during  the  winter  of  1570-1571,  and  it  has  been  shown  also  that 
Nobunaga,  underrating  the  strength  of  the  priests  in  the  province  of  Settsu, 
sustained  defeat  at  their  hands.  He  now  (1574)  sent  an  army  to  hold  the  soldier- 
monks  of  Settsu  in  check  while  he  himself  dealt  with  Hiei-zan.  This  great 
monastery,  as  already  shown,  was  erected  in  the  ninth  century  in  obedience  to 
the  Buddhist  superstition  that  the  northeastern  quarter  of  the  heavens  is  the 
"Demon's  Gate,"  and  that  a  temple  must  be  erected  there  to  afford  security 
against  evil  influences.  The  temple  on  Hiei-zan  had  received  the  munificent 
patronage  of  monarch  after  monarch,  and  had  grown  to  be  a  huge  monastery, 
containing  some  three  thousand  priests.  This  miniature  city  completely  com- 
manded Kyoto,  and  was  guarded  in  front  by  a  great  lake.  But,  above  all,  it 
was  sanctified  by  the  superstition  of  the  people,  and  when  Nobunaga  invested 
it,  he  found  the  greatest  reluctance  on  the  part  of  his  generals  to  proceed  to 
extremities.  Nevertheless,  he  overcame  these  scruples,  and  drawing  a  cordon  of 
troops  round  the  great  monastery,  he  applied  the  torch  to  the  buildings,  burnt  to 
death  nearly  all  its  inmates,  including  women,  confiscated  its  estates,  and  built, 
for  purposes  of  future  prevention,  a  castle  at  Sakamoto,  which  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Akechi  Mitsuhide.  When,  in  after  years,  this  same  Mitsuhide 
treacherously  compassed  Nobunaga's  death,  men  said  that  the  opening  of  the 
Demon's  Gate  had  entailed  its  due  penalty. 

OTHER    PRIESTLY    DISTURBANCES 

to  It  was  not  in  Settsu  and  at  Hiei-zan  only  that  the  Buddhist  soldiers  turned 
their  weapons  against  Nobunaga.  The  Asai  sept  received  assistance  from  no 
less  than  ten  temples  in  Omi;  the  Asakura  family  had  the  ranks  of  its  soldiers 
recruited  from  monasteries  in  Echizen  and  Kaga;  the  Saito  clan  received  aid 
from  the  bonzes  in  Izumi  and  Iga,  and  the  priests  of  the  great  temple  Hongwan- 
ji  in  Osaka  were  in  friendly  communication  with  the  Mori  sept  in  the  west,  with 


486  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  Takeda  in  Kai,  and  with  the  Hojo  in  Sagami.  In  fact,  the  difficulties  en- 
countered by  Nobunaga  in  his  attempts  to  bring  the  whole  empire  under  the 
affective  sway  of  the  Throne  were  incalculably  accentuated  by  the  hostility  of 
the  great  Shin  sect  of  Buddhism.  He  dealt  effectually  with  all  except  the 
monastery  at  Ishi-yama  in  Osaka.  The  immense  natural  strength  of  the  posi- 
tion and  the  strategical  ability  of  its  lord-abbot,  Kosa,  enabled  it  to  defy  all  the 
assaults  of  the  Owari  chief,  and  it  was  not  until  1588  —  six  years  after  Nobuna- 
ga's  death  —  that,  through  the  intervention  of  the  Emperor,  peace  was  finally 
restored.  After  eleven  years  of  almost  incessant  struggle,  his  Majesty's  envoy, 
Konoe  Sakihisa,  succeeded  in  inducing  the  Ikko  priests  to  lay  down  their  arms. 
It  will  be  presently  seen  that  the  inveterate  hostility  shown  by  the  Buddhists 
to  Nobunaga  was  largely  responsible  for  his  favourable  attitude  towards  Chris- 
tianity. 


..  _ 

THE    CASTLE    OF    AZUCHI 

•3flijjsa8  oJ  jjoTapio.  3I.T"  ml  on  rol-.au 

The  lightness  and  flimsiness  of  construction  in  Japanese  houses  has  been 
noted  already  several  times.  Even  though  there  was  continual  warfare  in  the 
provinces  of  family  against  family,  the  character  of  the  fighting  and  of  the 
weapons  used  was  such  that  there  was  little  need  for  the  building  of  elaborate 
defenses,  and  there  was  practically  nothing  worthy  the  name  of  a  castle.  Watch- 
towers  had  been  built  and  roofs  and  walls  were  sometimes  protected  by  putting 
nails  in  the  building  points  outward,  —  a  sort  of  chevaux  de  frise.  But  a  system 
of  outlying  defenses,  ditch,  earthen  wall  and  wooden  palisade,  was  all  that 
was  used  so  long  as  fighting  was  either  hand-to-hand  or  with  missiles  no  more 
penetrating  than  arrows.  But  when  fire-arms  were  introduced  in  1542,  massive- 
ly constructed  castles  began  to  be  built.  These  were  in  general  patterned 
after  Western  models,  but  with  many  minor  modifications. 

The  first  of  these  fortresses  was  built  at  Azuchi,  in  Omi,  under  the  auspices 
of  Oda  Nobunaga.  Commenced  in  1576,  the  work  was  completed  in  1579. 
In  the  centre  of  the  castle  rose  a  tower  ninety  feet  high,  standing  on  a  massive 
stone  basement  seventy-two  feet  in  height,  the  whole  forming  a  structure  abso- 
lutely without  precedent  in  Japan.  The  tower  was  of  wood,  and  had,  therefore, 
no  capacity  for  resisting  cannon.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  artillery  can  scarcely 
be  said  to  have  been  used  in  Japan  until  modern  days.  Nobunaga's  castle  is 
stated  by  some  historians  to  have  been  partially  attributable  to  Christianity,  but 
this  theory  seems  to  rest  solely  upon  the  fact  that  the  central  tower  was  known 
as  Tenshu-kaku,  or  the  "tower  of  the  lord  of  Heaven."  There  were  more 
numerous  indications  that  the  spirit  of  Buddhism  influenced  the  architect, 
for  in  one  of  the  highest  storeys  of  the  tower,  the  four  "guardian  kings"  were 
placed,  and  in  the  lower  chamber  stood  an  effigy  of  Tamon  (Ananda).  The  cost 
of  constructing  this  colossal  edifice  was  very  heavy,  and  funds  had  to  be  collected 
from  the  whole  of  the  eleven  provinces  then  under  Nobunaga's  sway. 

NOBUNAGA    AND    IEYASU 

It  has  already  been  noted  that  leyasu  was  Nobunaga's  sole  ally  in  the  east  of 
Japan  at  the  time  of  the  fall  of  the  Imagawa  clan.  It  has  also  been  noted  that 
Ujizane,  the  son  of  Imagawa  Yoshimoto,  was  a  negligible  quantity.  During 
many  years,  however,  leyasu  had  to  stand  constantly  on  the  defensive  against 
Takeda  Shingen.  But,  in  1572,  Shingen  and  leyasu  made  a  compact  against 
the  Imagawa,  and  this  was  followed  by  a  successful  campaign  on  the  part  of  the 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  487 

Tokugawa  leader  aginst  Ujizane.  The  agreement  between  Shingen  and 
leyasu  lasted  only  a  short  time.  In  November,  1572,  Shingen  led  a  large  force 
and  seized  two  of  the  Tokugawa  castles,  menacing  the  third  and  most  important 
at  Hamamatsu,  where  leyasu  himself  was  in  command.  Nobunaga  thereupon 
despatched  an  army  to  succour  his  ally,  and  in  January,  1573,  a  series  of  bloody 
engagements  took  place  outside  Hamamatsu.  One  of  Nobunaga's  generals 
fled;  another  died  in  battle,  and  leyasu  barely  escaped  into  the  castle,  which  he 
saved  by  a  desperate  device  —  leaving  the  gates  open  and  thus  suggesting  to 
the  enemy  that  they  would  be  ambushed  if  they  entered.  This  battle,  known  in 
history  as  the  War  of  Mikata-ga-hara,  was  the  greatest  calamity  that  ever 
befell  leyasu,  and  that  he  would  have  suffered  worse  things  at  the  hands  of 
Takeda  Shingen  cannot  be  doubted,  had  not  Shingen's  death  taken  place  in 
May,  1573. 

Various  traditions  have  been  handed  down  about  the  demise  of  this  cele- 
brated captain,  undoubtedly  one  of  the  greatest  strategists  Japan  ever  possessed. 
Some  say  that  he  was  shot  by  a  soldier  of  leyasu;  others  that  he  was  hit  by  a 
stray  bullet,  but  the  best  authorities  agree  that  he  died  of  illness.  His  son, 
Katsuyori,  inherited  none  of  his  father's  great  qualities  except  his  bravery. 
Immediately  on  coming  into  power,  he  moved  a  large  army  against  the  castle 
of  Nagashino  in  the  province  of  Mikawa,  one  of  leyasu's  strongholds.  This  was 
in  June,  1575,  and  on  the  news  reaching  Nobunaga,  the  latter  lost  no  time  in 
setting  out  to  succour  his  ally.  On  the  way  a  samurai  named  Torii  Suneemon 
arrived  from  the  garrison  of  Nagashino  with  news  that  unless  succour  were 
speedily  given  the  fortress  could  not  hold  out.  This  message  reached  leyasu, 
who  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Nobunaga  before  marching  to  the  relief  of  the 
beleagured  fortress.  leyasu  assured  the  messenger  that  help  would  come  on 
the  morrow,  and  urged  Suneemon  not  to  essay  to  re-enter  the  fortress.  But 
the  man  declared  that  he  must  carry  the  tidings  to  his  hard-set  comrades.  He 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy  and  led  into  the  presence  of  Katsuyori,  who 
assured  him  that  his  life  would  be  spared  if  he  informed  the  inmates  of  the 
castle  that  no  aid  could  be  hoped  for.  Suneemon  simulated  consent.  Des- 
patched under  escort  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort,  he  was  permitted  to 
address  the  garrison,  and  in  a  loud  voice  he  shouted  to  his  comrades  that  within 
a  short  time  they  might  look  for  succour.  He  was  immediately  killed  by  his 
escort. 

This  dramatic  episode  became  a  household  tradition  in  Japan.  Side  by  side 
with  it  may  be  set  the  fact  that  Hideyoshi,  who  accompanied  Nobunaga  in  this 
campaign,  employed  successfully  against  the  enemy  one  of  the  devices  recom- 
mende.d  by  the  Chinese  strategists,  whose  books  on  the  method  of  conducting 
warfare  were  closely  studied  in  those  days  by  the  Japanese.  Sakuma  Nobumori, 
one  of  Nobunaga's  captains,  was  openly,  and  of  set  purpose,  insulted  and  beaten 
by  orders  of  his  general,  and  thereafter  he  escaped  to  the  camp  of  the  Takeda 
army,  pretending  that  the  evil  treatment  he  had  undergone  was  too  much  for 
his  loyalty.  Katsuyori,  the  Takeda  commander,  received  the  fugitive  with 
open  arms,  and  acting  in  accordance  with  his  advice,  disposed  his  troops  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  forfeit  all  the  advantages  of  the  position.  The  battle  that 
ensued  is  memorable  as  the  first  historical  instance  of  the  use  of  firearms  on  any 
considerable  scale  in  a  Japanese  campaign.  Nobunaga's  men  took  shelter  them- 
selves behind  palisades  and  fusilladed  the  enemy  so  hotly  that  the  old-fashioned 
hand-to-hand  fighting  became  almost  impossible.  The  losses  of  the  Takeda  men 
were  enormous,  and  it  may  be  said  that  the  tactics  of  the  era  underwent  radical 


488  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

alteration  from  that  time,  so  that  the  fight  at  Takinosawa  is  memorable  in  Japan- 
ese history.  Hideyoshi  urged  the  advisability  of  pushing  on  at  once  to  Kat- 
suyori's  capital,  but  Nobunaga  hesitated  to  make  such  a  call  upon  the  energies 
of  his  troops,  and  the  final  overthrow  of  the  Takeda  chief  was  postponed. 

•id  '!-.>  1  -;-i-i93  K  ,-fcVd.f   '  'iU  siii  '• 

".mjclovl  to  sn<) ••   .•iifjiruririrnfti!  •     . 

MILITARY   TACTICS 

The  Mongol  invasion  should  have  taught  to  the  Japanese  the  great  advan- 
tages of  co-operating  military  units,  but  individual  prowess  continued  to  be  the 
guiding  factor  of  field  tactics  in  Japan  down  to  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  when  the  introduction  of  firearms  inspired  new  methods.  Japanese 
historians  have  not  much  to  say  upon  this  subject.  Indeed  Rai  Sanyo,  in  the 
Nihon-gwaishi,  may  almost  be  said  to  be  the  sole  authority.  He  writes  as 
follows:  "The  generalship  of  Takeda  Shingen  and  Uesugi  Kenshin  was  some- 
thing quite  new  in  the  country  at  their  time.  Prior  to  their  day  the  art  of  ma- 
noeuvring troops  had  been  little  studied.  Armies  met,  but  each  individual  that 
composed  them  relied  on  his  personal  prowess  and  strength  for  victory.  These 
two  barons,  however,  made  a  special  study  of  strategy  and  military  tactics, 
with  the  result  that  they  became  authorities  on  the  various  methods  of  handling 
troops.  In  reference  to  the  employment  of  cavalry,  the  Genji  warriors  and  the 
first  of  the  Ashikaga  shoguns  made  use  of  horses  largely,  but  in  later  days  the 
Ashikaga  did  not  move  away  from  Kyoto  and  had  no  use  for  horses.  Nobunaga, 
being  near  Kyoto,  and  most  of  the  wars  in  which  he  engaged  involving  no  very 
long  marches,  relied  almost  solely  on  infantry.  Both  Takeda  and  Uesugi  were 
well  supplied  with  mounted  troops,  but  owing  to  the  hilly  nature  of  their  terri- 
tories, they  made  no  special  study  of  cavalry  exercises  and,  almost  invariably, 
the  soldiers  employed  their  horses  solely  for  rapid  movement  from  one  place  to 
another;  when  a  battle  commenced  they  alighted  and  fought  on  foot.  It  is 
therefore  correct  to  say  that  at  this  time  cavalry  had  gone  out  of  use.  Bows  and 
arrows  were,  of  course,  superseded  when  firearms  came  into  use. 

"Thenceforth,  the  gun  and  the  long  spear  were  the  chief  weapons  relied  on. 
Peasants  did  not  rank  as  soldiers,  but  their  services  were  variously  utilized  in 
time  of  war.  They  were  trained  in  the  use  of  muskets,  and  of  bows  and  arrows 
on  hunting  expeditions,  and  thus,  when  hostilities  broke  out,  they  were  able  to 
render  considerable  assistance  in  the  defense  of  their  houses.  Highwaj^men 
were  frequently  employed  as  spies  and  scouts.  Both  Takeda  and  Uesugi  sanc- 
tioned this  practice.  These  two  generals  also  agreed  in  approving  the  following 
tactical  arrangement:  the  van-guard,  consisting  of  musketeers,  artillerymen, 
and  archers,  was  followed  by  companies  of  infantry  armed  with  long  spears. 
Then  came  the  cavalry,  and  after  them  the  main  body,  attached  to  which  wore 
drummers  and  conch-blowers.  The  whole  army  was  divided  into  right  and  left 
wings,  and  a  body  of  men  was  kept  in  reserve.  At  the  opening  of  the  battle, 
the  horsemen  dismounted  and  advanced  on  foot.  This  order  was  occasionally 
modified  to  suit  altered  circumstances,  but  as  a  rule,  it  was  strictly  followed."1 

The  artillery  mentioned  in  the  above  quotation  must  be  taken  in  a  strictly 
limited  sense.  Indeed,  it  would  be  more  correct  to  speak  of  heavy  muskets, 
for  cannon,  properly  so  called,  may  scarcely  be  said  to  have  formed  any  part  of 
the  equipment  of  a  Japanese  army  until  modern  times.  When  the  Portuguese 
discovered  Japan,  in  1542,  they  introduced  the  musket  to  the  Japanese,  and  the 
weapon  was  long  known  as  Tanegashima,  that  being  the  name  of  the  island 
P  Quoted  by  W.  Dening  in  A  New  Life  of  Hideyoshi.] 


489 

where  the  Portuguese  ship  first  touched.  Thenceforth,  the  manufacture  of 
firearms  was  carried  on  with  more  or  less  success  at  various  places,  especially 
Sakai  in  Izumi  and  Negoro  in  Kii.  "Small  guns"  (kozutsu)  and  "large  guns" 
(ozutsu)  are  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  the  time,  but  by  ozutsuwe  must  under- 
stand muskets  of  large  calibre  rather  than  cannon. 

o  .!/<jeuu;r'iJ  sridt  loboiJ^riJ  jjd$f>(n&3l$'J 

iiw/e.  bed  btfjs bsctnslq  ibw.  03  a  aoii- 

INVASION    OF    CHUGOKU.  ^^  j19f| 

At  this  time  nearly  the  whole  of  central  Japan  (Chugoku)  was  under  the  sway 
of  Mori  Terumoto,  who  succeeded  his  grandfather,  Motonari,  head  of  the  great 
Mori  family  and  ancestor  of  the  present  Prince  Mori.  One  of  these  central 
provinces,  namely,  Harima,  had  just  been  the  scene  of  a  revolt  which  Hideyoshi 
crushed  by  his  wonted  combination  of  cajolery  and  conquest.  The  ease  with 
which  this  feat  was  accomplished  and  the  expediency  of  maintaining  the 
sequence  of  successes  induced  Hideyoshi  to  propose  that  the  subjugation  of  the 
whole  of  central  Japan  should  be  entrusted  to  him  and  that  he  should  be  allowed 
to  adopt  Nobunaga's  second  son,  Hidekatsu,  to  whom  the  rule  of  Chugoku  should 
be  entrusted,  Hideyoshi  keeping  for  himself  only  the  outlying  portions.  Nobu- 
naga  readily  agreed,  and,  in  1577,  Hideyoshi  set  out  on  this  important  expedi- 
tion, with  a  force  of  some  ten  thousand  men,  all  fully  equipped  and  highly 
trained.  It  is  noteworthy  that,  before  leaving  Azuchi,  Hideyoshi  declared  to 
Nobunaga  his  intention  of  conquering  Kyushu  after  the  reduction  of  Chugoku, 
and  thereafter  he  announced  his  purpose  of  crossing  to  Korea  and  making 
that  country  the  basis  of  a  campaign  against  China.  "When  that  is  effected," 
Hideyoshi  is  quoted  as  saying,  "the  three  countries,  China,  Korea,  and  Japan, 
will  be  one.  I  shall  do  it  all  as  easily  as  a  man  rolls  up  a  piece  of  matting  and 
carries  it  under  his  arm.'"  .B^iuiuJ 

It  is  evident  from  these  words  that  the  project  of  invading  Korea  and  China 
was  entertained  by  Hideyoshi  nearly  twenty  years  before — as  will  presently  be 
seen — he  attempted  to  carry  it  into  practice.  Hideyoshi  marched  in  the  first 
place  to  Harima,  where  his  operations  were  so  vigorous  and  so  successful  that 
UkitaNaoiye,  who  held  the  neighbouring  provinces  of  Bizenand  Mimasaka  under 
the  suzerainty  of  Mori  Terumoto,  espoused  Nobunaga's  cause  without  fighting. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  the  details  of  the  campaign  that  ensued.  It  lasted  for 
five  years,  and  ended  in  the  subjection  of  as  many  provinces,  namely,  Harima, 
Tamba,  Tango,  Tajima,  and  Inaba.  Hideyoshi  then  returned  to  Azuchi  and 
presented  to  Nobunaga  an  immense  quantity  of  spolia  opima  which  are  said  to 
have  exceeded  five  thousand  in  number  and  to  have  covered  all  the  ground 
around  the  castle. 

•  i  OJTIO  .1; 

DESTRUCTION    OF   THE    TAKEDA  ,,fmmj 

Shortly  before  Hideyoshi's  triumphant  return  from  his  first  brilliant  campaign 
in  the  central  provinces,  a  memorable  event  occurred  in  Kai.  Nobunaga's 
eldest  son,  Nobutada,  uniting  his  forces  with  those  of  leyasu,  completely  de- 
stroyed the  army  of  Takeda  Katsuyori  at  Temmoku-zan,  in  the  province  of 
Kai.  So  thorough  was  the  victory  that  Katsuyori  and  his  son  both  committed 
suicide.  Nobunaga  then  gave  the  province  of  Suruga  to  leyasu,  and  divided 
Shinano  and  Kotsuke  into  manors,  which  were  distributed  among  the  Owari 
generals  as  rewards.  Takigawa  Kazumasu  was  nominated  kwanryo  of  the 
Kwanto,  chiefly  in  order  to  watch  and  restrain  the  movements  of  the  Ho  jo 
family,  now  the  only  formidable  enemy  of  Nobunaga  in  the  east.<rfl<*!i>uv  ^ 


490  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Itt/VliM/TwtiT         ^•Aii/**   iiiiiL/L,'- 
RESUMPTION   OF  THE   CHUGOKU   CAMPAIGN 

After  a  brief  rest,  Hideyoshi  again  left  Kyoto  for  the  central  provinces.  He 
commenced  operations  on  this  second  occasion  by  invading  the  island  of  Awaji, 
and  having  reduced  it,  he  passed  on  to  Bitchu,  where  he  invested  the  impor- 
tant castle  of  Takamatsu,  then  under  the  command  of  Shimizu  Muneharu.  This 
stronghold  was  so  well  planned  and  had  such  great  natural  advantages  that 
Hideyoshi  abstained  from  any  attempt  to  carry  it  by  assault,  and  had  recourse 
to  the  device  of  damming  and  banking  a  river  so  as  to  flood  the  fortress.  About 
two  miles  and  a  half  of  embankment  had  to  be  made,  and  during  the  progress  of 
the  work,  Mori  Terumoto,  who  had  been  conducting  a  campaign  elsewhere, 
found  time  to  march  a  strong  army  to  the  relief  of  Takamatsu.  But  Terumoto, 
acting  on  the  advice  of  his  best  generals,  refrained  from  attacking  Hideyoshi 's 
army.  He  sought  rather  to  invite  an  onset  from  Hideyoshi,  so  that,  during  the 
progress  of  the  combat,  the  garrison  might  find  an  opportunity  to  destroy  the 
embankment.  Hideyoshi,  however,  was  much  too  astute  to  be  tempted  by 
such  tactics.  He  saw  that  the  fate  of  the  castle  must  be  sealed  in  a  few  days, 
and  he  refrained  from  any  offensive  movement.  But,  in  order  to  gratify  Nobu- 
naga  by  simulating  need  of  his  assistance,  a  despatch  was  sent  to  Azuchi  begging 
him  to  come  and  personally  direct  the  capture  of  the  fort  and  the  shattering  of 
Terumoto 's  army. 


ASSASSINATION    OF    NOBUNAGA 

j jyufc-.tno  10  3^o<piK{i  eifl 

Among  Nobunaga 's  vassal  barons  at  that  time  was  Akechi  Mitsuhide.  A 
scion  of  the  illustrious  family  of  Seiwa  Genji,  Mitsuhide  had  served  under 
several  suzerains  prior  to  1566,  when  he  repaired  to  Gifu  and  offered  his  sword 
to  Nobunaga.  Five  years  afterwards  he  received  a  fief  of  one  hundred  thousand 
koku  and  the  title  of  Hyuga  no  Kami.  This  rapid  promotion  made  him  Nobuna- 
ga's debtor,  but  a  shocking  event,  which  occurred  in  1577,  seems  to  have  inspired 
him  with  the  deepest  resentment  against  his  patron.  Mitsuhide,  besieging  the 
castle  of  Yakami  in  Tamba  province,  promised  quarter  to  the  brothers  Hatano, 
who  commanded  its  defence,  and  gave  his  own  mother  as  hostage.  But  Nobuna- 
ga, disregarding  this  promise,  put  the  Hatano  brothers  to  the  sword,  and  the 
latter 's  adherents  avenged  themselves  by  slaughtering  Mitsuhide 's  mother. 
The  best  informed  belief  is  that  this  incident  converted  Mitsuhide  into  Nobuna- 
ga 's  bitter  enemy,  and  that  the  spirit  of  revenge  was  fostered  by  insults  to  which 
Nobunaga,  always  passionate  and  rough,  publicly  subjected  Mitsuhide.  At  all 
events,  when,  as  stated  above,  Hideyoshi 's  message  of  invitation  reached 
Nobunaga  at  Azuchi,  the  latter  gave  orders  for  the  despatch  of  a  strong  force  to 
Takamatsu,  one  body,  consisting  of  some  thirty  thousand  men,  being  placed 
under  the  command  of  Mitsuhide.  Nobunaga  himself  repaired  to  Kyoto  and 
took  up  his  quarters  at  the  temple  Honno-ji,  whence  he  intended  to  follow  his 
armies  to  the  central  provinces. 

Mitsuhide  concluded  that  his  opportunity  had  now  come.  He  determined 
to  kill  Nobunaga,  and  then  to  join  hands  with  Mori  Terumoto.  He  made 
known  his  design  to  a  few  of  his  retainers,  and  these  attempted  fruitlessly  to 
dissuade  him,  but,  seeing  that  his  resolution  was  irrevocable,  they  agreed  to 
assist  him.  The  troops  were  duly  assembled  and  put  in  motion,  but  instead  of 
taking  the  road  westward,  they  received  an  unexpected  intimation,  "  The  enemy 
is  in  Honno-ji,"  and  their  route  was  altered  accordingly.  Nobunaga  defended 
himself  valiantly.  But  being  at  last  severely  wounded  and  recognizing  the 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  491 

hopelessness  of  resistance,  he  set  fire  to  the  temple  and  committed  suicide,  his 
fourteen-year-old  son,  Katsunaga,  perishing  with  him.  His  eldest  son,  Nobuta- 
da,  who  had  just  returned  from  the  campaign  in  the  east,  followed  his  father 
to  Kyoto,  and  was  sojourning  in  the  temple  Myogaku-ji  when  news  reached 
him  of  Mitsuhide  's  treachery.  He  attempted  to  succour  his  father,  but  arrived 
too  late.  Then  he  repaired  to  the  Nijo  palace  and,  having  entrusted  his  infant 
son  to  the  care  of  Maeda  Gen-i  with  instructions  to  carry  him  to  Kiyosu,  he  made 
preparation  for  defence  against  Mitsuhide.  Finally,  overwhelmed  by  numbers, 
he  killed  himself,  and  his  example  was  followed  by  ninety  of  his  retainers.  Mitsu- 
hide then  proceeded  to  Azuchi  and  having  pillaged  the  castle,  returned  to  Kyoto, 
where  he  was  received  in  audience  by  the  Emperor,  and  he  then  took  the  title  of 
shogun. 


AFTER  THE  ASSASSINATION 

Nobunaga  was  assassinated  on  the  second  day  of  the  sixth  month,  according 
to  Japanese  reckoning.  News  of  the  event  reached  the  camp  of  the  besiegers  of 
Takamatsu  almost  immediately,  but  a  messenger  sent  by  Mitsuhide  to  convey 
the  intelligence  to  Mori  and  to  solicit  his  alliance  was  intercepted  by  Hideyoshi  's 
men.  A  great  deal  of  historical  confusion  envelops  immediately  subsequent 
events,  but  the  facts  seem  simple  enough.  Hideyoshi  found  himself  in  a  position 
of  great  difficulty.  His  presence  in  Kyoto  was  almost  a  necessity,  yet  he  could 
not  withdraw  from  Takamatsu  without  sacrificing  all  the  fruits  of  the  campaign 
in  the  west  and  exposing  himself  to  a  probably  disastrous  attack  by  Mori's 
army.  In  this  emergency  he  acted  with  his  usual  talent.  Summoning  a  famous 
priest,  Ekei,  of  a  temple  in  Aki,  who  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  all  parties, 
he  despatched  him  to  Mori  's  camp  with  proposals  for  peace  and  for  the  delimita- 
tion of  the  frontiers  of  Mori  and  Nobunaga,  on  condition  that  the  castle  of 
Takamatsu  should  be  surrendered  and  the  head  of  its  commander,  Shimizu 
Muneharu,  presented  to  his  conquerer. 

Mori  was  acting  entirely  by  the  advice  of  his  two  uncles,  Kikkawa  and  Koha- 
yakawa,  both  men  of  profound  insight.  They  fully  admitted  the  desirability  of 
peace,  since  Hideyoshi  's  army  effectually  commanded  the  communications 
between  the  eastern  and  western  parts  of  Chugoku,  but  they  resolutely  rejected 
th'e  notion  of  sacrificing  the  life  of  Shimizu  on  the  altar  of  any  compact.  When 
the  priest  carried  this  answer  to  Hideyoshi,  the  latter  suggested,  as  the  only 
recourse,  that  Shimizu  himself  should  be  consulted.  Ekei  accordingly  repaired 
to  the  castle  and  explained  the  situation  to  its  commandant.  Shimizu  had  not 
a  moment's  hesitation.  He  declared  himself  more  than  willing  to  die  for  the 
sake  of  his  liege-lord  and  his  comrades,  and  he  asked  only  that  fish  and  wine, 
to  give  the  garrison  the  rare  treat  of  a  good  meal,  should  be  furnished.  On  the 
5th  of  the  sixth  month  this  agreement  was  carried  into  effect.  Shimizu  com- 
mitted suicide  the  compact  between  Mori  and  Hideyoshi  was  signed,  and  the 
latter,  striking  his  camp,  prepared  to  set  out  for  Kyoto.  It  was  then  for  the  first 
time  that  Mori  and  his  generals  learned  of  the  death  of  Nobunaga.  Immediately 
there  was  an  outcry  in  favour  of  disregarding  the  compact  and  falling  upon  the 
enemy  in  his  retreat;  but  Kikkawa  and  Kohayakawa  stubbornly  opposed 
anything  of  the  kind.  They  declared  that  such  a  course  would  disgrace  the  house 
of  Mori,  whereas,  by  keeping  faith,  the  friendship  of  Hideyoshi  and  his  fellow 
barons  would  be  secured.  Accordingly  the  withdrawal  was  allowed  to  take  place 
unmolested. 


492  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

IEYASU 
o*  }*'i>f-'  *iH     .miiiJJivAg  .j>.»f.aii?.ti<.>l 


The  life  of  the  Tokugawa  chieftain  was  placed  in  great  jeopardy  by  the 
Mitsuhide  incident.  After  being  brilliantly  received  by  Nobunaga  at  Azuchi, 
leyasu,  at  his  host's  suggestion,  had_made  a  sightseeing  excursion  to  Kyoto, 
whence  he  prolonged  his  journey  to  Osaka  and  finally  to  Sakai.  The  news  of 
the  catastrophe  reached  him  at  the  last-named  place,  and  his  immediate  impulse 
was  to  be  avenged  upon  the  assassin.  But  it  was  pointed  out  to  him  that  his 
following  was  much  too  small  for  such  an  enterprise,  and  he  therefore  decided 
to  set  out  for  the  east  immediately.  Mitsuhide,  well  aware  of  the  Tokugawa 
baron's  unfriendliness,  made  strenuous  efforts  to  waylay  leyasu  on  the  way,  and 
with  great  difficulty  the  journey  eastward  was  accomplished  by  avoiding  all  the 
highroads. 

NOBUNAGA 

Nobunaga  perished  at  the  age  of  forty-nine.  The  great  faults  of  his  character 
seem  to  have  been  want  of  discrimination  in  the  treatment  of  his  allies  and  his 
retainers,  and  want  of  patience  in  the  conduct  of  affairs.  In  his  eyes,  a  baron 
of  high  rank  deserved  no  more  consideration  than  a  humble  retainer,  and  he 
often  gave  offence  which  disturbed  the  achievement  of  his  plans.  As  for  his 
impetuousness,  his  character  has  been  well  depicted  side  by  side  with  that  of 
Hideyoshi  and  leyasu  in  three  couplets  familiar  to  all  Japanese.  These  couplets 
represent  Nobunaga  as  saying:  — 

*•'   i'l&Lf     V'.!     35  ::     "i      ti'l-' 

Nakaneba  korosu 

Hototogisu. 

(I'll  kill  the  cuckoo  .J.,TJ   ( 

-t.tunibi>  ->.Li  '  If  ifc  won>t  ftfiAyqoiq  *hi- 

By  Hideyoshi  the  same  idea  is  conveyed  thus  :-**>  I 

'    \  C"       *  r 

Nakashite  miyo 

Hototogisu. 

(I'll  try  to  make  the  cuckoo  sing.)  /<}  •• 


Whereas,  leyasu  puts  the  matter  thus: — 

hi<o,;;;i'j:uwiju;u-j   ou/   :  ••> ••   YHJUtfo.'Vna 


_ 

Hof™g£.mai0 

(I'll  wait  till  the  cuckoo  does  sing.} 

Nevertheless,  whatever  Nobunaga  may  have  lost  by  these  defects,  the  fact 
remains  that  in  the  three  decades  of  his  military  career  he  brought  under  his 
sway  thirty-three  provinces,  or  one-half  of  the  whole  country,  and  at  the  time  of 
his  death  he  contemplated  the  further  conquest  of  Shikoku,  Chugoku,  and 
Kyushu.  To  that  end  he  had  appointed  Hideyoshi  to  be  Chikuzen  no  Kami; 
Kawajiri  Shigeyoshi  to  be  Hizen  no  Kami,  while  his  own  son,  Nobutaka,  with 
Niwa  Nagahide  for  chief  of  staff,  had  been  sent  to  subdue  Shikoku.  Even  ad- 
mitting that  his  ambition  was  self-aggrandizement  in  the  first  place,  it  is  undeni- 
able that  he  made  the  peace  of  the  realm,  the  welfare  of  the  people,  and  the 
stability  of  the  throne  his  second  purposes,  and  that  he  pursued  them  with  ar- 
dour. Thus,  one  of  his  earliest  acts  when  he  obtained  the  control  in  Kyoto  was 
to  appoint  officials  for  impartially  administering  justice,  to  reduce  the  citizens' 
taxes;  to  succour  widows  and  orphans,  and  to  extend  to  all  the  blessings  of 
security  and  tranquillity.  In  1572,  we  find  him  sending  messengers  to  the  prov- 
inces with  instructions  to  put  in  hand  the  making  of  roads  having  a  width  of 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  493 

from  twenty-one  to  twelve  feet;  to  set  up  milestones  and  plant  trees  along  these 
roads;  to  build  bridges;  to  remove  barriers,  and  generally  to  facilitate  com- 
munications. 

Towards  the  Throne  he  adopted  a  demeanour  emphatically  loyal.  In  this 
respect,  he  followed  the  example  of  his  father,  Nobuhide,  and  departed  radically 
from  that  of  his  predecessors,  whether  Fujiwara,  Taira,  or  Ashikaga.  As 
concrete  examples  may  be  cited  the  facts  that  he  restored  the  shrines  of  Ise,  and 
reinstituted  the  custom  of  renovating  them  every  twenty  years;  that,  in  the  year 
following  his  entry  into  the  capital,  he  undertook  extensive  repairs  of  the  palace; 
that  he  granted  considerable  estates  for  the  support  of  the  Imperial  household, 
and  that  he  organized  a  commission  to  repurchase  all  the  properties  which  had 
been  alienated  from  the  Court.  Finally,  it  is  on  record  that  when,  in  recognition 
of  all  this,  the  sovereign  proposed  to  confer  on  him  the  rank  of  minister  of  the 
Left,  he  declined  the  honour,  and  suggested  that  titles  of  lower  grade  should  be 

given  to  those  of  his  subordinates  who  had  shown  conspicuous  merit. 

. 

DEATH  OF  MITSUHIDE 

It  was  plainly  in  Hideyoshi's  interests  that  he  should  figure  publicly  as  the 
avenger  of  Nobunaga's  murder,  and  to  this  end  his  speedy  arrival  in  Kyoto  was 
essential.  He  therefore  set  out  at  once,  after  the  fall  of  Takamatsu,  with  only  a 
small  number  of  immediate  followers.  Mitsuhide  attempted  to  destroy  him 
on  the  way,  and  the  details  of  this  attempt  have  been  magnified  by  tradition  to 
incredible  dimensions.  All  that  can  be  said  with  certainty  is  that  Hideyoshi  was, 
for  a  moment,  in  extreme  danger  but  that  he  escaped  scathless.  Immediately 
on  arriving  in  Kyoto,  he  issued  an  appeal  to  all  Nobunaga's  vassal-barons, 
inviting  them  to  join  in  exterminating  Mitsuhide,  whose  heinous  crime  "provoked 
both  heaven  and  earth." 

.  -J   "  ft  *        ^li  f    L  -W-ww-\4-  — *  *    r  —  "v»  wi  f-\  rT-T 

But  it  was  no  part  of  Hideyoshi 's  policy  to  await  the  arrival  of  these  barons. 
He  had  already  at  his  command  an  army  of  some  thirty  thousand  men,  and 
with  this  he  moved  out,  challenging  Mitsuhide  to  fight  on  the  plains  of  Yamazaki. 
Mitsuhide  did  not  hesitate  to  put  his  fortunes  to  the  supreme  test.  He  accepted 
Hideyoshi's  challenge,  and,  on  the  12th  of  June,  a  great  battle  was  fought,  the 
issue  of  which  was  decided  by  two  things;  first,  the  defection  of  TsUtsui  Junkei, 
who  refrained  from  striking  until  the  superior  strength  of  Hideyoshi  had  been 
manifested,  and  secondly,  the  able  strategy  of  Hideyoshi,  who  anticipated 
Mitsuhide 's  attempt  to  occupy  the  position  of  Tenno-zan,  which  commanded 
the  field.  From  the  carnage  that  ensued  Mitsuhide  himself  escaped,  but  while 
passing  through  a  wood  he  received  from  a  bamboo  spear  in  the  hands  of  a  peasant 
a  thrust  which  disabled  him,  and  he  presently  committed  suicide.  Thus,  on 
the  thirteenth  day  after  Nobunaga's  death,  the  head  of  his  assassin  was  exposed 
in  Kyoto  in  front  of  the  temple  of  Honno-ji  where  the  murder  had  taken  place, 
and  Mitsuhide 's  name  went  down  in  history  as  the  "  Three  days'  shogun " 
(Mikkakubo) . 

CONFERENCE  AT  KIYOSU 

By  this  time  the  principal  of  Nobunaga's  vassal-barons  were  on  their  way 
at  the  head  of  contingents  to  attack  Mitsuhide.  On  learning  of  the  assassin's 
death,  these  barons  all  directed  their  march  to  Kiyosu,  and  in  the  castle  from 
which  Nobunaga  had  moved  to  his  early  conquests  thirty  years  previously,  a 
momentous  council  was  held  for  the  purpose  of  determining  his  successor.  The 


494  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

choice  would  have  fallen  naturally  on  Samboshi,  eldest  son  of  Nobunaga's 
first-born,  Nobutada,  who,  as  already  described,  met  his  death  in  the  Mitsuhide 
affair.  But  Hideyoshi  was  well  understood  to  favour  Samboshi 'a  succession, 
and  this  sufficed  to  array  in  opposition  several  of  the  barons  habitually  hostile 
to  Hideyoshi.  Thus,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  both  were  illegitimate  and  had 
already  been  adopted  into  other  families,  Nobunaga's  two  sons,  Nobukatsu  and 
Nobutaka,  were  put  forward  as  proper  candidates,  the  former  supported  by 
Ikeda  Nobuteru  and  Gamo  Katahide;  the  latter,  by  Shibata  Katsuiye  and  Taki- 
gawa  Kazumasu. 

At  one  moment  it  seemed  as  though  this  question  would  be  solved  by  an 
appeal  to  violence,  but  ultimately,  at  the  suggestion  of  Tsutsui  Junkei,  it  was 
agreed  that  Samboshi  should  be  nominated  Nobunaga's  successor;  that  Nobuka- 
tsu and  Nobutaka  should  be  appointed  his  guardians,  and  that  the  administrative 
duties  should  be  entrusted  to  a  council  consisting  of  Shibata  Katsuiye,  Niwa 
Nagahide,  Ikeda  Nobuteru,  and  Hideyoshi,  each  taking  it  in  turn  to  discharge 
these  functions  and  each  residing  for  that  purpose  in  Kyoto  three  months  during 
the  year.  An  income  of  one  hundred  thousand  koku  in  the  province  of  Omi 
was  assigned  to  Samboshi  pending  the  attainment  of  his  majority,  when  he 
should  be  placed  in  possession  of  much  larger  estates,  which  were  to  be  entrusted 
in  the  meanwhile  to  the  keeping  of  one  of  the  four  barons  mentioned  above. 
Nobukatsu  received  the  province  of  Owari,  and  Nobutaka  that  of  Mino,  the 
remainder  of  Nobunaga  's  dominions  being  apportioned  to  his  generals,  with  the 
exception  of  Hideyoshi,  to  whom  were  assigned  the  provinces  recently  overrun 
by  him  in  the  midlands  —  Tajima,  Harima,  Inaba,  and  Tamba. 

Such  an  arrangement  had  no  elements  of  stability.  The  four  councillors 
could  not  possibly  be  expected  to  work  in  harmony,  and  it  was  certain  that 
Katsuiye,  Sakuma  Morimasa,  and  Takigawa  Kazumasu  would  lose  no  opportuni- 
ty of  quarrelling  with  Hideyoshi.  Indeed,  that  result  was  averted  solely  by 
Hideyoshi 's  tact  and  long  suffering,  for  when,  a  few  days  later,  the  barons  again 
met  at  Kiyosu  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  territorial  questions,  every  possible 
effort  was  made  to  find  a  pretext  for  killing  him.  But  Hideyoshi 's  astuteness 
and  patience  led  him  successfully  through  this  maze  of  intrigues  and  complica- 
tions. He  even  went  so  far  as  to  hand  over  his  castle  of  Nagahama  to  Katsuiye, 
and  to  endure  insults  which  in  ordinary  circumstances  must  have  been  resented 
with  the  sword.  Tradition  describes  a  grand  memorial  ceremony  organized 
in  Kyoto  by  Hideyoshi  in  honour  of  Nobunaga,  and,  on  that  occasion,  incidents 
are  said  to  have  occurred  which  bear  the  impress  of  romance.  It  is,  at  all  events, 
certain  that  the  immediate  issue  of  this  dangerous  time  was  a  large  increase  of 
Hideyoshi 's  authority,  and  his  nomination  by  the  Court  to  the  second  grade  of 
the  fourth  rank  as  well  as  to  the  position  of  major-general.  Moreover,  the 
three  barons  who  had  been  appointed  with  Hideyoshi  to  administer  affairs  in 
Kyoto  in  turn,  saw  that  Hideyoshi 's  power  was  too  great  to  permit  the  peaceful 
working  of  such  a  programme.  They  therefore  abandoned  their  functions,  and 
Hideyoshi  remained  in  sole  charge  of  the  Imperial  Court  and  of  the  administra- 
tion in  the  capital. 

' 

DEATH  OF  SHIBATA  KATSUIYE 

/nit'-.j 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  Nobunaga's  sons,  Nobutaka  and  Nobukatsu, 
were  bitter  enemies  and  that  Nobutaka  had  the  support  of  Takigawa  Kazumasu 
as  well  as  of  Shibata  Katsuiye.  Thus,  Hideyoshi  was  virtually  compelled  to 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  495 

espouse  the  cause  of  Nobukatsu.  In  January,  1583,  he  took  the  field  at  the  head 
of  seventy-five  thousand  men,  and  marched  into  Ise  to  attack  Kazumasu,  whom 
he  besieged  in  his  castle  at  Kuwana.  The  castle  fell,  but  Kazumasu  managed 
to  effect  his  escape,  and  in  the  mean  while  Katsuiye  entered  Omi  in  command  of 
a  great  body  of  troops,  said  to  number  sixty-five  thousand.  At  the  last  moment, 
however,  he  had  failed  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  MaedaToshiiye,  an  important 
ally,  and  his  campaign  therefore  assumed  a  defensive  character.  Hideyoshi 
himself,  on  reconnoitring  the  position,  concluded  that  he  had  neither  numerical 
preponderance  nor  strategical  superiority  sufficient  to  warrant  immediate  as- 
sumption of  the  offensive  along  the  whole  front.  He  therefore  distributed  his 
army  on  a  line  of  thirteen  redoubts,  keeping  a  reserve  of  fifteen  thousand  men 
under  his  own  direct  command,  his  object  being  to  hold  the  enemy's  forces  in 
check  while  he  attacked  Gifu,  which  place  he  assaulted  with  such  vigour  that 
the  garrison  made  urgent  appeals  to  Katsuiye  for  succour. 

In  this  situation  it  was  imperative  that  some  attempt  should  be  made  to 
break  the  line  of  redoubts,  but  it  was  equally  imperative  that  this  attempt 
should  not  furnish  to  the  enemy  a  point  of  concentration.  Accordingly,  having 
ascertained  that  the  weakest  point  in  the  line  was  at  Shizugatake,  where  only 
fifteen  hundred  men  were  posted,  Katsuiye  instructed  his  principal  general, 
Sakuma  Morimasa,  to  lead  the  reserve  force  of  fifteen  thousand  men  against 
that  position,  but  instructed  him  at  the  same  time  to  be  content  with  any  success, 
however  partial,  and  not  to  be  betrayed  into  pushing  an  advantage,  since  by 
so  doing  he  would  certainly  furnish  a  fatal  opportunity  to  the  enemy.  Morima- 
sa neglected  this  caution.  Having  successfully  surprised  the  detachment  at 
Shizugatake,  and  having  inflicted  heavy  carnage  on  the  defenders  of  the  redoubt, 
who  lost  virtually  all  their  officers,  he  not  only  sat  down  to  besiege  the  redoubt, 
whose  decimated  garrison  held  out  bravely,  but  he  also  allowed  his  movements 
to  be  hampered  by  a  small  body  of  only  two  score  men  under  Niwa  Nagahide, 
who  took  up  a  position  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood,  and  displaying  their 
leader's  flag,  deceived  Morimasa  into  imagining  that  they  had  a  powerful  back- 
ing. These  things  happened  during  the  night  of  April  19,  1583.  Katsuiye,  on 
receipt  of  the  intelligence,  sent  repeated  orders  to  Morimasa  requiring  him  to 
withdraw  forthwith;  but  Morimasa,  elated  by  his  partial  victory,  neglected 
these  orders. 

On  the  following  day,  the  facts  were  communicated  to  Hideyoshi,  at  Ogaki, 
distant  about  thirty  miles  from  Shizugatake,  who  immediately  appreciated  the 
opportunity  thus  furnished.  He  set  out  at  the  head  of  his  reserves,  and  in  less 
than  twenty-four  hours  his  men  crossed  swords  with  Morimasa 's  force.  The 
result  was  the  practical  extermination  of  the  latter,  including  three  thousand 
men  under  Katsuiye 's  adopted  son,  Gonroku.  The  latter  had  been  sent  to  insist 
strenuously  on  Morimasa 's  retreat,  but  learning  that  Morimasa  had  determined 
to  die  fighting,  Gonroku  announced  a  similar  intention  on  his  own  part.  This 
incident  was  characteristic  of  samurai  canons.  Hideyoshi 's  victory  cost  the 
enemy  five  thousand  men,  and  demoralized  Katsuiye 's  army  so  completely  that 
he  subsequently  found  himself  able  to  muster  a  total  force  of  three  thousand 
only.  Nothing  remained  but  flight,  and  in  order  to  withdraw  from  the  field, 
Katsuiye  was  obliged  to  allow  his  chief  retainer,  Menju  Shosuke,  to  impersonate 
him,  a  feat  which,  of  course,  cost  Shosuke 's  life. 

Katsuiye 's  end  is  one  of  the  most  dramatic  incidents  in  Japanese  history. 
He  decided  to  retire  to  his  castle  of  Kitanosho,  and,  on  the  way  thither,  he 
visited  his  old  friend,  Maeda  Toshiiye,  at  the  latter 's  castle  of  Fuchu,  in  Echizen. 


496  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Thanking  Toshiiye  for  all  the  assistance  he  had  rendered,  and  urging  him  to  culti- 
vate friendship  with  Hideyoshi,  he  obtained  a  remount  from  Toshiiye  's  stable, 
and,  followed  by  about  a  hundred  samurai,  pushed  on  to  Kitanosho.  Arrived 
there,  he  sent  away  all  who  might  be  suspected  of  sympathizing  with  Hideyoshi, 
and  would  also  have  sent  away  his  wife  and  her  three  daughters.  This  lady 
was  a  sister  of  Nobunaga.  She  had  been  given,  as  already  stated,  to  Asai 
Nagamasa,  and  to  him  she  bore  three  children.  But  after  Nagamasa  's  destruc- 
tion she  was  married  to  Katsuiye,  and  was  living  at  the  latter  's  castle  of  Kitano- 
sho when  the  above  incidents  occurred.  She  declined  to  entertain  the  idea  of 
leaving  the  castle,  declaring  that,  as  a  samurai's  daughter,  she  should  have 
shared  her  first  husband's  fate,  and  that  nothing  would  induce  her  to  repeat 
that  error.  Her  three  daughters  were  accordingly  sent  away,  and  she  herself 
joined  in  the  night-long  feast  which  Katsuiye  and  his  principal  retainers  held 
while  Hideyoshi  's  forces  were  marching  to  the  attack.  When  the  sun  rose,  the 
whole  party,  including  the  ladies,  committed  suicide,  having  first  set  fire  to  the 
castle.  ' 


»f(; 

One  of  the  three  daughters  of  Asai  Nagamasa  afterwards  became  the 
concubine  of  Hideyoshi  and  bore  to  him  a  son,  Hideyori,  who,  by  her  advice, 
subsequently  acted  in  defiance  of  leyasu,  thus  involving  the  fall  of  the  house  of 
Hideyoshi  and  unconsciously  avenging  the  fate  of  Nobunaga. 
-iioihoM  •  .  v;;nyi3f»  -4rf.t  0-J  ytifiuJioqcfo  laju't  c  iMin 
li;  •  -lif  .»orf:)i>J'jh  $dJ  -'feoshcfriig  ^ifi/K-.v    .      :•«!.'•/  nil     .     .-'•:.••>    .M 
•»n  twi-i  So  3wl*fl»fc»b  inltrro  '.  ,  tf  PBUTAKA 


Nobunaga  's  son,  Nobutaka,  who  had  been  allied  with  Katsuiye,  escaped,  at 
first,  to  Owari  on  the  latter  's  downfall,  but  ultimately  followed  Katsuiye  's 
example  by  committing  suicide.  As  for  Samboshi,  Nobunaga  's  grandson  and 
nominal  heir,  he  attained  his  majority  at  this  time,  but  proving  to  be  a  man  of 
marked  incompetence,  the  eminent  position  for  which  he  had  been  destined  was 
withheld.  He  took  the  name  of  Oda  Hidenobu,  and  with  an  income  of  three 
hundred  thousand  koku  settled  down  contentedly  as  Hideyoshi  's  vassal. 


...if,.pSAKA 

Hideyoshi  left  behind  him_a  striking  monument  of  his  greatness  of  thought 
and  power  of  execution.  At  Osaka  where  in  1532  the  priests  of  the  Hongwan-ji 
temple  had  built  a  castle  which  Nobunaga  captured  in  1580  only  after  a  long  and 
severe  siege,  Hideyoshi  built  what  is  called  The  Castle  of  Osaka.  It  is  a  colossal 
fortress,  which  is  still  used  as  military  headquarters  for  garrison  and  arsenal, 
and  the  dimensions  of  which  are  still  a  wonder,  though  only  a  portion  of  the 
building  survives.  Materials  for  the  work  were  requisitioned  from  thirty 
provinces,  their  principal  components  being  immense  granite  rocks,  many 
of  which  measured  fourteen  feet  in  length  and  breadth,  and  some  were  forty 
feet  long  and  ten  feet  wide.  These  huge  stones  had  to  be  carried  by  water  from 
a  distance  of  several  miles.  The  outlying  protection  of  this  great  castle  con- 
sisted of  triple  moats  and  escarpments.  The  moats  were  twenty  feet  deep, 
with  six  to  ten  feet  of  water.  The  total  enclosed  space  was  about  one  hundred 
acres,  but  only  one-eighth  of  this  was  the  hommaru,  or  keep,  inside  the  third 
moat;  ' 
•r'<  'sit  will  be  seen  that  the  plan  of  the  castle  was  to  have  it  divided  into  spaces 


497 

separately  defensible,  so  that  an  enemy  had  to  establish  his  footing  by  a  series 
of  repeated  efforts. 

And  the  second  respect  in  which  it  was  a  novelty  in  Japanese  defensive 
warfare  was  that  the  castle  donjon  was  heavily  built  and  armoured  after  a  fash- 
ion. The  three-storey  donjon  was  framed  in  huge  timbers,  quite  unlike  the 
flimsy  structure  of  most  Japanese  buildings,  and  the  timbers  were  protected 
against  fire  by  a  heavy  coat  of  plaster.  Roof  and  gates  were  covered  with  a  sort 
of  armor-plate,  for  there  was  a  copper  covering  to  the  roof  and  the  gates  were 
faced  with  iron  sheets  and  studs.  In  earlier  ''castles"  there  had  been  a  thin 
covering  of  plaster  which  a  musket  ball  could  easily  penetrate;  and  stone  had 
been  used  only  in  building  foundations. 

.<>•>  :  v,, ,;•-'* r  .    •:'{,'•,•!,-!  b-.A'jA^n; ,ib-:*n*ter.riJm*iiio<a 

•mof  -p,  h-v;i|  <  ''.:-:'V[0'i(i  v.-riT 

THE  KOMAKI  WAR 

After  the  suicide  of  nis  brother,  Nobutaka,  and  when  he  saw  that  his  nephew, 
Samboshi  (Hidenobu),  was  relegated  to  the  place  of  a  vassal  of  Hideyoshi, 
Nobukatsu  seems  to  have  concluded  that  the  time  had  come  to  strike  a  final 
blow  in  assertion  of  the  administrative  supremacy  of  the  Oda  family.  He  began, 
therefore,  to  plot  with  that  object.  Hideyoshi,  who  was  well  served  by  spies, 
soon  learned  of  these  plots,  and  thinking  to  persuade  Nobukatsu  of  their  hope- 
lessness, he  established  close  relations  with  the  latter 's  three  most  trusted 
retainers.  No  sooner  did  this  come  to  the  cognizance  of  Nobukatsu  than  he 
caused  these  three  retainers  to  be  assassinated,  and  applied  to  leyasu  for  assist- 
ance, leyasu  consented.  This  action  on  the  part  of  the  Tokugawa  baron  has 
been  much  commented  on  and  variously  interpreted  by  historians,  but  it  has 
always  to  be  remembered  that  leyasu  had  been  Oda  Nobunaga's  ally;  that  the 
two  had  fought  more  than  once  side  by  side,  and  that  had  the  Tokugawa  leader 
rejected  Nobukatsu 's  appeal,  he  would  not  only  have  suffered  in  public  estima- 
tion, but  would  also  have  virtually  accepted  a  position  inferior  to  that  evi- 
dently claimed  by  Hideyoshi. 

The  course  of  subsequent  events  seems  to  prove  that  leyasu,  in  taking  the 
field  on  this  occasion,  aimed  simply  at  asserting  his  own  potentiality  and  had  no 
thought  of  plunging  the  empire  into  a  new  civil  war.  In  March,  1584,  he  set 
out  from  Hamamatsu  and  joined  Nobukatsu  at  Kiyosu,  in  Owari.  The  scheme 
of  campaign  was  extensive.  leyasu  placed  himself  in  communication  with 
Sasa  Narimasa,  in  Echizen;  with  Chosokabe  Motochika,  in  Shikoku,  and  with 
the  military  monks  in  the  province  of  Kii.  The  programme  was  that  Narimasa 
should  raise  his  standard  in  Echizen  and  Kaga,_and  that  Motochika,  with  the 
monks  of  Kii,  should  move  to  the  attack  of  Osaka,  so  that  Hideyoshi  would 
be  compelled  to  carry  on  three  wars  at  the  same  time.  Hideyoshi  met  this 
combination  with  his  usual  astuteness.  He  commissioned  Uesugi  Kagekatsu 
to  attack  the  Sasa  troops  in  rear  while  Maeda  Toshiiye  menaced  them  from  the 
front;  he  told  off  Hachisuka  to  oppose  the  soldier-monks  of  Kii;  he  posted 
Sengoku  Hidehisa  in  Awaji  to  hold  in  check  the  forces  of  Chosokabe  Motochika, 
and  he  stationed  Ukita  Hideiye  at  Okayama  to  provide  against  the  contingency 
of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Mori  family.  Fighting  commenced  in  the  province 
of  Ise,  and  success  at  the  outset  crowned  the  arms  of  Hideyoshi 's  generals. 
They  captured  two  castles,  and  leyasu  thereupon  pushed  his  van  to  an  isolated 
hill  called  Komaki-yama,  nearly  equidistant  from  the  castles  of  Inu-yama 
and  Kiyosu,_in  Owari,  which  he  entrenched  strongly,  and  there  awaited  the 
onset  of  the  Osaka  army.  The  war  thus  came  to  be  known  as  that  of  Komaki. 


498  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Hideyoshi  himself  would  have  set  out  for  the  field  on  the  19th  of  March,  but 
he  was  obliged  to  postpone  his  departure  for  some  days,  until  Kuroda  and 
Hachisuka  had  broken  the  offensive  strength  of  the  monks  of  Kii.  It  thus  fell 
out  that  he  did  not  reach  the  province  of  Owari  until  the  27th  of  March.  His 
army  is  said  to  have  numbered  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men.  It  is 
commonly  alleged  that  this  was  the  only  war  between  leyasu  and  Hideyoshi, 
and  that  the  latter  suffered  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  former.  But  the  fact  is 
that  two  of  Hideyoshi 's  generals,  Ikeda  Nobuteru  and  Mori  Nagayoshi,  acted 
in  direct  contravention  of  his  orders,  and  thus  precipitated  a  catastrophe  for 
which  Hideyoshi  cannot  justly  be  held  responsible.  These  two  captains  argued 
that  as  leyasu  had  massed  a  large  force  at  Komaki  and  at  the  Obata  entrench- 
ments in  the  same  district,  he  had  probably  left  his  base  in  Mikawa  comparative- 
ly undefended.  They  proposed,  therefore,  to  lead  a  force  against  Mikawa. 
Hideyoshi  showed  great  reluctance  to  sanction  this  movement,  but  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  at  last  persuaded,  with  the  explicit  reservation  that  no  success 
obtained  in  Mikawa  province  should  be  followed  up,  and  that  whatever  the 
achievement  of  Nobukatsu 's  troops,  they  should  at  once  rejoin  the  main  army 
in  Owari. 

Unquestionably  Hideyoshi  had  in  vivid  recollection  the  disaster  which  had 
overtaken  Katsuiye  at  Shizugatake.  leyasu,  fully  cognizant  of  the  situation 
through  the  medium  of  a  spy,  knew  the  limitations  set  by  Hideyoshi.  On 
April  the  7th,  Nobuteru  attacked  the  fortress  of  Iwasaki,  in  Mikawa,  killed  its 
commandant,  and  captured  the  castle.  But  elated  by  this  victory,  he  neglected 
Hideyoshi 's  caution,  and  the  generals  of  leyasu,  closing  in  on  him,  inflicted 
a  crushing  defeat  at  a  place  called  Nagakude.  It  is  thus  evident  that  Hide- 
yoshi 's  share  in  the  disaster  was  of  a  most  indirect  character.  He  immediately 
hastened  to  Nagakude,  but  only  to  find  that  leyasu  had  retired  to  Obata,  and 
subsequently,  when  Hideyoshi  returned  to  his  headquarters,  leyasu  placed  a 
still  longer  interval  between  the  two  armies  by  marching  back  to  Komaki. 

The  war  thenceforth  may  be  said  to  have  consisted  of  a  series  of  menaces  and 
evasions.  Each  general  sought  to  entice  his  opponent  out  of  an  entrenched 
position,  and  each  general  showed  an  equal  determination  not  to  be  so  enticed. 
At  last,  Hideyoshi  pushed  a  force  into  Mino  and  captured  several  castles  in  that 
province.  But  even  this  failed  to  change  leyasu 's  attitude.  The  Tokugawa 
leader  entered  the  fortress  of  Kiyosu,  and  Nobukatsu  repaired  to  that  of  Naga- 
shima,  hi  Ise.  After  eight  months  of  this  comparatively  fruitless  manoeuvring, 
a  treaty  was  concluded,  on  December  the  1 1th,  between  Hideyoshi  and  Nobuka- 
tsu, and  subsequently  between  Hideyoshi  and  leyasu,  the  latter  giving  his  son 
Ogimaru  to  be  adopted  by  Hideyoshi.  The  boy  was  eleven  years  of  age  at  the 
time.  His  name  was  changed  to  Hashiba  Hideyasu,  and  he  received  the  appoint- 
ment of  governor  of  Mikawa  province. 

The  circumstances  in  which  this  treaty  was  concluded  have  provoked  much 
historical  discussion.  Did  the  overtures  come  originally  from  Hideyoshi,  or 
did  they  emanate  from  leyasu  and  Nobukatsu?  Some  annalists  have  endeav- 
oured to  prove  that  Hideyoshi  assumed  the  attitude  of  a  suppliant,  while  others 
have  attributed  that  demeanour  to  the  Tokugawa  chieftain.  The  situation, 
however,  presents  one  feature  which  is  very  significant.  It  was  not  until  the 
month  of  November,  1584,  that  Chosokabe  Motochika  effectually  brought 
the  island  of  Shikoku  under  his  sway,  and  thus  became  free  to  lead  a  strong 
army,  including  the  monks  of  Kii  province,  against  Osaka.  This  formidable 
danger  could  not  but  influence  Hideyoshi  in  the  direction  of  clasping  hands 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  499 

with  his  eastern  foes,  and  it  is  therefore  more  than  probable  that  a  statesman 
who  had  never  previously  allowed  considerations  of  personal  dignity  to  interfere 
with  the  prosecution  of  a  vital  policy,  did  not  hesitate  to  bow  his  head  to  Nobu- 
katsu,  in  order  to  recover  the  free  use  of  the  great  army  assembled  in  Owari, 
Mino,  and  Ise.  Most  fortunate  was  it  for  Japan  that  events  took  this  turn,  for, 
had  leyasu  and  Hideyoshi  remained  mutually  hostile,  the  country  would  prob- 
ably have  been  plunged  into  a  repetition  of  the  terrible  struggle  from  which 
nothing  enabled  it  to  emerge  except  the  combined  labours  of  Nobunaga,  Hide- 
yoshi, and  leyasu.  It  was  not,  however,  until  the  early  summer  of  1586  that 
Hideyoshi  and  leyasu  established  genuinely  friendly  relations.  During  a  year 
and  a  half  subsequent  to  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  which  ended  the  Komaki 
War,  leyasu  held  severely  aloof  and  refrained  from  visiting  Kyoto.  Finally, 
Hideyoshi  despatched  Asano  Nagamasa  to  propose  that  leyasu  should  take  into 
his  household  Hideyoshi 's  younger  sister,  and  that  Hideyoshi  should  send  his 
mother  as  a  hostage  to  Okazaki,  to  remain  there  during  a  visit  by  leyasu  to 
Kyoto.  Four  months  were  needed  by  leyasu  to  consider  this  proposal,  and  in 
September,  1586,  he  repaired  to  Osaka  and  thence  accompanied  Hideyoshi  to 
Kyoto. 

-.,..  , -[  (.  •. -,f- rtrr  «Tr»-pl+  *->Ji-f«nrrr   iff  s^rrr  fto-io  Tr  Wt-r   ii<\---  <vcfK  Tr'r ••  !'•! 

HIDEYOSHI  BECOMES  REGENT 

In  May,  1583,  after  the  downfall  of  Katsuiye,  the  Emperor  appointed  Hide- 
yoshi to  be  a  councillor  of  State,  and  conferred  on  him  the  fourth  order  of  rank. 
In  November  of  the  following  year,  he  received  another  step  of  rank  and  was 
nominated  gon-dainagon.  The  Emperor  Okimachi  at  that  time  contemplated 
abdication,  but  the  palace  which  he  would  have  occupied  as  ex-Emperor  had 
fallen  into  such  a  state  of  disrepair  as  to  be  virtually  uninhabitable.  Hideyoshi 
signalized  his  loyalty  on  this  occasion  by  spending  a  large  sum  on  the  renovation 
of  the  palace,  and  in  recognition  of  his  services  the  Emperor  raised  him  to  the 
high  post  of  nai-daijin.  It  was  confidently  expected  that  he  would  then  become 
sa-daijin,  but,  owing  to  complications  which  need  not  be  related  here,  the 
outcome  of  the  matter  was  that  he  received  the  still  higher  post  of  kwampaku 
(regent).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  himself  had  contemplated  becoming 
shogun.  In  fact,  it  is  on  record  that  he  made  proposals  in  that  sense  to  Yoshiaki, 
the  last  of  the  Ashikaga  shoguns.  But  it  had  come  by  that  time  to  be  recognized 
that  only  a  scion  of  the  Minamoto  family  could  be  eligible  for  the  post  of  shogun, 
and  thus  Yoshiaki  declined  Hideyoshi 's  overtures,  though  to  accept  them  would 
have  materially  altered  the  fallen  fortunes  of  the  Ashikaga  sept.  Hideyoshi 
ultimately  became  prime  minister  of  State  (dajo  daijiri)  and  took  the  family 
name  of  Toyotomi.  It  is  stated,  but  the  evidence  is  not  conclusive,  that  in 
order  to  reach  these  high  posts,  he  had  to  be  adopted  into  the  house  of  a  Fujiwara 
noble.  He  had  been  a  Taira  when  he  served  under  Nobunaga,  and  to  become 
a  Fujiwara  for  courtly  purposes  was  not  likely  to  cause  him  much  compunction. 

»r(,  «]  TJM  >r,L-S'/il  -lit*--.   --lA   (     '• 

THE  MONKS,  SHIKOKU,  AND  ETCHU 

—  •I 

Immediately  on  the  termination  of  the  Komaki  War,  Hideyoshi  took  steps 
to  deal  effectually  with  the  three  enemies  by  whom  his  movements  had  been  so 
much  hampered,  namely,  the  Buddhist  priests  of  Kii,  the  Chosokabe  clan 
in  Shikoku,  and  the  Sasa  in  Etchu.  It  has  already  been  stated  that  the  priests 
of  Kii  had  their  headquarters  at  Negoro,  where  there  stood  the  great  monastery 
of  Dai-Dembo-In,  belonging  to  the  Shingon  sect  and  enjoying  almost  the  repute 


500  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  K6ya-san.  Scarcely  less  important  was  the  monastery  of  Sawaga  in  the  same 
province.  These  two  centres  of  religion  had  long  been  in  possession  of  large 
bodies  of  trained  soldiers  whose  ranks  were  from  time  to  time  swelled  by  the 
accession  of  wandering  samurai  (roniri).  The  army  despatched  from  Osaka  in 
the  spring  of  1585  to  deal  with  these  warlike  monks  speedily  captured  the  two 
monasteries,  and,  for  purposes  of  intimidation,  crucified  a  number  of  the  leaders. 
For  a  time,  Koya-san  itself  was  in  danger,  several  of  the  fugitive  monks  having 
taken  refuge  there.  But  finally  Koya-san  was  spared  in  consideration  of  surren- 
dering estates  yielding  twenty-one  thousand  koku  of  rice,  which  properties  had 
been  violently  seized  by  the  monasteries  in  former  years. 

Three  months  later,  Hideyoshi  turned  his  arms  against  the  Chosokabe  sept 
in  Shikoku.  This  being  an  enterprise  of  large  dimensions,  he  entrusted  its 
conduct  to  five  of  his  most  competent  generals,  namely,  Ukita  Hideiye,  Hachisuka 
lemasa,  Kuroda  Nagamasa,  Kikkawa  Motoharu,  and  Kohayakawa  Takakage. 
Hideyoshi  himself  would  have  assumed  the  direct  command,  and  had  actually 
set  out  for  that  purpose  from  Osaka,  when  couriers  met  him  with  intelligence 
that  less  than  one  month's  fighting  had  brought  the  whole  of  the  Island  of  the 
Four  Provinces  into  subjection.  He  therefore  turned  eastward,  and  entering 
Etchu,  directed  the  operations,  in  progress  there  under  the  command  of  Maeda 
Toshiiye  against  Sasa  Narimasa.  This  campaign  lasted  seven  days,  and  ended 
in  the  surrender  of  Narimasa,  to  whom  Hideyoshi  showed  remarkable  clemency, 
inasmuch  as  he  suffered  him  to  remain  in  possession  of  considerable  estates  hi 
Etchu. 

ij<-rtr;I<rf!Vitfiij'ri  onu'-J  .Jiwl-}  la  irfocntiaO  -lorxmiri  oiiT     .$»•• 
ijmM-x  w&timiam^ 

At  this  time  Hideyoshi  cemented  relations  of  friendship  with  the  Uesugi 
family  of  Echigo,  whose  potentialities  had  always  been  a  subject  of  apprehension 
to  Nobunaga.  The  powerful  sept  was  then  ruled  by  Kagekatsu,  nephew  of  the 
celebrated  Kenshin.  This  daimyo  had  given  evidence  of  good-will  towards 
Hideyoshi  during  the  Komaki  War,  but  it  was  naturally  a  matter  of  great 
importance  to  establish  really  cordial  relations  with  so  powerful  a  baron.  His- 
tory relates  that,  on  this  occasion,  Hideyoshi  adopted  a  course  which  might  well 
have  involved  him  in  serious  peril.  He  entered  Echigo  with  a  mere  handful  of 
followers,  and  placed  himself  practically  at  the  mercy  of  Kagekatsu,  judging 
justly  that  such  trustful  fearlessness  would  win  the  heart  of  the  gallant  Kageka- 
tsu. Hideyoshi 's  insight  was  justified  by  the  sequel.  Several  of  the  principal 
retainers  of  Kagekatsu  advised  that  advantage  should  be  taken  of  Hideyoshi 's 
rashness,  and  that  his  victorious  career  should  be  finally  terminated  in  Echigo. 
But  this  vindictive  counsel  was  rejected  by  the  Uesugi  baron,  and  relations  of  a 
warmly  friendly  character  were  established  between  the  two  great  captains, 
d-otf  hruj  .»••<;  '  t-.T  i;  ifjO'J  b'lil  '•!( 

.froitonimrctoo  ffonrfi  nr 

INVASION  OF  KYUSHU 

There  now  remained  only  three  really  formidable  enemies  of  Hideyoshi. 
These  were  Hojo  Ujimasa,  in  the  Kwanto;  Date  Masamime,  in  Dewa  and  Mutsu, 
and  Shimazu  Yoshihisa,  in  Kyushu.  Of  these,  the  Shimazu  sept  was  probably 
the  most  powerful,  and  Hideyoshi  determined  that  Kyushu  should  be  the  scene 
of  his  next  warlike  enterprise.  The  Island  of  the  Nine  Provinces  was  then  under 
the  rule  of  three  great  clans;  the  Shimazu,  in  the  south;  the  Otomo,  in  Bungo, 
and  the  Ryuzoji,  in  Hizen.  The  most  puissant  of  these  had  at  one  time  been 
Ryuzoji  Takanobu,  but  his  cruel  methods  had  alienated  the  sympathy  of  many 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,   AND  IEYASU  501 

of  his  vassals,  among  them  being  Arima  Yoshizumi,  who  threw  off  his  allegiance 
to  Takanobu  and  joined  hands  with  Shimazu  Yoshihisa.  Takanobu  sent  an 
army  against  Yoshizumi,  but  the  Satsuma  baron  despatched  Shimazu  Masahisa 
to  Yoshizumi 's  aid,  and  a  sanguinary  engagement  at  Shimabara  in  1585  resulted 
in  the  rout  of  Takanobu 's  forces  and  his  own  death. 

Takanobu 's  son  and  successor,  who  was  named  Masaiye,  being  still 
a  boy,  advantage  was  taken  of  the  fact  by  Otomo  Yoshishige,  who  invaded 
Hizen,  so  that  Masaiye  had  to  apply  to  the  Shimazu  family  for  succour.  The 
Satsuma  chieftain  suggested  that  the  matter  might  be  settled  by  mutual 
withdrawal  of  forces,  but  Yoshishige  declined  this  overture,  and  the  result  was  a 
battle  in  which  the  Otomo  troops  were  completely  defeated.  Otomo  Yoshishige 
then  (1586)  had  recourse  to  Hideyoshi  for  assistance,  thus  furnishing  the 
opportunity  of  which  Osaka  was  in  search.  Orders  were  immediately  issued 
to  Mori,  Kikkawa,  Kohayakawa,  and  Chosokabe  Motochika  to  assemble  their 
forces  for  an  oversea  expedition,  and  in  the  mean  while,  Sengoku  Hidehisa  was 
despatched  to  Kyushu  bearing  a  letter  in  which  Hideyoshi,  writing  over  his  title 
of  kwampaku,  censured  the  Shimazu  baron  for  having  failed  to  pay  his  respects 
to  the  Imperial  Court  in  Kyoto,  and  called  upon  him  to  do  so  without  delay. 
This  mandate  was  treated  with  contempt.  Shimazu  Yoshihisa  threw  the 
document  on  the  ground,  declaring  that  his  family  had  ruled  in  Satsuma  for 
fourteen  generations;  that  only  one  man  in  Japan,  namely  Prince  Konoe,  had 
competence  to  issue  such  an  injunction,  and  that  the  head  of  the  house  of 
Shimazu  would  never  kneel  to  a  monkey-faced  upstart. 

Hideyoshi  had  foreseen  something  of  this  kind,  and  had  warned  Sengoku 
Hidehisa  in  the  sense  that  whatever  might  be  the  action  of  the  Satsuma  baron, 
no  warlike  measures  were  to  be  precipitately  commenced.  Hidehisa  neglected 
this  warning.  Yielding  to  the  anger  of  the  moment,  he  directed  the  Otomo 
troops  to  attack  the  Satsuma  forces,  and  the  result  was  disastrous.  When  the 
fighting  ended,  the  Satsuma  baron  had  pushed  into  Bungo  and  taken  sixteen 
forts  there,  so  that  fully  one-half  of  Kyushu  was  now  under  the  sway  of  the  Shi- 
mazu. Hideyoshi ,  on  receiving  news  of  these  disasters,  confiscated  the  estates 
of  Sengoku  Hidehisa,  and  issued  orders  to  thirty-seven  provinces  to  provide 
commissariat  for  three  hundred  thousand  men  and  twenty  thousand  horses  for  a 
period  of  one_year.  Soon  an  army  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men 
assembled  at  Osaka,  and  the  van,  numbering  sixty  thousand,  embarked  there 
on  the  7th  of  January,  1587,  and  landed  at  Yunoshima  in  Bungo  on  the  19th 
of  the  same  month  —  dates  which  convey  some  idea  of  the  very  defective  system 
of  maritime  transport  then  existing.  In  Bungo,  the  invading  army  was  swelled 
by  thirty  thousand  men  under  the  leadership  of  Kohayakawa  and  Kikkawa,  and 
the  whole  force,  under  the  command-in-chief  of  Hidenaga,  Hideyoshi 's  brother, 
moved  to  invest  the  castle  of  Takashiro. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  the  fighting  in  all  its  details.  The  salient  facts 
are  that  Hideyoshi  left  Osaka  with  the  main  army  of  one  hundred  and  thirty 
thousand  men  on  the  22d  of  January,  1587,  and,  travelling  by  land,  reached  the 
Strait  of  Akamagasaki  —  now  called  Shimonoseki  —  on  the  17th  of  February. 
He  marched  through  Chikuzen,  making  friends  of  the  local  chieftains  by  for- 
bearance and  diplomacy,  and  fighting  the  first  great  battle  of  the  campaign  at 
Oguchi  on  the  Sendai-gawa.  The  Satsuma  baron's  younger  brother,  lehisa, 
after  a  gallant  resistance,  surrendered  to  Hideyoshi,  and  was  employed  by  the 
latter  to  communicate  direct  with  his  chief,  Yoshihisa.  It  was  generally 
supposed  that  lehisa  would  never  return  from  this  mission,  but  would  remain  in 


502  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  camp  of  Shimazu.  He  did  return,  however,  his  word  of  honour  being  of 
more  importance  in  his  estimation  than  the  opportunity  of  recovering  his  liberty. 

History  states  that  Hideyoshi  thereafter  treated  this  noble  man  with  the 
greatest  consideration,  but  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  that  account  with  the  fact 
that  Hideyoshi  subsequently  pressed  lehisa  to  guide  the  Osaka  army  through 
the  mountains  and  rivers  which  constituted  natural  defences  for  the  fief  of 
Satsuma.  lehisa,  of  course,  refused,  and  to  Hideyoshi  's  credit  it  stands  on 
record  that  he  did  not  press  the  matter  with  any  violence.  This  difficulty  of 
invading  an  unknown  country  without  any  maps  or  any  guides,  a  country  cele- 
brated for  its  topographical  perplexities,  was  ultimately  overcome  by  sending 
Buddhist  priests  to  act  as  spies  in  the  dominions  of  Shimazu.  These  spies  were 
led  by  the  abbot,  Kennyo,  with  whose  name  the  reader  is  already  familiar,  and 
as  the  Shimazu  family  were  sincere  believers  in  Buddhism,  no  obstacles  were 
placed  in  the  way  of  the  treacherous  monks.  They  were  able  ultimately  to 
guide  the  Osaka  army  through  the  forests  and  mountains  on  the  north  of 
Kagoshima,  and  Hideyoshi  adopted  the  same  strategy  as  that  pursued  in  a 
similar  case  three  hundred  years  later,  namely,  sending  a  force  of  fifty  thousand 
men  by  sea  with  orders  to  advance  against  Kagoshima  from  the  south.  The 
Satsuma  troops  were  completely  defeated,  and  only  the  castle  of  Kagoshima 
remained  in  their  hands. 

At  this  stage  of  the  campaign  Hideyoshi  behaved  with  remarkable  magna- 
nimity and  foresight.  Contrary  to  the  advice  of  some  of  his  principal  retainers, 
he  refused  to  proceed  to  extremities  against  the  Shimazu  clan,  and  agreed  to 
make  peace,  on  the  basis  that  the  clan  should  be  left  in  possession  of  the  provinces 
of  Satsuma,  Osumi,  and  Hyuga,  the  only  further  stipulation  being  that  the  then 
head  of  the  house,  Yoshihisa,  should  abdicate  in  favour  of  his  younger  brother, 
Yoshihiro.  As  for  the  Buddhist  priests  who  had  sacrificed  their  honour  to  their 
interests,  those  that  had  acted  as  guides  to  the  invading  army  were  subsequently 
crucified  by  order  of  the  Satsuma  baron,  and  the  Shin  sect,  to  which  they  be- 
longed, was  interdicted  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Shimazu  fief.  Yoshihiro  was 
summoned  to  Kyoto  by  Hideyoshi  to  answer  for  this  action,  but  he  pleaded  that 
such  treachery  amply  deserved  such  punishment,  and  that  he  was  prepared  to 
bow  to  Hideyoshi  's  judgment  in  the  matter.  The  defence  was  admitted  by 
Hideyoshi,  but  the  abbot  Kennyo  received  such  large  rewards  that  he  was  able 
to  erect  the  great  temple  Nishi  Hongwan-ji,  ''which  became  the  wonder  of 
after-generations  of  men  and  which  has  often  been  erroneously  referred  to  by 
foreign  writers  as  a  proof  of  the  deep  religious  feelings  of  Buddhist  converts  three 
hundred  years  ago."1 


THE  HOJO 
/UiLhml  ?.  Hiso^ohiii  .j  10  u^i:;- 

From  end  to  end  of  Japan  there  were  now  only  two  powerful  barons  whose 
allegiance  had  not  been  formally  rendered  to  Hideyoshi  and  to  the  Emperor 
under  the  new  regime.  These  were  Date  Masamune  and  Hojo  Ujimasa.  The 
origin  and  eminence  of  the  Hojo  family  from  the  days  of  its  founder,  Nagauji, 
have  already  been  described  in  these  pages,  and  it  need  only  be  added  here  that 
Ujimasa  enjoyed  a  reputation  second  to  none  of  his  predecessors.  That  he 
should  stand  aloof  from  all  his  brother  barons  seemed  to  the  latter  an  intolerable 
evidence  of  pride,  and  they  urged  Hideyoshi  to  resort  at  once  to  extreme 
measures.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  was  the  intention  of  Hideyoshi 
himself,  but  with  characteristic  prudence  he  had  recourse  at  the  outset  to  pacific 
(l  A  New  Life  of  Hideyoshi,  by  W.  Dening.] 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  503 

devices.  He  therefore  sent  an  envoy  to  the  Hojo's  stronghold  at  Odawara, 
urging  Ujimasa  to  lose  no  time  in  paying  his  respects  to  the  Court  at  Kyoto. 
The  Hojo  chief's  reply  was  that  Sanada  Masayuki  had  encroached  upon  the 
Ho  jo  estates  in  Numata,  and  that  if  this  encroachment  were  rectified,  the  desired 
obeisance  to  the  Throne  would  be  made. 

Thereupon,  Hideyoshi  caused  the  restoration  of  Numata,  but  the  Hojo 
baron,  instead  of  carrying  out  his  part  of  the  agreement,  made  this  restoration 
the  pretext  for  an  unwarrantable  act  of  aggression.  Whatever  sympathy  might 
have  been  felt  in  Kyoto  with  the  Hojo  family  was  forfeited  by  this  procedure, 
and  in  March,  1590,  an  army  of  over  two  hundred  thousand  men  was  set  in 
motion  for  the  Kwanto.  Hideyoshi 's  troops  moved  in  three  columns.  One, 
commanded  by  leyasu,  marched  by  the  seacoast  road,  the  Tokaido;  another, 
under  Uesugi  Kagekatsu  and  Maeda  Toshiiye,  marched  by  the  mountain  road, 
the  Tosando,  and  the  third  attacked  from  the  sea.  None  of  these  armies 
encountered  any  very  serious  resistance.  The  first  approached  Odawara  by 
the  Hakone  range  and  the  second  by  way  of  the  Usui  pass.  The  castle  at 
Odawara,  however,  was  so  strongly  built  and  so  stoutly  held  that  its  capture  by 
storm  seemed  impossible,  and  Hideyoshi 's  forces  were  obliged  to  have  recourse 
to  a  regular  siege  which  lasted  nearly  four  months.  During  the  latter  part  of 
that  time,  Hideyoshi  encouraged  his  soldiers  to  indulge  in  all  sorts  of  amusements, 
and  thus  the  camp  of  the  besiegers  constantly  echoed  the  notes  of  musical  per- 
formances and  the  shouts  of  dancers  and  sake  drinkers.  Finally,  in  July,  1590, 
the  great  fortress  surrendered,  and  the  Hojo  baron,  Ujimasa,  was  put  to  death, 
his  head  being  sent  to  Kyoto  for  exposure,  but  the  life  of  his  son,  Ujinao,  was 
spared  on  condition  that  he  enter  a  monastery. 


HOJO  UJINORI 

One  incident  of  this  struggle  is  very  characteristic  of  the  ethics  of  the  era. 
During  the  interchange  of  messages  that  preceded  recourse  to  arms,  the  Hojo 
baron  sent  his  brother,  Ujinori,  to  Kyoto  as  an  envoy  to  discuss  the  situation 
with  Hideyoshi.  The  latter  received  Ujinori  with  all  courtesy  and  endeavoured 
to  impress  upon  him  the  imperative  necessity  of  his  chief's  acquiescence.  Ujinori 
promised  to  contribute  to  that  end  as  far  as  lay  in  his  power,  but  history  de- 
scribes him  as  adding:  "Should  my  brother  fail  to  comply  with  your  com- 
mands, and  should  it  be  necessary  for  you  to  send  an  army  against  the  Kwanto, 
it  must  be  clearly  understood  that  this  visit  of  mine  to  your  Excellency  shall 
not  in  any  way  prejudice  my  loyalty  to  my  brother.  On  the  contrary,  if  the 
peace  be  broken,  I  shall  probably  have  to  command  the  van  of  my  brother's 
forces,  and  in  that  event  I  may  have  to  offer  to  your  Excellency  a  flight  of 
my  rusty  arrows." 

Hideyoshi  is  narrated  to  have  laughingly  replied  that  the  peace  was  in  no 
danger  of  being  broken  and  that  he  trusted  Ujinori  to  use  his  best  endeavours 
to  avert  war.  On  his  return  to  the  Kwanto,  Ujinori  was  ordered  to  defend  the 
castle  of  Nira-yama  with  seven  thousand  men,  and  he  soon  found  himself  at- 
tacked by  fifty  thousand  under  seven  of  Hideyoshi's  generals.  Ujinori  reminded 
his  comrades  that  Nira-yama  had  been  the  birthplace  of  the  founder  of  the 
Hojo  family,  and  therefore  it  would  be  an  eternal  shame  if  even  one  of  the 
entrenchments  were  lost.  Not  one  was  lost.  Again  and  again  assaults  were 
delivered,  but  they  were  unsuccessful,  and  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Kwanto, 
Nira-yama  alone  remained  flying  the  Hojo  flag  to  the  end.  Ujinori  surrendered 


504  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

in  obedience  to  Ujimasa's  instructions  after  the  fall  of  Odawara,  but  Hideyoshi, 
instead  of  punishing  him  for  the  heavy  losses  he  had  inflicted  on  the  Osaka  army, 
lauded  his  fidelity  and  bravery,  and  presented  him  with  an  estate  of  ten  thousand 
koku. 

DATE  MASAMUNE 

When  news  reached  Date  Masamune  of  the  fall  of  all  the  H5jo's  outlying 
forts  and  of  the  final  investment  of  Odawara,  he  recognized,  from  his  place  in 
Mutsu  and  Dewa,  that  an  attitude  of  aloofness  could  no  longer  be  maintained 
with  safety.  Accordingly,  braving  considerable  danger,  he  made  his  way  with 
a  small  retinue  to  Odawara  and  signified  his  willingness  to  comply  with  any 
terms  imposed  by  Hideyoshi.  Thus,  for  the  first  time  since  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  the  whole  of  the  empire  was  pacified. 


KTQ£ 

YEDO 

It  is  historically  related  that,  during  the  siege  of  Odawara,  Hideyoshi  invited 
leyasu  to  the  former's  headquarters  on  Ishigaki  Hill,  whence  an  uninterrupted 
view  of  the  interior  of  the  castle  could  be  had.  The  Tokugawa  baron  was  then 
asked  whether,  if  the  eight  provinces  of  the  Kwanto  were  handed  over  to  him, 
he  would  choose  Odawara  for  central  stronghold.  He  replied  in  the  affirmative. 
Hideyoshi  pointed  out  the  superior  advantages  of  Yedo  from  a  strategical  and 
commercial  point  of  view,  and  ultimately  when  he  conferred  the  Kwanto  on 
leyasu,  he  chose  Yedo  for  the  latter's  capital,  the  accompanying  revenue  being 
about  two  and  a  half  million  koku.  Hideyoshi  further  proposed  to  appoint 
Oda  Nobukatsu  to  the  lordship  of  the  five  provinces  which  had  hitherto  con- 
stituted the  domain  of  leyasu,  namely,  Suruga,  Totomi,  Mikawa,  Kai,  and 
Shinano.  Nobukatsu,  however,  alleging  that  he  did  not  desire  any  large 
domain,  asked  to  be  allowed  to  retain  his  old  estates  in  Owari  and  Ise. 

This  attitude  angered  Hideyoshi  for  reasons  which  will  presently  be  appar- 
ent. He  assigned  to  Nobukatsu  a  comparatively  insignificant  fief  at  Akita, 
in  the  remote  province  of  Dewa,  and  gave  the  estates  in  Owari  and  Ise  to 
Hidetsugu,  the  nephew  and  adopted  successor  of  Hideyoshi,  while  the  five 
provinces  hitherto  under  the  sway  of  leyasu  were  divided  among  Hideyoshi's 
generals  and  retainers.  In  September,  1590,  leyasu  entered  Yedo,  and  sub- 
divided his  extensive  domain  among  his  followers  in  order  of  merit,  thus  estab- 
lishing the  Tokugawa  system  of  hereditary  daimyo  and  founding  a  new  Bakufu. 
All  this  was  very  significant.  In  such  matters,  Hideyoshi  had  repeatedly  shown 
himself  to  be  a  man  of  great  magnanimity,  and  had  allowed  even  his  enemies 
to  retain  possession  of  lands  which  would  certainly  have  been  taken  from  them 
by  other  conquerors.  Thus,  in  the  case  of  the  Mori  sept,  fully  half  of  the 
midland  counties  was  left  in  their  occupation,  and,  in  the  case  of  the  Shimazu 
family,  they  were  suffered  to  retain  two  and  a  half  provinces. 

With  regard  to  leyasu,  however,  Hideyoshi  behaved  with  marked  caution. 
By  granting  to  the  Tokugawa  chieftain  the  whole  of  the  Kwanto,  Hideyoshi 
made  it  appear  as  though  he  were  conferring  a  signal  favour;  but  in  reality 
his  object  was  to  remove  leyasu  out  of  the  zone  of  potential  danger  to  Kyoto. 
leyasu  fully  recognized  this  manoeuvre,  but  bowed  to  it  as  the  less  of  two 
evils.  As  a  further  measure  of  precaution,  Hideyoshi  interposed  one  of  his 
own  family,  Hidetsugu,  between  the  Kwanto  and  Kyoto,  and  with  the  object 
of  menacing  the  rear  of  leyasu  and  restraining  the  movements  of  the  Date,  he 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  505 

placed  Gamo  Ujisato  at  Aizu  in  Oshu.  He  further  posted  Ishida  Katsushige  at 
Sawa-yama  (now  called  Hikone)  in  the  province  of  Omi,  to  cover  the  principal 
route  to  Kyoto,  and  for  similar  reasons  with  regard  to  the  Yamato  and  Tamba 
roads  he  assigned  to  his  brother,  Hidenaga,  the  castle  of  Kori-yama,  which 
commanded  Izumi  and  Kii,  and  to  his  adopted  son,  Hidekatsu,  the  castle  at 
Fukuchi-yama  in  Tamba.  This  plan  of  distributing  their  domains,  so  that  the 
daimyo  should  be  mutually  repressive,  was  followed  with  still  greater  care  by 
leyasu  when  he,  in  turn,  became  supreme. 


Irm*'ho  oiiT 

There  are  evidences  that,  from  his  childhood,  Hideyoshi  had  little  reverence 
for  the  Buddhist  faith.  When  only  twelve  years  of  age  he  is  said  to  have 
beaten  and  smashed  an  image  of  Amida  because  it  remained  always  insensible 
to  the  offerings  of  food  placed  daily  before  it.  Again,  when  on  his  way  to 
Kyoto  to  avenge  the  assassination  of  Nobunaga,  he  saw  an  idol  floating  on  a 
stream,  and  seizing  the  effigy  he  cut  it  into  two  pieces,  saying  that  the  deity 
Daikoku,  having  competence  to  succour  one  thousand  persons  only,  could  be  of 
little  use  to  him  at  such  a  crisis  as  he  was  now  required  to  meet.  Finally,  on 
the  occasion  of  his  expedition  against  the  Ho  jo  of  Odawara,  when  the  sailors  of 
Mishima,  in  Sagami,  objected  to  carrying  war-horses  in  their  boats  on  the  plea 
that  the  god  of  the  sea,  Ryujin,  hated  everything  equine,  Hideyoshi  did  not 
hesitate  to  remove  these  scruples  by  addressing  a  despatch  to  the  deity  with 
orders  to  watch  over  the  safety  of  the  steeds. 

Yet  this  same  Hideyoshi  evidently  recognized  that  the  Buddhist  faith  had 
great  potentialities  in  Japan,  and  that  its  encouragement  made  for  the  peace  and 
progress  of  the  country.  Buddhism  suffered  terribly  at  the  hands  of  Nobunagai 
The  great  monastery  of  Enryaku-ji  was  a  mass  of  blackened  ruins  at  the  time 
of  the  Oda  baron's  death,  and  it  has  been  shown  that  the  monasteries  of  Kii 
and  Osaka  fared  almost  equally  badly  at  the  hands  of  Hideyoshi.  Neverthe- 
less the  latter  had  no  sooner  grasped  the  supreme  administrative  power  than  he 
showed  himself  a  protector  and  promotor  of  Buddhism.  Scattered  throughout 
the  empire  and  apparently  crippled  for  all  time,  the  monks  of  Hiei-zan  very 
soon  gave  evidence  of  the  vitality  of  their  faith  by  commencing  a  vigorous  prop- 
aganda for  the  restoration  of  the  great  monastery.  Many  renowned  priests, 
as  Zenso,  Gosei,  andjothers,  headed  this  movement;  Prince  Takatomo,  adopted 
son  of  the  Emperor  Okimachi,  agreed  to  become  lord-abbot  of  the  sect  (Tendai)j 
and  the  Imperial  Court  issued  a  proclamation  exhorting  the  people  to  subscribe 
for  the  pious  purpose.  Hideyoshi,  leyasu,  and  other  great  barons  addressed  their 
vassals  in  a  similar  sense,  and  in  Hideyoshi's  proclamation  the  imperative  neces- 
sity of  Enryaku-ji  as  a  barrier  at  the  "  Demon's  Gate"  was  distinctly  stated.  '  Under 
such  auspices  the  monastery  quickly  rose  from  its  ashes,  though  in  point  of  size 
and  magnificence  it  was  inferior  to  its  predecessor.  At  the  same  time  Hideyoshi 
steadily  pursued  the  policy  cif  checking  the  military  tendencies  of  the  monks, 
and  it  may  be  said  that,  from  his  era,  the  soldier-priest  ceased  to  be  a  factor  in 
the  political  situation. 
-  d[li({(i  or!  ':  -j^ffj  ybogrn  o;r  I;  :•>  j'Lj  rr  ov.nshi&yi  R  •ino/ijiv  SBV/ 

.rO^Virb/  >B  ",rfoM  THE    KYOTO    DAIBUTSU  ^.^  ^[.^  tyjK[Rq.  fi 

The  erection  of  a  colossal  image  of  the  Buddha  at  Nara,  in  the  eighth 
century,  and  at  Kamakura,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  marked  the  consum- 
mation of  great  political  programmes  in  which  religious  influence  acted  a 


606  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

strong  part.  Hideyoshi  determined  to  set  up  a  still  more  imposing  effigy  in 
Kyoto,  and,  in  1586,  the  work  was  commenced  under  the  superintendence  of 
Maeda  Gen-i.  All  the  principal  idol-makers  were  summoned  to  the  capital, 
and  among  them  were  said  to  have  been  some  Chinese  experts.  Hideyoshi 
declared  that  whereas  the  Nara  Daibutsu  had  taken  twenty-seven  years  to 
build,  the  Kyoto  image  should  be  finished  in  five.  He  kept  his  word.  No 
less  than  twenty-one  provinces  were  placed  under  requisition  for  labour  and 
materials.  The  enclosure  of  the  temple  containing  the  image  measured  260 
yards  by  274,  and  the  great  hall  had  dimensions  of  110  yards  by  74. 

The  original  intention  had  been  to  make  the  idol  of  copper;  but  as  the  statue 
was  to  have  a  height  of  160  feet,  the  quantity  of  metal  required  could  not  have 
been  obtained  within  the  time  fixed,  and  lacquered  wood  was  therefore  sub- 
stituted for  copper.  It  is  related  that  timbers  of  sufficient  scantling  could  not 
be  found  anywhere  except  in  the  forests  at  the  base  of  Fuji-yama,  and  leyasu 
employed  fifty  thousand  labourers  at  a  cost  of  a  one  thousand  ryo  in  gold,  for 
the  purpose  of  felling  the  trees  and  transporting  them  to  Kyoto.  The  opera- 
tions furnished  evidence  of  the  curiously  arbitrary  methods  practised  officially 
in  that  age.  Thus,  when  the  building  was  interrupted  owing  to  a  lack  of  large 
stones  for  constructing  the  pedestal,  messengers  were  sent  to  appropriate  rocks 
standing  in  private  gardens,  without  consulting  the  convenience  of  the  owners, 
and  many  beautiful  parks  were  thus  deprived  of  their  most  picturesque  elements. 
Moreover,  on  the  plea  of  obtaining  iron  to  make  nails,  clamps,  and  so  forth, 
a  proclamation  was  issued  calling  upon  the  civilian  section  of  the  population  at 
large  to  throw  their  swords,  their  spears,  their  muskets,  and  their  armour  into 
the  melting-pot.  This  proclamation,  though  couched  in  terms  of  simulated 
benevolence,  amounted  in  reality  to  a  peremptory  order.  The  people  were 
told  that  they  only  wasted  their  substance  and  were  impeded  in  the  payment 
of  their  taxes  by  spending  money  upon  weapons  of  war,  whereas  by  giving  these 
for  a  religious  purpose,  they  would  invoke  the  blessings  of  heaven  and  promote 
their  own  prosperity.  But,  at  the  foot  of  these  specious  arguments,  there  was 
placed  a  brief  command  that  the  weapons  must  be  surrendered  and  that  those 
concerned  should  take  due  note  of  their  duty  in  the  matter.  The  import  of 
such  an  injunction  was  not  lost  on  the  people,  and  general  disarming  of  the 
agricultural  and  the  artisan  classes  marked  the  success  of  Hideyoshi 's  policy. 
It  is  on  record  that  he  himself  actually  joined  in  the  manual  labour  of  dragging 
stones  and  timbers  into  position,  and  that,  clad  in  hempen  garments,  he  led  the 
labourers'  chorus  of  "Kiyari."\  amo 

^fiiip.  af  aKjo'Xt  *i(ii  ^ni-j-rorfico  fio/taniJBlscnq  h  ^--  'w-tf  nu     ' 

THE  JURAKU-TEI 

-b'jOOfl  '>V  • 

In  the  year  1586,  the  Emperor  Okimachi  resigned  the  throne  to  his  grandson, 
Go-Yozei.  Like  Nobunaga,  Hideyoshi  was  essentially  loyal  to  the  Imperial 
Court.  He  not  only  provided  for  the  renovation  of  the  shrines  of  Ise,  but  also 
built  a  palace  for  the  retiring  Emperor's  use.  On  the  1 1th  of  the  seventh  month 
of  1585,  he  was  appointed  regant  (kwampaku),  and  on  the  13th  of  the  same 
month  he  proceeded  to  the  Court  to  render  thanks.  He  himself,  however, 
was  without  a  residence  in  the  capital,  and  to  remedy  that  deficiency  he  built 
a  palace  called  Juraku-tei  (Mansion  of  Pleasure)  which,  according  to  the  ac- 
counts transmitted  by  historians,  was  an  edifice  of  exceptional  magnificence. 
Thus,  the  Taikoki  (Annals  of  the  Taiko)  speak  of  "gates  guarded  by  iron  pillars 
and  copper  doors;  of  high  towers  which  shone  like  stars  in  the  sky;  of  roof-tiles 


NOBUNAGA,  HIDEYOSHI,  AND  IEYASU  507 

which  roared  in  the  wind,  and  of  golden  dragons  which  sang  songs  among  the 
clouds."  Nothing  now  remains  of  all  this  grandeur  except  some  of  the  gates 
and  other  decorative  parts  of  the  structure,  which  were  given  to  the  builders 
of  the  temples  of  Hongwan-ji  after  the  destruction  of  the  Juraku-tei  when  Hi- 
detsugu  and  his  whole  family  died  under  the  sword  as  traitors.  There  can  be 
no  doubt,  however,  that  the  edifice  represented  every  possible  feature  of  mag- 
nificence and  refinement  characteristic  of  the  era. 

Hideyoshi  took  up  his  abode  there  in  1587,  and  at  the  ensuing  New  Year's 
festival  he  prayed  to  be  honoured  by  a  visit  from  the  Emperor.  This  request 
was  complied  with  during  the  month  of  May  in  the  same  year.  All  the  details 
of  the  ceremony  were  ordered  in  conformity  with  precedents  set  in  the  times  of 
the  Ashikaga  shoguns,  Yoshimitsu  and  Yoshimasa,  but  the  greatly  superior 
resources  of  Hideyoshi  were  enlisted  to  give  eclat  to  the  fete.  The  ceremonies 
were  spread  over  five  days.  '  They  included  singing,  dancing,  couplet  composing, 
and  present  giving.  The  last  was  on  a  scale  of  unprecedented  dimensions. 
The  presents  to  the  Imperial  household  and  to  the  Court  Nobles  Varied  from 
three  hundred  koku  of  rice  to  5530  ryo  of  silver,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Court 
ladies,  the  lowest  was  fifty  koku  and  the  highest  three  hundred. 

The  occasion  was  utilized  by  Hideyoshi  for  an  important  ceremony,  which 
amounted  to  a  public  recognition  of  his  own  supremacy.  A  written  oath  was 
signed  and  sealed  by  six  great  barons,  of  whom  the  first  four  represented  the 
Toyotomi  (Hideyoshi's)  family  and  the  last  two  were  leyasu  and  Nobukatsu. 
The  signatories  of  this  oath  solemnly  bound  themselves  to  respect  eternally 
the  estates  and  possessions  of  the  members  of  the  Imperial  house,  of  the  Court 
nobles,  and  of  the  Imperial  princes,  and  further  to  obey  faithfully  all  commands 
issued  by  the  regent.  This  obligation  was  guaranteed  by  invoking  the  curse  of 
all  the  guardian  deities  of  the  empire  on  the  head  of  anyone  violating  the  en- 
gagement. A  similar  solemn  pledge  in  writing  was  signed  by  twenty-two  of  the 
great  military  barons. 

..;-,  '-,'''1  ?  „     ^j,  a  KJ  .fcf 

THE  KITANO  FETE 

The  esoterics  of  the  tea  ceremonial  and  the  vogue  it  obtained  in  the  days 
of  the  shogun  Yoshimasa,  have  already  been  described.  But  note  must  be  taken 
here  of  the  extraordinary  zeal  displayed  by  Hideyoshi  in  this  matter.  Some 
claim  that  his  motive  was  mainly  political;  others  that  he  was  influenced  by 
purely  esthetic  sentiments,  and  others,  again,  that  both  feelings  were  responsible 
in  an  equal  degree.  There  is  no  material  for  an  exact  analysis.  He  doubtless 
appreciated  the  point  of  view  of  the  historian  who  wrote  that  "between  flogging 
a  war-steed  along  the  way  to  death  and  discussing  esthetic  canons  over  a  cup  of 
tea  in  a  little  chamber  nine  feet  square,  there  was  a  radical  difference."  But 
it  must  also  have  appealed  keenly  to  his  fancy  that  he,  a  veritable  upstart,  by 
birth  a  plebeian  and  by  habit  a  soldier,  should  ultimately  set  the  lead  in  artistic 
fashions  to  the  greatest  aristocrats  in  the  empire  in  a  cult  essentially  pacific. 

However  these  things  may  have  been,  the  fact  remains  that  on  the  1st  of 
November,  1587,  there  was  organized  by  his  orders  on  the  Pine  Plain  (Matsu- 
bara)  of  Kitano  a  cha-no-yu  fete  of  unprecedented  magnitude.  The  date  of  the 
fete  was  placarded  in  Kyoto,  Nara,  Osaka,  Sakai,  and  other  towns  of  importance 
more  than  a  month  in  advance;  all  lovers  of  the  tea  cult  were  invited,  whether 
plebeian  or  patrician,  whether  rich  or  poor;  frugality  was  enjoined,  and  the 
proclamations  promised  that  the  choicest  among  the  objects  of  art  collected 
by  Hideyoshi  during  many  decades  should  be  exhibited.  It  is  recorded  that 


508  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

over  360  persons  attended  the  fete.  Some  erected  simple  edifices  under  the 
pine  trees;  some  set  up  a  monster  umbrella  for  a  roof,  and  some  brought  portable 
pavilions.  These  various  edifices  are  said  to  have  occupied  a  space  of  six 
square  miles.  Three  pavilions  were  devoted  to  Hideyoshi's  art-objects,  and 
he  himself  served  tea  and  exhibited  his  esthetic  treasures  to  leyasu,  Nobukatsu, 
Toshiiye,  and  other  distinguished  personages. 

HIDEYOSHI'S  LARGESSE 

•••-.<  »i?c>in  Mill     .iO'ijqoul  OUT  moil  ii<i'r.&   ri\  osiiiongu 

Hideyoshi's  love  of  ostentation  when  political  ends  could  be  served  thereby 
was  strikingly  illustrated  by  a  colossal  distribution  of  gold  and  silver.  One 
morning  in  June,  1589,  the  space  within  the  main  gate  of  the  Juraku  palace  was 
seen  to  be  occupied  throughout  a  length  of  nearly  three  hundred  yards  with 
gold  and  silver  coins  heaped  up  on  trays  each  containing  one  hundred  and  fifty 
pieces.  Immediately  within  the  gate  sat  Hideyoshi,  and  beside  him  was  the 
Emperor's  younger  brother,  Prince  Roku.  The  mass  of  glittering  treasure  was 
guarded  by  officials  under  the  superintendence  of  Maeda  Gen-i,  and  presently 
the  names  of  the  personages  who  were  to  be  recipients  of  Hideyoshi's  largesse 
were  read  aloud,  whereupon  each  of  those  indicated  advanced  and  received  a 
varying  number  of  the  precious  trays.  The  members  of  Hideyoshi's  family 
were  specially  favoured  in  this  distribution.  His  mother  received  3000  ryo  of 
gold  and  10,000  ryo  of  silver;  his  brother,  Hidenaga,  3000  ryo  of  gold  and  20,000 
of  silver;  and  his  nephew,  Hidetsugu,  3000  of  gold  and  10,000  of  silver.  To 
Nobukatsu,  to  leyasu,  to  Mori  Terumoto,  to  Uesugi  Kagekatsu,  and  to  Maeda 
Toshiiye,  great  sums  were  given,  varying  from  3000  ryo  of  gold  and  10,000  of 
silver  to  1000  of  gold  and  10,000  of  silver.  It  is  said  that  the  total  of  the  coins 
thus  bestowed  amounted  to  365,000  ryo,  a  vast  sum  in  that  era.  A  history  of 
the  time  pbserves  that  the  chief  recipients  of  Hideyoshi's  generosity  were  the 
members  of  his  own  family,  and  that  he  would  have  shown  better  taste  had  he 
made  these  donations  privately.  Perhaps  the  deepest  impression  produced 
by  this  grand  display  was  a  sense  of  the  vast  treasure  amassed  by  Hideyoshi; 
and  possibly  he  contemplated  something  of  the  kind. 

rl'^Y-! 
JjB/juf  (Mj 

p{difcaoq>/j   'y&'u  zgu'ik  i 

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auoo  j.j;rU  lp  odjjniijr-j  ^cn:)j j/-,?i 
i  bed  fiou-yl  lo^oifj>no-)  '?HT 
fci>;jjcf  P.  «B  ^fqfai?;,'jsln«rj;r'-.q  ojf  j 

•'OH-9fii  OvJ-  T^Oi'J 
p—,  fl  otrri  bori'-VfirM 


CHAPTER  XXXV 


THE  INVASION   OF  KOREA 


CAUSES 

HAVING  brought  the  whole  of  Japan  under  his  control,  Hideyoshi  conceived 
the  project  of  conquering  China.  That  appears  to  be  the  simplest  explanation 
of  his  action.  His  motive,  however,  has  been  variously  interpreted.  Some 
historians  maintain  that  his  prime  purpose  was  to  find  occupation  for  the  vast 
host  of  soldiers  who  had  been  called  into  existence  in  Japan  by  four  centuries  of 
almost  continuous  warfare.  Others  do  not  hesitate  to  allege  that  this  oversea 
campaign  was  designed  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  to  exterminate  the  Christian 
converts.  Others,  again,  attempt  to  prove  that  personal  ambition  was  Hide- 
yoshi's  sole  incentive.  It  does  not  seem  necessary  to  estimate  the  relative 
truth  of  these  analyses,  especially  as  the  evidence  adduced  by  their  several 
supporters  is  more  Or  less  conjectural.  As  to  the  idea  that  Hideyoshi  was  in- 
fluenced by  anti-Christian  sentiment,  it  is  sufficient  to  observe  that  out  of  nearly 
a  quarter  of  a  million  of  Japanese  soldiers  who  landed  in  Korea  during  the  course 
of  the  campaign,  not  so  much  as  ten  per  cent,  were  Christians,  and  with  regard 
to  the  question  of  personal  ambition,  it  may  be  conceded  at  once  that  if  Hideyo- 
shi 's  character  lays  him  open  to  such  a  charge,  his  well-proven  statecraft  exon- 
erates him  from  any  suspicion  of  having  acted  without  thought  for  his  country's 
good. 

One  fact  'which  does  not  seem  to  have  been  sufficiently  considered  by  annal- 
ists is  that  during  the  sixteenth  century  the  taste  for  foreign  adventure  had  grown 
largely  in  Japan.  Many  persons  had  gone  abroad  in  quest  of  fortune  and  had 
found  it.  It  is  on  record  that  emigrants  from  the  province  of  Hizen  had 
established  themselves  in  considerable  numbers  in  China,  and  that  their  success 
induced  their  feudal  lord,  Nabeshima,  to  seek  the  Central  Government's  per- 
mission for  returning  his  province  to  the  latter  and  taking,  in  lieu,  the  district 
near  Ningpo,  where  his  vassals  had  settled.  Hideyoshi  doubtless  shared  the 
general  belief  that  in  oversea  countries  Japanese  enterprise  could  find  many 
profitable  opportunities,  and  it  is  easy  to  believe  that  the  weakened  condition 

509 


510  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  China  towards  the  close  of  the  Ming  dynasty  led  him  to  form  a  not  very 
flattering  estimate  of  that  country's  power  of  resistance. 

The  conquest  of  Korea  had  not  in  itself  any  special  temptation.  He  regarded 
the  peninsula  simply  as  a  basis  for  an  attack  upon  China,  and  he  made  it  quite 
clear  to  the  Korean  sovereign  that,  if  the  latter  suffered  his  territories  to  be 
converted  into  a  stepping-stone  for  that  purpose,  friendship  with  Japan  might 
be  confidently  anticipated.  Korea,  at  that  time,  was  under  the  sway  of  a  single 
ruler,  whose  dynasty  enjoyed  the  protection  of  the  Chinese  Court,  and  between 
the  two  sovereigns  embassies  were  regularly  exchanged.  It  has  already  been 
stated  in  these  pages  that  towards  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  Japanese 
settlers  in  Korea  had  been  assigned  three  places  of  residence,  but  owing  to  the 
exactions  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  local  authorities,  these  settlers  had  risen 
in  revolt  and  had  finally  been  expelled  from  Korea  until  the  year  1572,  when  a 
concession  was  once  more  set  apart  for  Japanese  use  at  Fusan.  No  longer, 
however,  were  envoys  sent  from  Korea  to  Japan,  and  evidence  of  the  outrages 
committed  from  time  to  time  by  Japanese  pirates  is  furnished  by  a  decree  of 
the  Korean  Government  that  a  Japanese  subject  landing  anywhere  except  at 
Fusan  would  be  treated  as  a  corsair. 

Such  were  the  existing  conditions  when,  in  1587,  Hideyoshi  called  upon  the 
Korean  monarch  to  explain  the  cessation  of  the  old-time  custom  of  exchanging 
envoys.  To  this  the  King  of  Korea  replied  that  he  would  willingly  renew  the 
ancient  relations  provided  that  the  Japanese  authorities  seized  and  handed  over 
a  number  of  Korean  renegades,  who  had  been  acting  as  guides  to  Japanese  pirates 
in  descents  on  the  Korean  coast.  This  stipulation  having  been  complied  with,  a 
Korean  embassy  was  duly  despatched  by  Kyoto,  and  after  some  delay  its  mem- 
bers were  received  by  Hideyoshi  in  the  hall  of  audience.  What  happened  on 
this  occasion  is  described  in  Korean  annals,  translated  as  follows  by  Mr.  Aston1 : — 

**•  *±  -**  F         -  *  »  ~f        f  r  i    T          i  r 

The  ambassadors  were  allowed  to  enter  the  palace  gate  borne  in  their  palanquins.  They 
were  preceded  the  whole  way  by  a  band  of  music.  They  ascended  into  the  hall,  where  they 
performed  their  obeisances.  Hideyoshi  is  a  mean  and  ignoble-looking  man;  his  complexion  is 
dark,  and  his  features  are  wanting  in  distinction.  But  his  eyeballs  send  out  fire  in  flashes  — 
enough  to  pierce  one  through.  He  sat  upon  a  threefold  cushion  with  his  face  to  the  south. 
He  wore  a  gauze  hat  and  a  dark-coloured  robe  of  State. _  His  officers  were  ranged  round  him,, 
each  in  his  proper  place.  When  the  ambassadors  were  introduced  and  had  taken  their  seats, 
the  refreshments  offered  them  were  of  the  most  frugal  description.  A  tray  was  set  before 
each,  on  which  was  one  dish  containing  steamed  mochi  (rice-cake),  and  sake  of  an  inferior 
quality  was  handed  round  a  few  times  in  earthenware  cups  and  in  a  very  unceremonious  way. 
The  civility  of  drinking  to  one  another  was  not  observed. 

After  a  short  interval,  Hideyoshi  retired  behind  a  curtain,  but  all  his  officers  remained 
in  their  places.  Soon  after,  a  man  came  out  dressed  in  ordinary  clothes,  with  a  baby  in  his 
arms,  and  strolled  about  the  hall.  This  was  no  other  than  Hideyoshi  himself,  and  everyone 
present  bowed  down  his  head  to  the  ground.  Looking  out  between  the  pillars  of  the  hall, 
Hideyoshi  espied  the  Korean  musicians.  He  commanded  them  to  strike  up  all  together  as 
loud  as  they  could,  and  was  listening  to  their  music  when  he  was  reminded  that  babies  could 
despise  ceremonies  as  much  as  princes,  and  laughingly  called  one  of  his  attendants  to  take 
the  child  and  bring  him  a  change  of  clothing.  He  seemed  to  do  exactly  as  he  pleased,  and  was 
as  unconcerned  as  if  nobody  else  were  present.  The  ambassadors,  having  made  their  obeisance, 
retired,  and  this  audience  was  the  only  occasion  on  which  they  were  admitted  to  Hideyoshi's 
presence. 

U'f.  m  L&i..-Hlf.  ocor  l,,d  anowq  vry.i/C     .a&aul 

After  long  delay  Hideyoshi  replied  to  the  letter  carried  by  the  above  envoys, 

and  his  language  is  important  as  clearly  indicating  the  part  which  he  designed 
for  Korea  in  the  pending  war.  The  document  is  thus  translated  by  Mr.  Aston: — 

This  empire  has  of  late  years  been  brought  to  ruin  by  internal  dissensions  which  allowed 
no  opportunity  for  laying  aside  armour.  This  state  of  things  roused  me  to  indignation,  and 

[l  Hideyoshi's  Invasion  of  Korea,  by  Aston.  "Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Japan,"  Vol.  VI.) 


THE  INVASION  OF  KOREA  511 

in  a  few  years  I  restored  peace  to  the  country.  I  am  the  only  remaining  scion  of  a  humble 
stock,  but  my  mother  once  had  a  dream  in  which  she  saw  the  sun  enter  her  bosom,  after 
which  she  gave  birth  to  me.  There  was  then  a  soothsayer  who  said:  "Wherever  the  sun 
shines,  there  will  be  no  place  which  shall  not  be  subject  to  him.  It  may  not  be  doubted  that 
one  day  his  power  will  overspread  the  empire."  It  has  therefore  been  my  boast  to  lose  no 
favourable  opportunity,  and  taking  wings  like  a  dragon,  I  have  subdued  the  east,  chastised 
the  west,  punished  the  south,  and  smitten  the  north.  Speedy  and  great  success  has  attended 
my  career,  which  has  been  like  the  rising  sun  illuminating  the  whole  earth. 

When  I  reflect  that  the  life  of  man  is  less  than  one  hundred  years,  why  should  I  spend  my 
days  in  sorrow  for  one  thing  only?  I  will  assemble  a  mighty  host,  and,  invading  the  country 
of  the  great  Ming,  I  will  fill  with  the  hoar-frost  from  my  sword  the  whole  sky  over  the  four 
hundred  provinces.  Should  I  carry  out  this  purpose,  I  hope  that  Korea  will  be  my  van- 
guard. Let  her  not  fail  to  do  so,  for  my  friendship  with  your  honourable  country  depends 
solely  on  your  conduct  when  I  lead  my  army  against  China. 

The  Korean  envoys  entrusted  with  the  delivery  of  the  above  despatch  were 
accompanied  by  one  of  the  chief  vassals  of  the  Tsushima  baron,  and  a  monk, 
named  Genso,  who  acted  in  the  capacity  of  interpreter.  By  these  two  Japanese 
the  Korean  Government  was  clearly  informed  that  nothing  was  required  of 
Korea  beyond  throwing  open  the  roads  to  China,  and  that  she  would  not  be 
asked  to  give  any  other  assistance  whatever  in  the  war  against  her  northern 
neighbour.  In  the  context  of  this  explanation,  the  Seoul  Government  was 
reminded  that,  three  centuries  previously,  Korea  had  permitted  her  territory 
to  be  made  a  basis  of  Mongolian  operations  against  Japan,  and  therefore  the 
peninsula  might  well  allow  itself  to  be  now  used  as  a  basis  of  Japanese  opera- 
tions against  China.  From  Korean  annals  we  learn  that  the  following  despatch 
was  ultimately  sent  by  the  Korean  sovereign  to  Hideyoshi1: — 

Two  letters  have  alreaQy  passed  between  us,  and  the  matter  has  been  sufficiently  discussed. 
What  talk  is  this  of  our  joining  you  against  China?  From  the  earliest  times  we  have  followed 
law  and  right.  From  within  and  from  without  all  lands  are  subject  to  China.  If  you  have 
desired  to  send  your  envoys  to  China,  how  much  more  should  we?  When  we  have  been 
unfortunate  she  has  helped  us.  The  relations  which  subsist  between  us  are  those  of  parent 
and  child.  This  you  know  well.  Can  we  desert  both  Emperor  and  parent  and  join  with 
you?  You  doubtless  will  be  angry  at  this,  and  it  is  because  you  have  not  been  admitted  to 
the  Court  of  China.  Why  is  it  that  you  are  not  willing  to  admit  the  suzerainty  of  the  Emperor, 
instead  of  harbouring  such  hostile  intents  against  him?  This  truly  passes  our  comprehension. 

The  bitterness  of  this  language  was  intensified  by  a  comment  made  to  the 
Japanese  envoys  when  handing  them  the  above  despatch.  His  Majesty  said 
that  Japan's  programme  of  conquering  China  resembled  an  attempt  to  bail 
out  the  ocean  with  a  cockle-shell.  From  Korea's  point  of  view  her  attitude 
was  perfectly  justifiable.  The  dynasty  by  which  the  peninsula  was  then  ruled 
owed  its  very  existence  to  China's  aid,  and  during  two  centuries  the  peninsula 
had  enjoyed  peace  and  a  certain  measure  of  prosperity  under  that  dynasty.  On 
the  other-  hand,  Korea  was  not  in  a  position  to  think  of  resisting  Japan  on  the 
battle-field.  The  only  army  which  the  former  could  boast  of  possessing  con- 
sisted of  men  who  were  too  indigent  to  purchase  exemption  from  service  with 
the  colours,  and  thus  she  may  be  said  to  have  been  practically  without  any  effi- 
cient military  organization.  Moreover,  her  troops  were  not  equipped  with 
either  artillery  or  match-locks.  The  only  advantage  which  she  possessed 
may  be  said  to  have  been  exceedingly  difficult  topographical  features,  which 
were  practically  unknown  to  the  Japanese.  Japan  had  not  at  that  time  even 
the  elements  of  the  organization  which  she  was  ultimately  destined  to  carry 
to  such  a  high  point  of  perfection.  She  had  no  secret-service  agents  or  any 
cartographers  to  furnish  her  generals  with  information  essential  to  the  success 
of  an  invasion,  and  from  the  moment  that  her  troops  landed  in  Korea,  their 
environment  would  be  absolutely  strange. 

[l  Hulbert's  History  of  Korea.] 


512  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

olduiiiii  f.  lo  riurja  2ff«i'i;rirn  vino  orfj  nie  1     .yj-Wi.1- 

JAPAN'S  PREPARATIONS 

These  considerations  did  not,  however,  deter  Hideyoshi.  Immediately 
on  receipt  of  the  above  despatch  from  the  Korean  Court,  preparations  were 
commenced  for  an  oversea  expedition  on  a  colossal  scale.  Nagoya,  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Hizen,  was  chosen  for  the  home-basis  of  operations.  It  has  been  observed 
by  several  critics  that  if  Hideyoshi,  instead  of  moving  by  Korea,  had  struck  at 
China  direct  oversea,  he  would  hi  all  probability  have  seen  his  flag  waving  over 
Peking  in  a  few  months,  and  the  whole  history  of  the  Orient  would  have  been 
altered.  That  may  possibly  be  true.  But  we  have  to  remember  that  the 
Korean  peninsula  lies  almost  within  sight  of  the  shores  of  Japan,  whereas  to 
reach  China  direct  by  water  involves  a  voyage  of  several  hundred  miles  over 
seas  proverbially  tempestuous  and  dangerous.  Even  in  modern  times,  when 
maritime  transport  has  been  so  greatly  developed,  a  general  might  well  hesitate 
between  the  choice  of  the  Korean  and  the  ocean  routes  to  China  from  Japan, 
were  he  required  to  make  a  choice.  In  the  face  of  the  certainty  of  Korean 
hostility,  however,  Hideyoshi's  selection  was  certainly  open  to  criticism.  Never- 
theless, the  event  showed  that  he  did  not  err  in  his  calculations  so  far  as  the 
operations  on  shore  were  concerned. 

He  himself  remained  in  Japan  throughout  the  whole  war.  He  went  to 
Nagoya  towards  the  close  of  1592  and  stayed  there  until  the  beginning  of  1594, 
and  it  was  generally  understood  that  he  intended  ultimately  to  assume  direct 
command  of  the  oversea  armies.  In  fact,  at  a  council  held  to  consider  this 
matter,  he  proposed  to  cross  the  water  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men,  handing  over  the  administration  of  affairs  in  Japan  to  leyasu. 
On  that  occasion,  one  of  his  most  trusted  followers,  Asano  Nagamasa,  provoked 
a  violent  outburst  of  temper  on  Hideyoshi's  part  by  declaring  that  such  a  scheme 
would  be  an  act  of  lunacy,  since  Hideyoshi's  presence  alone  secured  the  empire 
against  recurrence  of  domestic  strife.  The  annals  are  not  very  clear  at  this 
point,  but  everything  seems  to  indicate  that  Hideyoshi's  purpose  of  leading  the 
armies  in  person  would  have  been  carried  into  practice  had  it  not  become  certain 
that  the  invasion  of  China  would  have  to  be  abandoned.  The  time  and  the 
manner  in  which  this  failure  became  clear  will  be  seen  as  we  proceed. 
obi/iiJiit  wl  7or7  Jo  Jrttoq  >.'/:o'JoH.fiKm[  M-n* 

ihiifv/  vd  Yj^frvb  odT     .  •-•; 

--,  CONDITIONS  FROM  THE  INVADER'S  POINT  OF  VIEW 

The  sea  which  separates  Japan  from  the  Korean  peninsula  narrows  on  the 
south  to  a  strait  divided  by  the  island  of  Tsushima  into  two  channels  of  nearly 
equal  width.  Tsushima  had,  for  centuries,  been  the  Japanese  outpost  in  this 
part  of  the  empire.  To  reach  the  island  from  the  Japanese  side  was  always  an 
easy  and  safe  task,  but  in  the  fifty  ^six-mile  channel  that  separates  Tsushima  from 
the  peninsula  of  Korea  an  invading  flotilla  had  to  run  the  risk  of  an  attack  by 
Korean  warships.1  The  army  assembled  at  Nagoya  totalled  over  three  hundred 
thousand  men,  whereof  some  seventy  thousand  constituted  the  first  fighting 
line  and  eighty-seven  thousand  the  second,  the  remainder  forming  a  reserve 
to  meet  contingencies.  The  question  of  maritime  transport  presented  some 
difficulty,  but  was  solved  by  the  expedient  of  ordering  each  maritime  feudatory 
to  furnish  two  large  ships  for  every  hundred  thousand  koku  of  the  fief's  assess- 
ment, and  their  crews  were  obtained  by  compelling  each  fishing  village  to 
furnish  ten  sailors  for  every  hundred  houses  it  contained.  These  were  not 
f lSee  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


THE  INVASION  OF  KOREA  513 

fighting  vessels  but  mere  transports.  Fighting  men  to  the  number  of  ninety- 
two  hundred  were,  however,  distributed  among  the  ships,  and  were  armed  with 
match-locks,  bows,  and  swords.  The  problem  of  commissariat  was  very  for- 
midable. This  part  of  the  enterprise  was  entrusted  solely  to  Asano  Nagamasa, 
minister  of  Justice,  one  of  the  five  bugyo, — that  is  to  say,  five  officials  called 
administrators,  in  whose  intelligence  and  competence  Hideyoshi  placed  signal 
reliance.  In  the  records  of  the  Asano  family  it  is  stated  that  an  immense 
quantity  of  rice  was  shipped  at  the  outset,  but  that  on  landing  hi  Korea  the 
army  found  ample  supplies  of  grain  in  every  castle  throughout  the  peninsula. 
Nevertheless,  the  problem  of  provisions  ultimately  became  exceedingly  difficult, 

as  might  well  have  been  predicted. 

b-'itioqxo  Rav?  'noMj  /i'iMfb  o)  vhoTlo  gijOJJiioiiH  fi  jyrerfw  tnir{m  -rovh 

.KHKno'A  ofiJ 
PLAN  OF  CAMPAIGN 

As  for  the  plan  of  campaign,  it  was  precisely  in  accord  with  the  principles 
of  modern  strategy.  The  van,  consisting  of  three  army  corps,  was  to  cross 
rapidly  to  Fusan  on  the  south  coast  of  the  peninsula,  whence  a  movement  north- 
ward, towards  the  capital,  Seoul,  was  to  be  immediately  commenced,  one  corps 
marching  by  the  eastern  coast-road,  one  by  the  central  route,  and  one  by  the 
western.  "Thereafter  the  other  four  corps,  which  formed  the  first  fighting  line, 
together  with  the  corps  under  the  direct  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
Ukita  Hideiye,  were  to  cross  for  the  purpose  of  effectually  subduing  the  regions 
through  which  the  van  had  passed;  and,  finally,  the  two  remaining  corps  of  the 
second  line  were  to  be  transported  by  sea  up  the  west  coast  of  the  peninsula,  to 
form  a  junction  with  the  van  which,  by  that  time,  should  be  preparing  to  pass 
into  China  over  the  northern  boundary  of  Korea,  namely,  the  Yalu  River. 
For  the  landing-place  of  these  re-enforcements  the  town  of  Pyong-yang  was 
adopted,  being  easily  accessible  by  the  Tadong  River  from  the  coast.  In  later 
ages,  Japanese  armies  were  destined  to  move  twice  over  these  same  regions,  once 
to  the  invasion  of  China  [in  1894],  once  to  the  attack  of  Russia  [in  1904], 
and  they  adopted  almost  the  same  strategical  plan  as  that  mapped  out  by 
Hideyoshi  in  the  year  1592.  The  forecast  was  that  the  Koreans  would  offer  their 
chief  resistance,  first,  at  the  capital,  Seoul;  next  at  Pyong-yang,  and  finally  at 
the  Yalu,  as  the  approaches  to  all  these  places  constituted  positions  capable  of 

being  utilized  to  great  advantage  for  defensive  purposes."1 

' 

THE  MARCH  TO  SEOUL 

On  the  24th  of  May,  1592,  the  first  army  corps  (18,700  men),  under  the 
command  of  Konishi  Yukinaga,  crossed  unmolested  to  the  peninsula.  So  little 
did  the  Koreans  anticipate  an  invasion  that  the  earliest  intelligence  they  had 
of  the  advent  of  the  invaders  was  furnished  by  the  commandant  of  Fusan,  who 
happened  that  day  to  be  hunting  on  Deer  Island  at  the  entrance  to  the  harbour, 
and  who  sighted  the  approach  of  the  hostile  flotilla.  On  the  25th,  Konishi 's 
troops  carried  the  castle  of  Fusan  by  storm,  after  a  brave  resistance  by  the 
garrison,  and,  on  the  27th,  the  same  fate  befell  another  and  stronger  fortress 
lying  three  miles  inland  and  garrisoned  by  twenty  thousand  picked  soldiers. 
Four  days  after  the  landing  of  Konishi's  army,  the  second  corps  (20,800  strong), 
under  Kato  Kiyomasa,  reached  Fusan,  and  immediately  took  the  east-coast  road, 
according  to  the  programme  of  campaign. 

[l Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.J ; 


514  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Thenceforth,  however,  it  was  really  a  race  between  the  two  armies  as  to 
which  should  form  the  van.  At  the  pass  of  Cho-ryung  a  reunion  was  effected. 
This  position  offered  exceptional  facilities  for  defence,  but  owing  to  some  unex- 
plained reason  no  attempt  was  made  by  the  Koreans  to  hold  it.  A  few  miles 
further  north  stood  a  castle  reckoned  the  strongest  fortress  in  the  peninsula. 
Konishi  and  Kato  continued  the  combination  of  their  forces  as  they  approached 
this  position,  but,  contrary  to  expectation,  the  Koreans  fought  in  the  open  and 
the  castle  fell  without  difficulty.  Thereafter,  the  two  corps  separated,  Kato 
taking  the  westerly  road  and  Konishi  the  direct  route  to  Seoul.  In  short,  al- 
though the  two  generals  have  been  accused  of  crippling  themselves  by  jealous 
competition,  the  facts  indicate  that  they  co-operated  effectively  as  far  as  the 
river  Imjin,  where  a  strenuous  effort  to  check  them  was  expected  to  be  made  by 
the  Koreans. 

From  the  landing  place  at  Fusan  to  the  gates  of  Seoul  the  distance  is  267 
miles.  Konishi's  corps  covered  that  interval  in  nineteen  days,  storming  two 
forts,  carrying  two  positions,  and  fighting  one  pitched  battle  on  the  way.  Kato's 
corps,  travelling  by  a  circuitous  and  more  arduous  road  but  not  meeting  with 
so  much  resistance,  traversed  the  distance  between  Fusan  and  the  capital  in 
four  days  less.  At  Seoul,  with  its  thirty  thousand  battlements  and  three  times 
as  many  embrasures,  requiring  a  garrison  ninety  thousand  strong,  only  seven 
thousand  were  available,  and  nothing  offered  except  flight,  a  course  which  the 
Royal  Court  adopted  without  hesitation,  leaving  the  city  to  be  looted  and 
partially  destroyed,  not  by  the  Japanese  invaders  but  by  the  Korean  inhabitants 
themselves. 

The  King  did  not  halt  until  he  had  placed  the  Imjin  River  between  himself 
and  the  enemy.  Moreover,  as  soon  as  he  there  received  news  of  the  sack  of  the 
city,  he  renewed  his  flight  northward  and  took  up  his  quarters  at  Pyong-yang. 
It  was  on  the  12th  of  June  that  the  Korean  capital  fell,  and  by  the  16th  four 
army  corps  had  assembled  there,  while  four  others  had  effected  a  landing  at 
Fusan.  After  a  rest  of  fifteen  days,  the  northern  advance  was  resumed  from 
Seoul,  with  the  expectation  that  a  great  struggle  would  take  place  on  the  banks 
of  the  Imjin.  The  conditions  were  eminently  favourable  for  defence,  inasmuch 
as  the  approach  to  the  river  from  the  south  was  only  by  one  narrow  gulch, 
whereas,  on  the  northern  side,  lay  a  long,  sandy  stretch  where  troops  could  easily 
be  deployed.  Moreover  the  Japanese  had  no  boats  wherewith  to  negotiate  a 
broad  and  swiftly  flowing  river.  During  ten  days  the  invaders  remained 
helpless  on  the  southern  bank.  Then  the  Koreans  allowed  themselves  to  be 
betrayed  by  the  common  device  of  a  simulated  retreat.  They  crossed  in 
exultant  pursuit,  only  to  find  that  they  had  been  trapped  into  an  ambush. 
Konishi  and  Kato  now  again  separated,  the  former  continuing  the  direct 
advance  northward,  and  the  latter  taking  the  northeastern  route,  which  he  ulti- 
mately followed  along  the  whole  of  the  coast  as  far  as  Kyong-sang,  whence 
he  turned  inland  and  finally  reached  Hai-ryong,  a  place  destined  to  acquire 
much  importance  in  modern  times  as  the  point  of  junction  of  the  Kilin-Korean 
railways. 

The  distance  from  Seoul  to  Pyong-yang  on  the  Tadong  is  130  miles,  and  it 
was  traversed  by  the  Japanese  in  eighteen  days,  ten  of  which  had  been  occupied 
in  forcing  the  passage  of  the  Imjin.  On  the  southern  bank  of  the  Tadong,  the 
invaders  found  themselves  in  a  position  even  more  difficult  than  that  which 
had  confronted  them  at  the  Imjin.  They  had  to  pass  a  wide  rapid  river  with  a 
walled  city  of  great  strength  on  its  northern  bank  and  with  all  the  boats  in  the 


THE  INVASION  OF  KOREA  515 

possession  of  the  Korean  garrison,  which  was  believed  to  be  very  numerous. 
Some  parleying  took  place,  and  the  issue  of  the  situation  seemed  very  doubtful 
when  the  Koreans  lost  patience  and  crossed  the  river,  hoping  to  destroy  the 
Japanese  by  a  night  attack.  They  miscalculated  the  time  required  for  this 
operation,  and  daylight  compelled  them  to  abandon  the  enterprise  when  its 
only  result  had  been  to  disclose  to  the  invaders  the  whereabouts  of  the  fords. 
Then  ensued  a  disorderly  retreat  on  the  part  of  the  Koreans,  and  there  being 
no  time  for  the  latter  to  fire  the  town,  storehouses  full  of  grain  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  invaders.  The  Korean  Court  resumed  its  flight  as  far  as  Wi-ju, 
a  few  miles  south  of  the  Yalu  River,  whence  messengers  were  sent  to  China  to 
solicit  succour. 

-;•-•  :   «>.t    •  '-ij :;",'•  y  juil   <ii   VJ;I    TiOJOiy 

THE  COMMAND  OF  THE  SEA 

Thus  far,  everything  had  marched  in  perfect  accord  with  the  Japanese 
programme.  A  force  of  nearly  two  hundred  thousand  men  had  been  carried 
over  the  sea  and  had  overrun  practically  the  whole  of  Korea.  "At  this  point, 
however,  the  invasion  suffered  a  check  owing  to  a  cause  which  in  modern  times 
has  received  much  attention,  though  in  Hideyoshi's  days  it  had  been  little 
considered;  the  Japanese  lost  the  command  of  the  sea.  The  Japanese  idea  of 
sea  fighting  in  those  times  was  to  use  open  boats  propelled  chiefly  by  oars.  They 
closed  as  quickly  as  possible  with  the  enemy  and  then  fell  on  with  the  trenchant 
swords  which  they  used  so  skilfully.  Now,  during  the  fifteenth  century  and 
part  of  the  sixteenth,  the  Chinese  had  been  so  harassed  by  Japanese  piratical 
raids  that  their  inventive  genius,  quickened  by  suffering,  suggested  a  device  for 
coping  with  these  formidable  adversaries.  Once  allow  the  Japanese  swordsman 
to  come  to  close  quarters  and  he  carried  all  before  him.  To  keep  him  at  a  dis- 
tance, then,  was  the  great  desideratum,  and  the  Chinese  compassed  this  in 
maritime  warfare  by  completely  covering  their  boats  with  roofs  of  solid  timber, 
so  that  those  within  were  protected  against  missiles  or  other  weapons,  while 
loop-holes  and  ports  enabled  them  to  pour  bullets  and  arrows  on  a  foe. 

"The  Koreans  learned  this  device  from  the  Chinese  and  were  the  first  to 
employ  it  in  actual  warfare.  Their  own  history  alleges  that  they  improved 
upon  the  Chinese  model  by  nailing  sheet  iron  over  the  roofs  and  sides  of  the 
'  turtle-shell '  craft  and  studding  the  whole  surface  with  chevaux  de  /rise,  but 
Japanese  annals  indicate  that  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  timber  alone  was 
used.  It  seems  strange  that  the  Japanese  should  have  been  without  any  clear 
perception  of  the  immense  fighting  superiority  possessed  by  such  protected 
war-vessels  over  small  open  boats.  But  certainly  they  were  either  ignorant  or 
indifferent.  The  fleet  which  they  provided  to  hold  the  command  of  Korean 
waters  did  not  include  one  vessel  of  any  magnitude ;  it  consisted  simply  of  some 
hundreds  of  row-boats  manned  by  seven  thousand  men.  Hideyoshi  himself 
was  perhaps  not  without  misgivings.  Six  years  previously,  he  had  endeavoured 
to  obtain  two  war-galleons  from  the  Portuguese,  and  had  he  succeeded,  the 
history  of  the  Far  East  might  have  been  radically  different.  Evidently,  how- 
ever, he  committed  a  blunder  which  his  countrymen  in  modern  times  have 
conspicuously  avoided;  he  drew  the  sword  without  having  fully  investigated 
his  adversary's  resources. 

"Just  about  the  time  when  the  van  of  the  Japanese  army  was  entering  Seoul, 
the  Korean  admiral,  Yi  Sun-sin,  at  the  head  of  a  fleet  of  eighty  vessels,  attacked 
the  Japanese  squadron  which  lay  at  anchor  near  the  entrance  to  Fusan  harbour, 
set  twenty-six  of  the  vessels  on  fire,  and  dispersed  the  rest.  Four  other  engage- 


516  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ments  ensued  in  rapid  succession.  The  last  and  most  important  took  place 
shortly  after  the  Japanese  troops  had  seized  Pyong-yang.  It  resulted  in  the 
sinking  of  over  seventy  Japanese  vessels,  transports  and  fighting  ships  com- 
bined, which  formed  the  main  part  of  a  flotilla  carrying  reinforcements  by  sea 
to  the  van  of  the  invading  army.  This  despatch  of  troops  and  supplies  by 
water  had  been  a  leading  feature  of  Hideyoshi's  plan  of  campaign,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  flotilla  to  which  the  duty  was  entrusted  may  be  said  to  have 
sealed  the  fate  of  the  war  by  isolating  the  army  in  Korea  from  its  home  base. 

"It  is  true  that  Konishi  Yukinaga,  who  commanded  the  first  division, 
desired  to  continue  his  northward  march  from  Pyong-yang  without  delay.  He 
argued  that  China  was  wholly  unprepared,  and  that  the  best  hope  of  ultimate 
victory  lay  in  not  giving  her  time  to  collect  her  forces.  But  the  commander- 
in-chief ,  Ukita  Hideiye,  refused  to  endorse  this  plan.  He  took  the  view  that  since 
the  Korean  provinces  were  still  offering  desperate  resistance,  supplies  could  not 
be  drawn  from  them,  neither  could  the  troops  engaged  in  subjugating  them  be 
freed  for  service  at  the  front.  Therefore  it  was  essential  to  await  the  consumma- 
tion of  the  second  phase  of  Hideyoshi's  plan,  namely,  the  despatch  of  re-enforce- 
ments and  munitions  by  water  to  Pyong-yang.  The  reader  has  seen  how  that 
second  phase  fared.  The  Japanese  commander  at  Pyong-yang  never  received 
any  accession  of  strength.  His  force  suffered  constant  diminution  from  casu- 
alties, and  the  question  of  commissariat  became  daily  more  difficult.  .  .  . 
Japanese  historians  themselves  admit  the  fact  that  no  wise  effort  was  made 
to  conciliate  the  Korean  people.  They  were  treated  so  harshly  that  even  the 
humble  peasant  took  up  arms,  and  thus  the  peninsula,  instead  of  serving  as  a 
basis  of  supplies,  had  to  be  garrisoned  perpetually  by  a  strong  army." l  Korean 
historians  give  long  and  minute  accounts  of  the  development  and  exploits  of 
guerilla  bands,  which,  though  they  did  not  obtain  any  signal  victory  over  the 
invaders,  harassed  the  latter  perpetually,  and  compelled  them  to  devote  a  large 
part  of  their  force  to  guarding  the  lines  of  communication. 

.91^ 

. 

Having  suffered  for  their  loyalty  to  China,  the  Koreans  naturally  looked  to 
her  for  succour.  Peking  should  have  understood  the  situation  thoroughly. 
Even  without  any  direct  communication  from  Japan,  the  Peking  Court  had 
cognizance  of  Hideyoshi's  intentions.  A  letter  addressed  by  him  in  the  year 
1591  to  the  King  of  Ryukyu  stated  clearly  his  intention  of  extending  Japanese 
sovereignty  throughout  the  whole  Orient,  and  the  ruler  of  Ryukyu  had  lost 
no  time  in  making  this  fact  known  to  Peking.2  Yet  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
Chinese  had  any  just  appreciation  of  the  situation.  Their  first  response  to  Ko- 
rea's appeal  was  to  mobilize  a  force  of  five  thousand  men  in  the  Liaotung  penin- 
sula, which  force  crossed  the  Yalu  and  moved  against  Pyong-yang,  where  the 
Japanese  van  had  been  lying  idle  for  over  two  months.  This  occurred  early  in 
October,  1592.  The  incident  illustrated  China's  confidence  in  her  own  superi- 
ority. "  The  whole  of  the  Korean  forces  had  been  driven  northward  throughout 

[>  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 
(2  There  is  still  extant  a  letter  addressed  by  Hideypshi  in  June,  1592,  to  Hidetsugu,  his 
nephew,  and  then  nominal  successor.  In  this  document  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  the  attention 
of  the  Emperor  of  Japan  should  be  directed  to  the  Chinese  capital,  inasmuch  as  the  Japanese 
Court  would  pay  a  visit  to  Peking  in  1594,  on  which  occasion  the  ten  provinces  surrounding 
the  Chinese  capital  would  be  presented  to  his  Majesty,  and  out  of  this  territory  the  Court 
nobles  would  receive  estates.] 


,'J\Jl    £»    11V/    Q  rr  w  1  ua    MH-t*    nj  71HHI     Ji-M'v.^    \-'j 

CHINESE  INTERFERENCE 

>'_)voi'.  TroTT       .giiimjv?  lEU 


THE  INVASION  OF  KOREA  517 

. 

the  entire  length  of  the  peninsula  by  Japanese  armies,  yet  Peking  considered 
that  five  thousand  Chinese  braves  would  suffice  to  roll  back  this  tide  of  invasion." 

The  result  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  Three  thousand  of  the  Chinese  were 
killed,  and  the  rest  fled  pele-mele  across  the  Yalu.  China  now  began  to  be 
seriously  alarmed.  She  despatched  to  Pyong-yang  an  envoy  named  Chen 
Weiching  —  known  in  Japanese  history  as  Chin  Ikei  —  who  was  instructed  not 
to  conclude  peace  but  only  to  make  such  overtures  as  might  induce  the  Japan- 
ese to  agree  to  an  armistice,  thus  enabling  the  Chinese  authorities  to  mobilize 
a  sufficient  force.  Konishi  Yukinaga  fell  into  this  trap.  He  agreed  to  an  armis- 
tice of  fifty  days,  during  which  the  Japanese  pledged  themselves  not  to  advance 
more  than  three  miles  northward  of  Pyong-yang  while  Chen  proceeded  to 
Peking  to  arrange  terms  of  peace.  It  is  very  evident  that  had  the  Japanese 
seen  any  certain  prospect  of  proceeding  to  the  invasion  of  China,  they  would 
not  have  agreed  to  such  an  arrangement  as  this  —  an  arrangement  which 
guaranteed  nothing  except  leisure  for  the  mobilization  of  a  strong  Chinese  army. 
It  had,  indeed,  become  plain  to  the  Japanese  commanders,  after  six  months  of 
operations  in  the  peninsula,  that  the  wisest  course  for  them  was  to  arrange  a 
satisfactory  peace. 

The  second  force  put  in  the  field  by  China  is  estimated  by  the  Jesuits  and 
the  Japanese  at  200,000  men  and  at  51,000  by  Korean  history.  Probably  the 
truth  lies  midway  between  the  two  extremes.  This  powerful  army  moved 
across  Manchuria  in  the  dead  of  winter  and  hurled  itself  against  Pyong-yang 
during  the  first  week  of  February,  1593.  The  Japanese  garrison  at  that  place 
cannot  have  greatly  exceeded  twenty  thousand  men,  for  nearly  one-half  of  its 
original  number  had  been  detached  to  hold  a  line  of  forts  guarding  the  -commu- 
nications with  Seoul.  Neither  Chinese  nor  Japanese  history  comments  on  the 
instructive  fact  that  the  arrival  of  this  army  under  the  walls  of  Pyong-yang  was 
China's  answer  to  her  envoy's  promise  of  a  satisfactory  peace,  nor  does  it  appear 
that  any  discredit  attached  to  Chen  Weiching  for  the  deception  he  had  practised ; 
his  competence  as  a  negotiator  was  subsequently  admitted  without  cavil.  The 
Chinese,  though  their  swords  were  much  inferior  to  the  Japanese  weapon, 
possessed  great  superiority  in  field  artillery  and  cavalry,  as  well  as  in  the  fact 
that  their  troopers  wore  iron  mail  which  defied  the  keenest  blade.  Thus,  after 
a  severe  fight  which  cost  the  Japanese  twenty-three  hundred  men,  they  had  to 
evacuate  Pyong-yang  and  retreat  towards  Seoul,  the  army  under  Kato  Kiyomasa 
retiring  at  the  same  time  from  the  northeast  and  fighting  its  way  back  to  the 
central  route.  Orders  were  then  issued  by  the  commander-in-chief,  Ukita,  for 
the  whole  of  the  Japanese  forces  in  the  north  of  the  peninsula  to  concentrate  in 
Seoul,  but  Kohayakawa,  one  of  Hideyoshi's  most  trusted  generals,  whose  name 
has  occurred  more  than  once  in  these  annals,  conducted  a  splendid  covering 
movement  at  a  place  a  few  miles  northward  of  Seoul,  the  result  of  which  was 
that  the  Chinese  fled  in  haste  over  the  Injin,  losing  ten  thousand  men  in  their 
retreat. 

But,  though  the  Japanese  had  thus  shaken  off  the  pursuit,  it  was  impossible 
for  them  to  continue  in  occupation  of  Seoul.  The  conditions  existing  there  were 
shocking.  Widespread  famine  menaced,  with  its  usual  concomitant,  pesti- 
lence. According  to  Korean  history,  the  streets  of  the  city  and  the  roads  in  the 
suburbs  were  piled  with  corpses  to  a  height  of  ten  feet  above  the  wall.  The 
Japanese,  therefore,  made  proposals  of  peace,  and  the  Chinese  agreed,  on 
condition  that  the  Japanese  gave  up  two  Korean  princes  held  captive  by  them, 
'  and  retired  to  the  south  coast  of  the  peninsula.  These  terms  were  accepted, 


518  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  on  May  9,  1593,  that  is  to  say,  360  days  after  the  landing  of  the  invaders' 
van  at  Fusan,  the  evacuation  of  the  Korean  capital  took  place.  The  Chinese 
commanders  showed  great  lack  of  enterprise.  They  failed  to  utilize  the  situa- 
tion, and  in  October  of  the  same  year  they  withdrew  from  the  peninsula  all 
their  troops  except  ten  thousand  men.  Negotiations  for  permanent  peace 
now  commenced  between  the  Governments  of  Japan  and  China,  but  while  the 
pourparlers  were  in  progress  the  most  sanguinary  incident  of  the  whole  war  took 
place.  During  the  early  part  of  the  campaign  a  Japanese  attack  had  been  beaten 
back  from  Chinju,  which  was  reckoned  the  strongest  fortress  in  Korea.  Hide- 
yoshi  now  ordered  that  the  Japanese  troops,  before  sailing  for  home,  should 
rehabilitate  their  reputation  by  capturing  this  place,  where  the  Koreans  had 
mustered  a  strong  army.  The  order  was  obeyed.  Continuous  assaults  were 
delivered  against  the  fortress  during  the  space  of  nine  days,  and  when  it  passed 
into  Japanese  possession  the  Koreans  are  said  to  have  lost  between  sixty  and 
seventy  thousand  men  and  the  casualties  on  the  Japanese  side  must  have  been 
almost  as  numerous. 

THE  NEGOTIATIONS 

After  the  fall  of  Chinju,  all  the  Japanese  troops,  with  the  exception  of 
Konishi's  corps,  were  withdrawn  from  Korea,  and  the  Japanese  confined  their 
operations  to  holding  a  cordon  of  twelve  fortified  camps  along  the  southern 
coast  of  the  peninsula.  These  camps  were  nothing  more  than  bluffs  overlook- 
ing the  sea  on  the  south,  and  protected  on  the  land  side  by  moats  and  earth- 
works. The  action  at  Chinju  had  created  some  suspicion  as  to  the  integrity  of 
Japan's  designs,  but  mainly  through  the  persistence  and  tact  of  the  Chinese 
envoy,  Chen  Weiching,  terms  were  agreed  upon,  and  on  October  21,  1596,  a 
Chinese  mission  reached  Japan  and  proceeded  to  Osaka.  The  island  had  just 
then  been  visited  by  a  series  of  uniquely  disastrous  earthquakes,  which  had 
either  overthrown  or  rendered  uninhabitable  all  the  great  edifices  in  and  around 
Kyoto.  One  corner  of  Osaka  Castle  alone  remained  intact,  and  there  the  mis- 
sion was  received.  Hideyoshi  refused  to  give  audience  to  the  Korean  members 
of  the  mission,  and  welcomed  the  Chinese  members  only,  from  whom  he  expected 
to  receive  a  document  placing  him  on  a  royal  pinnacle  at  least  as  high  as  that 
occupied  by  the  Emperor  of  China.  The  document  actually  transmitted  to 
him  was  of  a  very  different  significance  as  the  following  extract  shows: 

The  Emperor,  who  respects  and  obeys  heaven  and  is  favoured  by  Providence,  commands 
that  he  be  honoured  and  loved  wherever  the  heavens  overhang  and  the  earth  upbears.  The 
Imperial  command  is  universal ;  even  as  far  as  the  bounds  of  ocean  where  the  sun  rises,  there 
are  none  who  do  not  obey  it.  In  ancient  times  our  Imperial  ancestors  bestowed  their  favours 
on  many  lands:  the  Tortoise  Knots  and  the  Dragon  Writing  were  sent  to  the  limits  of  far 
Japan;  the  pure  alabaster  and  the  great-seal  character  were  granted  to  the  monarchs  of  the 
submissive  country.  Thereafter  came  billowy  times  when  communications  were  interrupted, 
but  an  auspicious  opportunity  has  now  arrived  when  it  has  pleased  us  again  to  address  you. 
You,  Toyotomi  Taira  Hideyoshi,  having  established  an  Island  kingdom  and  knowing  the 
reverence  due  to  the  Central  Land,  sent  to  the  west  an  envoy,  and  with  gladness  and  affection 
offered  your  allegiance.  On  the  north  you  knocked  at  the  barrier  of  ten  thousand  K,  and 
earnestly  requested  to  be  admitted  within  our  dominions.  Your  mind  is  already  confirmed 
in  reverent  submissiveness.  How  can  we  grudge  our  favour  to  so  great  meekness?  We  do, 
therefore,  specially  invest  you  with  the  dignity  of  "King  of  Japan,''  and  to  that  intent  issue 
this  our  commission.  Treasure  it  carefully.  As  a  mark  of  our  special  favour  towards  you, 
we  send  you  over  the  sea  a  robe  and  crown  contained  in  a  costly  case,  so  that  you  may  follow 
our  ancient  custom  as  respects  dress.  Faithfully  defend  the  frontier  of  our  empire;  let  it  be 
your  study  to  act  worthily  of  your  position  as  our  minister;  practice  moderation  and  self- 
restraint;  cherish  gratitude  for  the  Imperial  favour  so  bountifully  bestowed  upon  you;  change 
not  your  fidelity;  be  humbly  guided  by  our  admonitions;  continue  always  to  follow  our  in- 
structions.1 

f1  Quoted  by  W.  Dening  in  A  New  Life  of  Hideyoshi.] 


THE  INVASION  OF  KOREA  519 

Hideyoshi  had  already  donned  the  robe  and  crown  mentioned  in  the  above 
despatch,  his  belief  being  that  they  represented  his  investiture  as  sovereign 
of  Ming.  On  learning  the  truth,  he  tore  off  the  insignia  and  flung  them  on  the 
ground  in  a  fit  of  ungovernable  wrath  at  the  arrogance  of  the  Chinese  Emperor's 
tone.  It  had  never  been  distinctly  explained  how  this  extraordinary  mis- 
understanding arose,  but  the  most  credible  solution  of  the  problem  is  that 
Naito,  baron  of  Tamba,  who  had  proceeded  to  Peking  for  the  purpose  of  nego- 
tiating peace,  was  so  overawed  by  the  majesty  and  magnificence  of  the  Chinese 
Court  that,  instead  of  demanding  Hideyoshi's  investiture  as  monarch  of  China, 
he  stated  that  nothing  was  needed  except  China's  formal  acknowledgement  of 
the  kwampaku's  real  rank.  Hideyoshi,  in  his  natural  anger,  ordered  the  Chinese 
ambassadors  to  be  dismissed  without  any  written  answer  and  without  any  of 
the  gifts  usual  on  such  occasions  according  to  the  diplomatic  custom  of  the 
Orient. 

He  was,  however,  induced  not  to  prosecute  his  quarrel  with  the  Middle 
Kingdom,  and  he  turned  his  anger  entirely  against  Korea.  Accordingly,  on 
March  19,  1597,  nine  fresh  corps  were  mobilized  for  oversea  service,  and  these 
being  thrown  into  Korea,  brought  the  Japanese  forces  in  that  country  to  a  total 
of  141,000  men.  But  the  campaign  was  not  at  first  resumed  with  activity 
proportionate  to  this  great  army.  The  Japanese  commanders  seem  to  have 
waited  for  some  practical  assurances  that  the  command  of  the  sea  would  not  be 
again  wrested  from  them;  a  natural  precaution  seeing  that,  after  five  years' 
war,  Korea  herself  was  no'  longer  in  a  position  to  make  any  contributions  to  the 
commissariat  of  the  invaders.  It  is  a  very  interesting  fact  that,  on  this  occa- 
sion, the  Japanese  victories  at  sea  were  as  signal  as  their  defeats  had  been  in 
1592.  The  Korean  navy  comprised  the  same  vessels  which  were  supposed  to 
have  proved  so  formidable  five  years  previously,  but  the  Japanese  naval  archi- 
tects had  risen  to  the  level  of  the  occasion,  and  the  Korean  fleet  was  well-nigh 
annihilated. 

Meanwhile,  the  Chinese  had  sent  a  powerful  army  to  southern  Korea,  and 
against  these  fresh  forces  the  Japanese  attacks  were  directed.  Everywhere  the 
invaders  were  victorious,  and  very  soon  the  three  southern  provinces  of  the 
peninsula  had  been  captured.  No  actual  reverse  was  met  with  throughout, 
but  an  indecisive  victory  near  Chiksan,  in  the  north  of  the  metropolitan  province, 
rendered  it  impossible  for  the  Japanese  to  establish  themselves  in  Seoul  before 
the  advent  of  winter,  and  they  therefore  judged  it  advisable  to  retire  to  their 
seaboard  chain  of  entrenched  camps.  Early  in  1598,  a  fresh  army  of  forty  thou- 
sand men  reached  Seoul  from  China,  and  for  a  moment  the  situation  seemed 
to  threaten  disaster  for  the  Japanese.  Their  strategy  and  desperate  valour 
proved  invincible,  however,  and  the  Kagoshima  samurai  won,  on  October  30, 
1598,  a  victory  so  signal  that  the  ears  and  noses  of  thirty-seven  thousand 
Chinese  heads  were  sent  to  Japan  and  buried  under  a  tumulus  near  the  temple 
of  Daibutsu  in  Kyoto,  where  this  terrible  record,  called  Mimizuka  (Mound  of 
Ears),  may  be  seen  to-day. 

Just  about  this  time,  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Hideyoshi  reached  the 
Japanese  commanders  in  Korea,  and  immediately  an  armistice  was  arranged. 
The  withdrawal  of  the  invading  forces  followed,  not  without  some  serious 
difficulties,  and  thus  the  six  years'  campaign  terminated  without  any  direct 
results  except  an  immense  loss  of  life  and  treasure  and  the  reduction  of  the 
Korean  peninsula  to  a  state  of  desolation.  It  has  been  repeatedly  pleaded 
that  the  ravages  wrought  by  Hideyoshi's  armies  during  this  war  amply  account 


520  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

for  the  wholly  unprogressive  state  into  which  Korea  thenceforth  fell.  But  to 
conclude  that  a  nation  could  be  reduced  by  a  six-years'  war  to  three  centuries  of 
hopelessness  and  helplessness  is  to  credit  that  nation  with  a  very  small  measure 
of  resilient  capacity. 

INDIRECT  RESULTS 

.JiuiJ  ?.i  nnUfoiq  j,>l,f  io  nonuToe  •         •.-.     .     •.  •     .\  •'-•••. 

The  war  was  not  altogether  without  indirect  results  of  some  value  to  Japan. 
Among  these  may  be  cited  the  fact  that,  a  few  decades  later,  when  the  Tsing 
dynasty  destroyed  the  Ming  in  China,  subjugated  Korea,  and  assumed  a  position 
analogous  to  that  previously  held  by  the  Yuan,  no  attempt  was  made  to  defy 
Japan.  The  memory  of  her  soldiers'  achievements  on  the  Korean  battle-fields 
sufficed  to  protect  her  against  foreign  aggression.  Another  material  result 
was  that,  in  compliance  with  Hideyoshi's  orders,  the  returning  Japanese  generals 
brought  back  many  Korean  art-artisans  who  contributed  largely  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  ceramic  industry.  On  no  less  than  seven  different  kinds  of  now 
well-known  porcelain  and  pottery  in  Japan  did  these  experts  exercise  marked 
influence,  and  their  efforts  were  specially  timely  in  view  of  the  great  vogue  then 
enjoyed  by  all  utensils  used  in  connexion  with  the  tea  ceremonial.  It  is  not  to 
be  supposed,  however,  that  these  Korean  artisans  showed  any  superiority  to  the 
Japanese  as  artists.  The  improvements  they  introduced  were  almost  entirely 
of  a  technical  character.  Another  benefit  derived  by  Japan  from  her  contact 
with  Korea  at  this  time  was  the  introduction  of  movable  type.  Up  to  this  time 
the  art  of  printing  had  been  in  a  very  primitive  condition  hi  Japan,  and  the  first 
book  printed  with  movable  type  made  its  appearance  in  the  Bunroku  era 
(1592-1595). 

o.t  i^oqqn;?  eiow  rbi/Iv?  •gi^aov  <im;;*  oifa  b^griqmos  ^rf.n  v. 
-M-rin  ur/Bff  oa^rmqisT,  arft  Jirrf  ,~ 

ju    V— 


orft 

';iTt 


.M'Mir/0'iq  m;-fijoqc.'i,K»fn  on  t  tori, 
•norvf  Ij/oe^  rrr  ^vfoenrio  •• 

tiOllt  O^  9li ']'••.' 

-i/orft  v  hoi  lp  Y./HIJR  rfa-sil  /;  ^2^1 
borfi'i.gs?  ffoitatfitia  f>Ji  linoruoui 


iou  no  , 

,ffr  I 

!/,•  \\-br.  ••••,<•<•  !*i\  hslf^  Jjioou' 

•^k^^^v^ 

•  -oJ  H' 

| 


tJarnie  a.a  ^ 

tworfti'1/   "ton     Iv;.7.'''Oi    -  •  ^^ 

SIONATUKE  or  TAKEDA  SHIXGEN 

•nit  Io  aofloub'ji  -jiij  bar;  OTU^.Of/tt  bn-s  ^IH  ^o  -  rra  dusoxg  - 

b--!  :-.-lq  ^  i  n-.iyd  grsif'-il    .nor" 

te,w  a/fft'gfimrb  soinnfi  af  Jdsov^bfH  vd  Irfguo-;         ;      ,i  srfi 


':   -./•"•:•      JStfra*** 
•  •  %u  ••  • 


a  B  lo 


.  , 

NAGOYA  CASTLE 

yiq  ,  U!<r#4U£|     T  ,  npTcuiiffl  sui  ;  w;o3r.t*i/Iii  <xl  o^  feflaimcrrq 

1^  iirwol-vjlti  r.id  ni  nod.i"  gxibd  .iifeovobrH  brm  ,iGof 

aid.boiqofoc  -Jioiyisiit  sli     .Tjrf^l  «  ui.a§B  gnlia«303.1 

CHAPTER  XXXVI 

^pttt  5sno.fi{t-)B  L^.iiau  v<  .f  dr<rfIv/^o-f\j»T 


THE  MOMO-YAMA  EPOCH 


MOMO-YAMA 


fifi  mhi  oj- 


THE  epochs  of  Japanese  history  from  the  eighth  century  until  the  fall  of  the 
Ashikaga  shogunate  are  generally  divided  into  the  Nara,  the  Heian,  the  Kama- 
kura,  the  Muromachi,  and  the  Higashi-yama.  To  these  has  now  to  be  added 
the  Momo-yama  (Peach  Hill),  a  term  derived  from  the  name  of  a  palatial  resi- 
dence built  by  Hideyoshi  in  the  Fushimi  suburb  of  Kyoto.  The  project  was 
conceived  in  1593,  that  is  to  say,  during  the  course  of  the  Korean  campaign, 
and  the  business  of  collecting  materials  was  managed  on  such  a  colossal  scale 
that  the  foundations  could  be  laid  by  September  in  the  same  year.  Two 
months  sufficed  not  only  to  construct  a  mansion  of  extraordinary  magnificence 
and  most  elaborate  interior  decoration,  but  also  to  surround  it  with  a  spacious 
park  presenting  all  the  choicest  features  of  Japanese  landscape  gardens.  The 
annals  state  that  fifty  thousand  men  were  engaged  on  the  work,  and  the  assertion 
ceases  to  seem  extravagant  when  we  consider  the  nature  of  the  task  and  the 
singularly  brief  period  devoted  to  its  completion.  It  was  Hideyoshi's  foible  to 
surpass  all  his  predecessors  and  contemporaries  alike  in  the  magnitude  of  his 
designs  and  in  the  celerity  of  their  achievement.  Even  his  pastimes  were 
conceived  on  the  same  stupendous  scale.  Thus,  in  1594,  at  the  very  time  when 
his  armies  in  Korea  were  conducting  an  oversea  campaign  of  unprecedented 
magnitude,  he  planned  a  flower-viewing  fete  which  will  live  in  the  pages  of 
history  as  more  sumptuous  and  more  magnificent  than  the  hitherto  unrivalled 
festivities  of  Yoshimasa.  The  places  visited  were  the  cherry-clad  hills  of 
Yoshino  and  the  venerable  monastery  of  Koya,  and  some  idea  of  the  scale 
of  the  fete  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  to  a  shrine  on  K5ya-san,  dedicated 
to  the  memory  of  his  mother,  Hideyoshi  presented  a  sum  equivalent  to  £14,000 
or  $68,000. 


521 


!1  , 


622  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Still  more  lavish  was  a  party  organized  four  years  later  to  visit  the  cherry 
blossoms  at  Daigo  in  the  suburbs  of  KySto.  This  involved  the  rebuilding  of  a 
large  Buddhist  temple  (Sambo-in)  to  accommodate  Hideyoshi  and  his  party 
as  a  temporary  resting-place,  and  involved  also  the  complete  enclosing  of  the 
roads  from  Momo-yama  to  Daigo,  as  well  as  of  a  wide  space  surrounding  the 
slopes  of  the  cherry-clad  hills,  with  fences  festooned  in  silk  curtains.  Numerous 
tea  pavilions  were  erected,  and  Hideyoshi,  having  sent  home  all  his  male  guests 
and  attendants,  remained  himself  among  a  multitude  of  gorgeously  apparelled 
ladies,  and  passed  from  pavilion  to  pavilion,  listening  to  music,  witnessing 
dancing,  and  viewing  works  of  art. 


HIDEYOSHI'S  FAMILY 

A  conspicuous  figure  at  the  Daigo  fete  was  Hideyori,  the  five-year-old  son 
of  Hideyoshi.  Fate  treated  Hideyoshi  harshly  in  the  matter  of  a  successor. 
His  younger  brother,  Hidenaga,  perished  on  the  threshold  of  a  career  that 
promised  to  be  illustrious ;  his  infant  son,  Tsurumatsu,  passed  away  hi  September, 
1591,  and  Hideyoshi,  being  then  in  his  fifty-fourth  year,  saw  little  prospect  of 
becoming  again  a  father.  He  therefore  adopted  his  nephew,  Hidetsugu,  ceding 
to  him  the  office  of  regent  (kwampaku),  and  thus  himself  taking  the  title  of 
Taiko,  which  by  usage  attached  to  an  ex-regent.1  Hidetsugu,  then  in  his  twenty- 
fourth  year,  had  literary  gifts  and  polite  accomplishments  much  above  the 
average.  But  traditions —  of  somewhat  doubtful  veracity,  it  must  be  admitted 
—  attributed  to  him  an  inhuman  love  of  taking  life,  and  tell  of  the  indulgence  of 
that  mood  in  shocking  ways.  On  the  other  hand,  if  credence  be  due  to  these 
tales,  it  seems  strange  that  they  were  not  included  in  the  accusations  preferred 
finally  against  Hidetsugu  by  the  Taiko,  when  the  former's  overthrow  became 
advisable  in  the  latter's  eyes.  For  it  did  so  become.  Within  less  than  two  years 
of  Hidetsugu's  elevation  to  the  post  of  regent,  another  son  was  born  to  Hide- 
yoshi by  the  same  lady,  Yodo,  the  demise  of  whose  child,  Tsurumatsu,  had 
caused  Hideyoshi  to  despair  of  being  succeeded  by  an  heir  of  his  own  lineage. 
A  niece  of  Oda  Nobunaga,  this  lady  was  the  eldest  of  three  daughters  whose 
mother  shared  the  suicide  of  her  husband,  the  great  general,  Shibata  Katsuiye. 
Hideyoshi  placed  her  among  his  consorts,  bestowing  upon  her  the  castle  of 
Yodo,  hence  her  name,  Yodogimi.  Her  rare  beauty  captivated  the  veteran 
statesman  and  soldier,  and  won  for  her  suggestions  a  measure  of  deference  which 
they  did  not  intrinsically  deserve.  Soon  the  court  became  divided  into  two 
cliques,  distinguished  as  the  "civil"  and  the  "military."  At  the  head  of  the 
latter  stood  Hideyoshi's  wife,  Yae,  a  lady  gifted  with  large  discernment,  who 
had  shared  all  the  vicissitudes  of  her  husband's  fortunes,  and  acted  as  his  shrewd 
and  loyal  adviser  on  many  occasions.  With  her  were  Kato  Kiyomasa  and 
other  generals  and  nobles  of  distinction.  The  civil  party  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  lady  Yodo,  and  among  its  followers  was  Ishida  Katsushige,  to  whom 
chiefly  the  ultimate  catastrophe  is  attributed  by  history. 

The  birth  of  Hideyori  on  August  29,  1593,  immediately  actuated  the  dissen- 
sions among  these  two  cliques.  Ishida  Katsushige,  acting  in  Hideyori's  interests, 
set  himself  to  convince  the  Taiko  that  Hidetsugu  harboured  treacherous  designs, 
and  Hideyoshi,  too  readily  allowing  himself  to  credit  tales  which  promised  to 
remove  the  one  obstacle  to  his  son's  succession,  ordered  Hidetsugu  to  commit 
suicide,  and  at  the  same  time  (August  8,  1595),  sentenced  his  concubines  to  be 

P  It  is  by  this  title,  "  Taiko,"  that  Hideyoshi  is  most  frequently  spoken  of  in  History.] 


THE  MOMO-YAMA  EPOCH  523 

executed  in  the  dry  bed  of  the  river  Sanjo.  Their  heads,  together  with  that 
of  Hidetsugu  himself,  were  buried  in  the  same  grave,  over  which  was  set  a  tablet 
bearing  the  inscription,  "Tomb  of  the  Traitor,  Hidetsugu."  To  this  day, 
historians  remain  uncertain  as  to  Hidetsugu's  guilt.  If  the  evidence  sufficed 
to  convict  him,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  transmitted  to  posterity.  The 
Taiko  was  not  by  nature  a  cruel  man.  Occasionally  fits  of  passion  betrayed 
him  to  deeds  of  great  violence.  Thus,  on  one  occasion  he  ordered  the  crucifixion 
of  twenty  youths  whose  sole  offence  consisted  in  scribbling  on  the  gate-posts 
of  the  Juraku  palace.  But  in  cold  blood  he  always  showed  himself  forebearing, 
and  letters  written  by  his  own  hand  to  his  mother,  his  wife,  and  others  disclose 
an  affectionate  and  sympathetic  disposition.  It  would  be  unjust  to  assume 
that  without  full  testimony  such  a  man  sentenced  a  whole  family  of  his  own 
relatives  to  be  executed. 

HIDEYOSHI'S  DEATH 

A  few  months  after  the  Daigo  fete,  Hideyoshi  was  overtaken  by  mortal 
sickness.  His  last  days  were  tormented  by  the  thought  that  all  his  skill  as  an 
organizer  and  all  his  power  as  a  ruler  were  incompetent  to  devise  a  system  such 
as  would  secure  the  succession  to  his  child.  In  June,  1596,  he  had  procured  the 
investiture  of  Hideyori,  then  three  years  old,  with  the  title  of  regent,  and  when, 
just  two  years  later,  his  own  sickness  began  to  develop  alarming  features,  he 
resolved  to  place  all  his  trust 

T  \C1-  U     4.U  H  ^ -. 

in  leyasu.    After  much  thought .  ^^       \ 

,  ,  J   ,  i  1  i  &i  ^S^. 

three  boards    were   ordered    to  AL^^^ 

,        ,          ,  .  ,    ,       ,  Mf s*^  ^ 

be    formed:    one    consisted    of 

a         n         -  -    •  ±        »    fj    •  -\ 

five     senior  ministers      (dairo). 

1      u    •  mi 

its  personnel  being  Tokugawa 
leyasu,  Mori  Terumoto,  Ukita 
Hideiye.  Maeda  Toshiiye.  and 

•   -rr  1  -D       iU  £ 

Uesugi  Kagekatsu.  By  these  five 
statesmen  the  great  affairs  of 
the  empire  were  to  be  managed. 
The  second  board  was  formed 
with  three  nobles  of  lesser  note. 
They  were  designated  the  "mid- 
dle ministers"  (c/mro),  whose 
duty  was  to  arbitrate  between 
the  board  of  senior  ministers  and 
the  third  board,  namely  that  of 
five  "administrators"  (bugyo). 
This  third  board  had  been  orig-  MAEDA  TOSHHTB 

inally   organized   by  Hideyoshi 

in  1585,  but  it  had  not,  of  course,  been  associated  with  the  other  two  boards 
which  came  into  existence  after  Hideyoshi's  death,  though  its  personnel  and  its 
functions  remained  throughout  the  same  as  they  had  been  originally.  Again 
and  again,  with  almost  pitiable  iteration,  the  Taiko  conjured  the  thirteen  nobles 
forming  these  boards  to  protect  Hideyori  and  to  ensure  to  him  the  heirship  of 
his  father's  great  fortunes.  Each  was  required  to  subscribe  a  written  oath  of 
eight  articles:— 

(1)  That  they  would  serve  Hideyori  with  the  same  single-minded  loyalty  they  had 
shown  to  his  father. 


524  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

(2)  That  the  rules  of  Hideyoshi's  house  were  not  to  be  altered;  and  that  if,  in  the  admin- 
istration  of  public  affairs,  the  five  b'ugyo  were  unable  to  determine  a  course  of  action,  they 
should  consult  Hidevori  through  leyasu  and  Toshiie;  or,  if  necessary  before  taking  action, 
the  Emperor  was  to  be  consulted. 

(3)  That  there  were  to  be  no  factions  among  them,  personal  considerations  and  partiality 
of  every  kind  being  excluded  from  their  councils. 

.'•  (4)    That  they  must  endeavour  to  work  together  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  sup- 
pressing all  petty  jealousies  and  differences. 

(5)  That,  in  settling  matters,  the  opinion  of  the  majority  was  usually  to  be  followed,  but. 
at  the  same  time,  if  the  opinion  of  the  minority  showed  no  sign  of  being  dictated  by  personal 
interests,  it  should  be  duly  considered.    That  without  permission  from  Hideyori  no  admin- 
istrator should  dispose  of  any  of  his  (the  administrator's)  territory  to  another  person. 

(6)  That  all  accounts  were  to  be  kept  in  a  manner  above  suspicion;  that  there  were 
to  be  no  irregularities  and  'no  pursuing  of  personal  interests;  that  no  questions  concerning 
landed  estates  should  be  dealt  with  during  the  minority  of  Hideyori;  that  no  petitions  should 
be  presented  to  him,  and  that  leyasu  himself  would  neither  ask  for  changes  to  be  made  in 
the  matter  of  land-ownership  nor  accept  any  gift  of  land  from  Hideyori  during  the  latter's 
minority. 

(7)  That  whatever  Hideyori  desired  to  have  kept  secret,  whether  connected  with  his 
private  life  or  with  the  Government,  must  on  no  account  be  allowed  to  leak  out. 

(8)  That  if  any  of  the  administrators  or  their  subordinates  found  that  they  had  unwit- 
tingly acted  contrary  to  orders,  they  should  at  once  report  the  fact  to  their  superiors,  who 
would  then  deal  leniently  with  them. 

The  above  document  was  solemnly  endorsed,  the  gods  being  called  upon 
to  punish  any  one  violating  its  provisions.  It  was  further  ordered  that  Hide- 
tada,  son  of  leyasu,  should  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Hideyori;  that 
leyasu,  residing  in  the  Fushimi  palace,  should  act  as  regent  until  Hideyori 
reached  the  age  of  fifteen,  and  that  Maeda  Toshiiye,  governing  the  castle  of 
Osaka,  should  act  as  guardian  of  Hideyori.  "It  is  recorded  by  some  historians 
that  the  taiko  conferred  on  leyasu  discretionary  power  in  the  matter  of  Hide- 
yori's  succession,  authorizing  the  Tokugawa  baron  to  be  guided  by  his  own 
estimate  of  Hideyori 's  character  as  to  whether  the  latter  might  be  safely  trusted 
to  discharge  the  high  duties  that  would  devolve  on  him  when  he  reached  his 
majority.  But  the  truth  of  this  allegation  is  open  to  doubt.  It  may  well  have 
been  invented,  subsequently,  by  apologists  for  the  line  adopted  by  leyasu. 
Hideyoshi  died  on  September  18,  1598.  His  last  thoughts  were  directed  to  the 
troops  in  Korea.  He  is  said  to  have  addressed  to  Asano  Nagamasa  and  Ishida 
Katsushige  orders  to  go  in  person  to  the  peninsula,  and  to  provide  that  "the 
spirits  of  one  hundred  thousand  Japanese  soldiers  serving  there  should  not  become 
disembodied  in  a  foreign  land."  For  a  time  the  death  of  the  great  statesman 
was  kept  secret,  but  within  three  months  the  newly  created  boards  found  them- 
selves strong  enough  to  cope  with  the  situation,  and  the  remains  of  Hideyoshi 
were  publicly  interred  at  the  shrine  of  Amida-ga-mine,  near  Kyoto. 

^BHjBg^iJP^ 

HIDEYOSHI'S  CHARACTER 

,«-'.H,o'r><u.r.  -5' 

In  modern  times  many  distinguished  Japanese  historians  have  undertaken 

to  analyze  Hideyoshi's  character  and  attainments.  They  are  divided  in  their 
estimate  of  his  literary  capacity.  Some  point  to  his  letters,  which,  while  they 
display  a  not  inconsiderable  familiarity  with  Chinese  ideographs,  show  also 
some  flagrant  neglect  of  the  uses  of  that  script.  Others  refer  to  his  alleged  fond- 
ness for  composing  Japanese  poems  and  adduce  a  verselet  said  to  have  been 

•xi  U        L-  !•         1        ,111 

written  by  him  on  his  death-bed: 

Ah  \  as  the  dew  I  fall, 
As  the  dew  I  vanish. 
Eyen  Osaka  fortress 
Is  a  dream  within  a  dream. 


THE  MOMO-YAMA  EPOCH  525 

It  is  not  certain,  however,  that  Hideyoshi  composed  this  couplet,  and 
probably  the  truth  is  that  his  labours  as  a  soldier  and  a  statesman  prevented 
him  from  paying  more  than  transitory  attention  to  literature.  But  there  can 
be  no  question  that  he  possessed  an  almost  marvellous  power  of  reading  charac- 
ter, and  that  in  devising  the  best  exit  from  serious  dilemmas  and  the  wisest 
means  of  utilizing  great  occasions,  he  has  had  few  equals  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  He  knew  well,  also,  how  to  employ  pomp  and  circumstance  and  when  to 
dispense  with  all  formalities.  Above  all,  in  his  choice  of  agents  he  never  allowed 
himself  to  be  trammelled  by  questions  of  birth  or  lineage,  but  chose  his  officers 
solely  for  the  sake  of  their  ability  and  attainments,  and  neither  tradition  nor 
convention  had  any  influence  on  the  appointments  he  made.  He  was  passionate 
but  not  resentful,  and  he  possessed  the  noble  quality  of  not  shrinking  from  con- 
fession of  error.  As  for  his  military  genius  and  his  statecraft,  it  is  only  necessary 
to  consider  his  achievements.  They  entitle  him  to  stand  in  the  very  front  of 
the  world's  greatest  men.  Turning  to  his  legislation,  we  find  much  that  illus- 
trates the  ethics  of  the  time.  It  was  in  1585  that  he  organized  the  board  of  five 
administrators,  and  the  gist  of  the  regulations  issued  in  the  following  year  for 
their  guidance  was  as  follows: — 

(1)  No  subordinate  shall  leave  his  liege  lord  without  the  latter's  permission,  nor  shall 
anyone  give  employment  to  a  violator  of  this  rule. 

(2)  Farmers  must  remain  on  the  land  assigned  to  them  and  must  never  leave  it  untilled. 
On  the  other  hand,  landowners  should  visit  their  tenants  and  should  investigate  in  company 
with  the  latter  the  actual  amount  of  the  harvest  reaped.     One-third  of  this  should  be  left 
to  the  farmer  and  two-thirds  should  go  to  the  owner  of  the  land. 

(3)  If  owing  to  natural  calamity  the  harvest  be  less  than  two  bushels  per  acre,  the  whole  of 
the  yield  shall  go  to  the  farmer.    But  if  the  harvest  exceed  that  figure,  it  shall  be  divided  in 
the  proportions  indicated  in  (2). 

(4)  No  farmer  shall  move  away  from  his  holding  to  avoid  the  land-tax  or  to  escape 
forced  labour.     Anyone  harbouring  a  violator  of  this  rule  shall  expose  to  punishment  not 
only  himself  but  also  the  inhabitants  of  the  entire  village  where  he  resides. 

(5)  The  lord  of  a  fief  must  issue  such  instructions  as  shall  guarantee  his  agricultural 
vassals  against  trouble  or  annoyance,  and  shall  himself  investigate  local  affairs  instead  of 
entrusting  that  duty  to  a  substitute.    Landowners  who  issue  unreasonable  orders  to  farmers 
shall  be  punished. 

(6)  In  calculating  cubic  contents,  the  regulated  unit  of  measure  shall  be  used,  and  two 
per  cent,  shall  be  the  maximum  allowance  for  shortage. 

(7)  Embankments  injured  by  floods  and  other  mischief  wrought  by  natural  calamities 
must  be  repaired  during  the  first  month  of  the  year  when  agriculturists  are  at  leisure.     In 
the  case,  however,  of  damage  which  exceeds  the  farmers'  capacity  to  repair,  the  facts  should 
be  reported  to  the  taiko  who  will  grant  necessary  assistance. 

There  follow  various  sumptuary  regulations.  We  have  next_a  series  of  in- 
teresting instructions  known  as  "wall-writings"  of  the  castle  of  Osaka:— 

(1)  Intermarriages  between  daimyo1  s  families  require  the  previous  consent  of  the  Taiko. 

(2)  Neither  daimyo  nor  shomyo  is  permitted  to  enter  into  secret  engagements  or  to 
exchange  written  oaths,  or  to  give  or  take  hostages. 

(3)  In  a  quarrel  the  one  who  forebears  shall  be  recognized  as  having  reason. 

(4)  No  man,  whatever  his  income,  should  keep  a  large  number  of  concubines. 

(5)  The  amount  of  sake  imbibed  should  be  limited  to  one's  capacity. 

(6)  The  use  of  sedan-chairs  shall  be  confined  to  leyasu,  Toshiie,  Kagekatsu,  Terumoto, 
Takakage,  the  court  nobles,  and  high  priests.     Even  a  daimyo,  when  young,  should  ride 
on  horseback.     Those  over  fifty  years  of  age  may  use  a  sedan-chair  when  they  have  to  travel 
a  distance  of  over  one  ri  (two  and  a  half  miles).     Priests  are  exempted  from  this  veto. 

Very  interesting,  too,  is  the  Taiko  Shikimoku,  consisting  of  seventy-three 
articles,  of  which  thirteen  are  translated  as  follows :  — 

(1)  Free  yourself  from  the  thraldom  of  passion. 

(2)  Avoid  heavy  drinking. 

(3)  Be  on  your  guard  against  women. 

(4)  Be  not  contentious  or  disputatious. 


526  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Rise  early. 

Beware  of  practical  jokes. 

Think  of  your  own  future. 

Do  not  tire  of  things. 

Beware  of  thoughtless  people. 

Beware  of  fire. 

Stand  in  awe  of  the  law. 

Set  up  fences  in  your  hearts  against  wandering  or  extravagant  thoughts. 

Hold  nobody  in  contempt. 

The  sumptuary  rules  referred  to  above  were  that,  so  far  as  a  man's  means 
permitted,  all  garments  except  those  worn  in  winter  should  be  lined  with  silk, 
and  that  this  exception  did  not  apply  to  the  members  of  the  Toyotomi  family  — 
a  strange  provision  showing  that  Hideyoshi  did  not  expect  his  own  kith  and  kin 
to  set  an  example  of  economy,  however  desirable  that  virtue  might  be  in  the 
case  of  society  at  large.  Further,  it  was  provided  that  no  wadded  garment 
should  be  worn  after  the  1st  of  April — corresponding  to  about  the  1st  of  May 
in  the  Gregorian  calendar;  that  pantaloons  and  socks  must  not  be  lined;  that 
men  of  inferior  position  must  not  wear  leather  socks,  and  that  samurai  must  use 
only  half-foot  sandals,  a  specially  inexpensive  kind  of  footgear.  Finally,  no 
one  was  permitted  to  employ  a  crest  composed  with  the  chrysanthemum  and 
the  Paulownia  imperialis  unless  specially  permitted  by  the  Taiko,  who  used  this 
design  himself,  though  originally  it  was  limited  to  the  members  of  the  Imperial 
family.  So  strict  was  this  inj unction  that  even  in  the  case  of  renovating  a 
garment  which  carried  the  kiku-kiri  crest  by  permission,  the  badge  might  not 
be  repeated  on  the  restored  garment.  Supplementary  regulations  enjoined 
members  of  the  priesthood,  whether  Buddhist  or  Shinto,  to  devote  themselves 
to  the  study  of  literature  and  science,  and  to  practise  what  they  preached. 
Moreover,  men  of  small  means  were  urged  not  to  keep  more  than  one  concubine, 
and  to  assign  for  even  this  one  a  separate  house.  It  was  strictly  forbidden  that 
anyone  should  go  about  with  face  concealed,  a  custom  which  had  prevailed 
largely  hi  previous  eras. 


MOTIVES  OF  LEGISLATION 

The  7th  of  August,  1595,  was  the  day  of  the  Hidetsugu  tragedy,  and  the  above 
regulations  and  instructions  were  promulgated  for  the  most  part  early  in  Sep- 
tember of  the  same  year.  It  is  not  difficult  to  trace  a  connexion.  The  pro- 
vision against  secret  alliances  and  unsanctioned  marriages  between  great 
families;  the  veto  against  passing  from  the  service  of  one  feudal  chief  to  that 
of  another  without  special  permission,  and  the  inj  unction  against  keeping  many 
concubines  were  obviously  inspired  with  the  purpose  of  averting  a  repetition  of 
the  Hidetsugu  catastrophe.  Indirectly,  the  spirit  of  such  legislation  suggests 
that  the  signatories  of  these  laws  —  Takakage,  Terumoto,  Toshiiye,  Hideiye,  and 
leyasu  —  attached  some  measure  of  credence  to  the  indictment  of  treason 

preferred  against  Hidetsugu. 

sbri  r  •         •••••'•  •••• 

anwuo'.v>r*u;,,  •  ; -:u-i 

AGRARIAN  LAWS 

The  agrarian  legislation  of  Hideyoshi  is  worthy  of  special  attention.  It 
shows  a  marked  departure  from  the  days  when  the  unit  of  rice  measurement 
was  a  "handful"  and  when  thirty-six  handfuls  made  a  "sheaf,"  the  latter 
being  the  tenth  part  of  the  produce  of  a  tan.  In  Hideyoshi's  system,  all  cubic 
measurements  were  made  by  means  of  a  box  of  accurately  fixed  capacity  — 


:i         THE  MOMO-YAMA  EPOCH  527 

10  go,  which  was  the  tenth  part  of  a  koku  (5.13  bushels)  — the  allowance  for 
short  measure  was  limited  to  two  per  cent.,  and  the  rule  of  360  tsubo  to  the  tan 
(a  quarter  of  an  acre)  was  changed  to  300  tsubo. 

At  the  same  time  (1583),  land  surveyors  (kendenshi)  were  appointed  to 
compile  a  map  of  the  entire  country.  A  similar  step  had  been  taken  by  the 
Ashikaga  shogun,  Yoshiteru,  hi  1553,  but  the  processes  adopted  on  that  occasion 
were  not  by  any  means  so  accurate  or  scientific  as  those  prescribed  by  the  Taiko. 
The  latter  entrusted  the  work  of  survey  to  Nazuka  Masaiye,  with  whom  was 
associated  the  best  mathematician  of  the  era,  Zejobo,  and  it  is  recorded  that 
owing  to  the  minute  measures  pursued  by  these  surveyors  and  to  the  system  of 
taking  two-thirds  of  the  produce  for  the  landlord  instead  of  one-half  or  even  less, 
and  owing,  finally,  to  estimating  the  tan  at  300  tsubo  instead  of  at  360  without 
altering  its  taxable  liability,  the  official  revenue  derived  from  the  land  through- 
out the  empire  showed  a  total  increase  of  eight  million  koku,  equivalent  to  about 
£11,000,000  or  $54,000,000. 

Hideyoshi  has  been  charged  with  extortion  on  account  of  these  innovations. 
Certainly,  there  is  a  striking  contrast  between  the  system  of  Tenchi  and  that  of 
Toyotomi.  The  former,  genuinely  socialistic,  divided  the  whole  of  the  land 
throughout  the  empire  in  equal  portions  among  the  units  of  the  nation,  and 
imposed  a  land-tax  not  in  any  case  exceeding  five  per  cent,  of  the  gross  produce. 
The  latter,  frankly  feudalistic,  parcelled  out  the  land  into  great  estates  held 
by  feudal  chiefs,  who  allotted  it  in  small  areas  to  farmers  on  condition  that  the 
latter  paid  sixty-six  per  cent,  of  the  crops  to  the  lord  of  the  soil.  But  in  justice 
to  Hideyoshi,  it  must  be  owned  that  he  did  not  devise  this  system.  He  was  not 
even  the  originator  of  its  new  methods,  namely,  the  abbreviation  of  the  tan  and 
the  expansion  of  the  rate.  Both  had  already  been  put  into  practice  by  other 
daimyo.  It  must  further  be  noted  that  Hideyoshi's  era  was  essentially  one  of 
war.  The  outlays  that  he  was  obliged  to  make  were  enormous  and  perpetual. 
He  became  accustomed,  as  did  his  contemporary  barons,  to  look  lightly  at  vast 
expenditure.  Not  otherwise  can  we  account  for  the  fact  that,  within  the  brief 
period  of  eleven  years,  he  undertook  and  completed  five  great  works  involving 
enormous  cost.  These  works  were  the  Osaka  Castle,  in  1583;  a  palace  for  the 
retiring  Emperor  Okimachi,  in  1586;  the  palace  of  Juraku,  in  1587;  the  Kyoto 
Daibutsu,  in  1586,  and  the  Momo-yama  Palace,  in  1594.  What  sum  these  out- 
lays aggregated  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  calculate  accurately,  but  the 
figure  must  have  been  immense.  In  fact,  when  Hideyoshi's  financial  measures 
are  considered,  it  should  always  be  in  the  context  of  his  achievements  and  his 
necessities. 

bib  iijovttl  ai  >-.'b  ff^fi-J  n>>  bgrfer/fii 

COINS 
J-i-n  odJ  amBOod  vhi'Hirp  mini/.;  Touju  ori;         f  <i9tnoo  ^i;  iu  OIJ.^IJIB 

Another  important  feature  of  Hideyoshi's  era  was  the  use  of  coins.  During 
the  time  of  the  Ashikaga  shogunate,  two  kinds  of  gold  coins  were  minted,  and 
both  were  called  after  the  name  of  the  era  when  they  first  went  into  circulation; 
they  were  known  as  the  Shocho  koban  (1428-1429)  and  the  Tembun  koban  (1532- 
1555).  But  these  coins  were  so  rare  that  they  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  been 
current.  As  tokens  of  exchange,  copper  coins  were  imported  from  China,  and 
were  known  in  Japan  as  Eiraku-sen,  Eiraku  being  the  Japanese  pronunciation 
of  the  Chinese  era,  Yunglo.  These  were  of  pure  metal,  and  side  by  side  with 
them  were  circulated  an  essentially  inferior  iron  coin  struck  in  Japan  and  known 
as  bita-sen.  Oda  Nobunaga,  appreciating  the  disastrous  effects  produced  by 
such  currency  confusion,  had  planned  remedial  measures  when  death  overtook 


528  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

him,  and  the  task  thus  devolved  upon  Hideyoshi.  Fortunately,  the  production 
of  gold  and  silver  in  Japan  increased  greatly  at  this  epoch,  owing  to  the  intro- 
duction of  scientific  metallurgical  methods  from  Europe.  The  gold  mines  of 
Sado  and  the  silver  mines  of  Ikuno  quadrupled  or  quintupled  their  output,  and 
Hideyoshi  caused  an  unprecedented  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  coins  to  be 
struck;  the  former  known  as  the  Tensho  koban  and  the  Tensho  oban,1  and  the 
latter  as  the  silver  bu  (ichibu-giri)  and  the  silver  half-bw  (nishu-gin.) 

Gold  and  silver  thenceforth  became  the  standards  of  value,  and  as  the  mines 
at  Sado  and  Ikuno  belonged  to  the  Government,  that  is  to  say,  to  Hideyoshi, 
his  wealth  suddenly  received  a  conspicuous  increase.  That  he  did  possess 
great  riches  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  when,  hi  September,  1596,  a  terrible 
earthquake  overthrew  Momo-yama  Castle  and  wrecked  all  the  great  struct- 
ures referred  to  above,  involving  for  Hideyoshi  a  loss  of  "three  million  pieces  of 
gold,"  he  is  described  as  having  treated  the  incident  with  the  utmost  indifference, 
merely  directing  that  works  of  reparation  should  be  taken  in  hand  forthwith. 
The  records  say  that  Osaka  Castle,  which  had  suffered  seriously  and  been 
rendered  quite  uninhabitable,  was  put  in  order  and  sumptuously  fitted  up 
within  the  short  space  of  six  weeks.  Of  course,  much  of  the  resulting  expense 
had  to  be  borne  by  the  great  feudatories,  but  the  share  of  Hideyoshi  himself 
cannot  have  been  inconsiderable, 
blorf  •golujg*  ^rg  «xfjtti  bnel  oil!  .diH>  boifo:m;q  i'ji.f3iL:Ihi9l  v' ,-h:-. 

LITERATURE,  ART,  AND  COMMERCE 
wi.tei/i  fir  .Trra    Urosoni 

It  has  already  been  shown  that  in  spite  of  the  disorder  and  unrest  which 
marked  the  military  era,  that  era  saw  the  birth  of  a  great  art  movement  under 
the  Ashikaga  shogun,  Yoshimasa.  It  has  now  to  be  noted  that  this  movement 
was  rapidly  developed  under  the  Taiko.  "The  latter  it  was  whose  practical 
genius  did  most  to  popularize  art.  Although  his  early  training  and  the  occu- 
pations of  his  life  until  a  late  period  were  not  calculated  to  educate  esthetic  taste, 
he  devoted  to  the  cause  of  art  a  considerable  portion  of  the  sovereign  power 
that  his  great  gifts  as  a  military  leader  and  a  politician  had  brought  him."  His 
earnest  patronage  of  the  tea  ceremonial  involved  the  cultivation  of  literature, 
and  although  he  himself  did  not  excel  in  that  line,  he  did  much  to  promote  the 
taste  for  it  in  others.  In  the  field  of  industrial  art,  however,  his  influence  was 
much  more  marked.  "  Not  only  did  he  bestow  munificent  allowances  on  skilled 
artists  and  art  artisans,  but  also  he  conferred  on  them  distinctions  which  proved 
stronger  incentives  than  any  pecuniary  remuneration,  and  when  he  built  the 
celebrated  mansions  of  Juraku  and  Momo-yama,  so  vast  were  the  sums  that  he 
lavished  on  their  decoration,  and  such  a  certain  passport  to  his  favour  did 
artistic  merit  confer,  that  the  little  town  of  Fushimi  quickly  became  the  art 
capital  of  the  empire,  and  many  of  the  most  skilful  painters,  lacquerers,  metal- 
workers, and  wood-carvers  within  the  Four  Seas  congregated  there. 

Historians  speak  with  profound  regret  of  the  dismantling  and  destruction  of 
these  splendid  edifices  a  few  years  after  the  Taiko's  death;  but  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  the  permanent  possession  of  even  such  monuments  of  applied 
art  could  not  have  benefited  the  country  nearly  as  much  as  did  their  destruction. 
For  the  immediate  result  was  an  exodus  of  all  the  experts  who,  settling  at  Fushi- 
mi, had  become  famous  for  the  sake  of  their  Momo-yama  work.  They  scattered 

[l  The  oban  was  an  oval  plate  measuring  7  inches  by  4,  and  weighing  53  ounces.  It  contained 
63.84  per  cent,  of  gold  and  20  per  cent,  of  silver.  The  koban  was  one-tenth  of  the  value  of  the 
ofconj.  r/o  i 


THE  MOMO-YAMA  EPOCH 


529 


among  the  fiefs  of  the  most  powerful  provincial  nobles,  who  received  them 
hospitably  and  granted  them  liberal  revenues.  From  that  time,  namely,  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  there  sprang  up  an  inter-fief  rivalry  of  artistic 
production  which  materially  promoted  the  development  of  every  branch  of 
art  and  encouraged  refinement  of  life  and  manners.  Not  less  noteworthy  in  the 
history  of  this  military  epoch  is  the  improvement  that  took  place  in  the  social 
status  of  the  merchant  during  the  sixteenth  century.  Much  was  due  to  the 
liberal  views  of  the  Taiko.  He  encouraged  commercial  voyages  by  his  country- 
men to  Macao  and  to  Cambodia,  to  Annam,  and  to  other  places.  Nine  ships 
engaged  in  this  trade  every  year.  They  carried  licences  bearing  the  Taiko's 
vermilion  stamp,  and  the  ports  of  departure  were  Nagasaki,  Osaka,  and  Sakai. 


$  o  i 


SIGNATURE  op  TOKUGAWA  IEYASU 


• 


•      ' 


/-< 


MOUNTAIN  "KAQO* 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 
CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN 

DISCOVERY  OF  JAPAN  BY  EUROPEANS 

THE  Portuguese  discovered  Japan  in  1542  or  1543 — the  precise  date  is  not 
known.  Three  of  them,  travelling  by  junk  from  Spain  to  Macao,  were  driven 
from  their  course  and  landed  at  Tanegashima,  a  small  island  off  the  south  of 
Kyushu.  The  strangers  were  hospitably  received  by  the  Japanese,  and  great 
interest  was  excited  by  their  arquebuses,  the  first  firearms  ever  seen  hi  Japan. 
It  was,  of  course,  out  of  the  question  to  hold  any  oral  direct  conversation,  but 
a  Chinese  member  of  the  junk's  crew,  by  tracing  ideographs  upon  the  sand, 
explained  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  Ultimately,  the  junk  was  piloted 
to  a  convenient  port,  and  very  soon  the  armourers  of  the  local  feudatory  were 
busily  engaged  manufacturing  arquebuses.  News  of  the  discovery  of  Japan 
circulated  quickly,  and  several  expeditions  were  fitted  out  by  Portuguese  settle- 
ments in  the  Orient  to  exploit  the  new  market.  All  steered  for  Kyushu,  and 
thus  the  Island  of  the  Nine  Provinces  became  the  principal  stage  for  European 
intercourse  during  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


THE  JESUITS 

There  were,  at  that  time,  not  a  few  Jesuits  at  Macao,  Goa,  and  other  out- 
posts of  Western  commerce  in  the  Far  East.  But  not  until  1549  was  any  attempt 
made  to  proselytize  Japan.  On  August  15th  of  that  year,  Francis  Xavicr,  a 
Jesuit  priest,  landed  at  Kagoshima.  Before  his  coming,  the  Portuguese  traders 
had  penetrated  as  far  as  Kyoto,  which  they  reported  to  be  a  city  of  some  ninety- 
six  thousand  houses,  and  their  experience  of  the  people  had  been  very  favourable, 
especially  with  regard  to  receptivity  of  instruction.  Xavier  was  weary  of 
attempting  to  convert  the  Indians,  whom  he  had  found  "barbarous,  vicious, 
and  without  inclination  to  virtue,"  and  his  mind  had  been  turned  towards 
Japan  by  a  message  from  a  Japanese  daimyo  (whose  identity  and  reasons  for 

530 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  531 

inviting  him  have  never  been  explained),  and  by  a  personal  appeal  from  a 
Japanese,  whose  name  appears  in  Portuguese  annals  as  "Anjiro,"  and  who, 
having  committed  a  serious  crime  in  Japan,  had  taken  refuge  in  a  Portuguese 
vessel,  whose  master  advised  him  to  repair  to  Malacca  and  confess  his  sins  to 
Xavier. 

This  man,  Anjiro,  already  possessed  some  knowledge  of  the  Portuguese 
language,  and  he  soon  became  sufficiently  proficient  in  it  to  act  as  interpreter, 
thus  constituting  a  valuable  aid  to  the  Portuguese  propagandists.  Xavier, 
with  two  fellow  countrymen  and  Anjiro,  repaired  to  Kagoshima,  where  the 
Satsuma  baron  gave  them  unqualified  permission  to  preach  their  doctrine.  Not 
that  he  had  any  sympathy  with  Christianity,  about  which  he  knew  nothing, 
but  solely  because  he  wished  to  secure  a  share  in  the  oversea  commerce  which 
had  brought  so  much  wealth  to  his  fellow  barons  on  the  main  island.  He 
thought,  in  short,  that  the  Jesuits  would  be  followed  by  merchant  ships,  and 
when  Portuguese  trading  vessels  did  actually  appear  in  the  Satsuma  waters,  but, 
instead  of  making  any  stay  there,  passed  on  to  the  comparatively  petty  princi- 
pality of  Hirado,  Xavier  and  his  comrades  were  quickly  ordered  to  leave  Kago- 
shima. It  seems,  also,  that  Xavier's  zeal  had  outrun  his  discretion.  The  Bud- 
dhist priests  in  Kagoshima  were  ready  at  first  to  listen  respectfully  to  his  doc- 
trines, but  were  quickly  alienated  by  his  aggressive  intolerance.  They  urged 
upon  the  Satsuma  baron  the  dangers  that  attended  such  propagandism,  and  he, 
already  smarting  from  commercial  disappointment,  issued  an  edict,  in  1550, 
declaring  it  a  capital  offence  to  embrace  Christianity.  The  edict  was  not  re- 
trospective. About  one  hundred  and  fifty  converts  whom  Xavier,  aided  by 
Anjiro,  had  won  during  his  two  years'  sojourn,  were  not  molested,  but  Xavier 
himself  passed  on  to  the  island  of  Hirado,  where  he  was  received  by  salvos  of 
artillery  from  Portuguese  vessels  lying  in  harbour.  Matsuura,  the  Hirado  baron, 
had  already  been  captivated  by  the  commerce  of  the  newcomers,  and  seeing 
the  marked  reverence  extended  by  them  to  Xavier,  the  baron  issued  orders 
that  respectful  attention  should  be  paid  to  the  teaching  of  the  foreign  propa- 
gandist. Doubtless  owing  in  large  part  to  these  orders,  one  hundred  converts 
were  made  during  the  first  ten  days  of  Xavier's  residence  in  Hirado.  :rnjjift  h«jt 

It  was,  in  fact,  evident  that  the  attitude  of  the  official  classes  towards  the 
new-comers  was  mainly  influenced  by  the  prospect  of  trade,  and  that  the  attitude 
of  the  non-official  classes  towards  the  foreign  religion  depended  largely  on  the 
mood  of  their  superiors.  Xavier  argued  that  "if  the  favour  of  such  a  small 
prince  was  so  potent  for  the  conversion  of  his  subjects,  it  would  be  quite  another 
thing  if  he  (Xavier)  could  have  the  protection  of  the  Emperor."  He  therefore, 
resolved  to  visit  Kyoto.  His  journey  took  him  in  the  first  place  to  Yamaguchi, 
capital  of  the  Choshu  fief.  This  town  lay  on  the  northern  shore  of  Shimonoseki 
Strait,  and  had  long  been  the  principal  emporium  of  trade  with  China  and 
Korea.  But  the  ruler  of  the  fief,  though  courteous  to  the  new-comers,  evinced 
no  disposition  to  show  any  special  cordiality  towards  humble  missionaries 
unconnected  with  commerce.  Therefore,  finding  that  their  preaching  produced 
little  effect,  Xavier  and  his  companion,  Fernandez,  continued  their  journey  to 
Kyoto,  which  they  reached  after  travelling  for  nearly  two  months  on  foot  in  the 
depth  of  winter.  It  happened,  however,  that  the  capital  was  then  suffering 
sharply  from  the  effects  of  internecine  strife,  and  the  two  missionaries  failed  to 
obtain  access  to  either  the  sovereign  or  the  shogun. 

Nothing  remained,  therefore,  but  recourse  to  street  preaching,  and  for  this 
they  were  ill  equipped,  for  Xavier,  constitutionally  a  bad  linguist,  knew  very 


532  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

little  of  the  Japanese  language,  and  his  companion,  Fernandez,  even  less,  while 
as  for  Anjiro,  he  had  remained  in  Kagoshima.  After  devoting  a  few  days  to 
this  unproductive  task,  Xavier  returned  to  Yamaguchi.  He  had  not  made  any 
converts  in  Kyoto,  but  he  had  learned  a  useful  lesson,  namely,  that  religious 
propagandism,  to  be  successful  in  Japan,  must  be  countenanced  by  the  ruling 
classes.  He  therefore  caused  his  canonicals  to  be  sent  to  him  from  Hirado, 
together  with  his  credentials  from  the  viceroy  of  India,  the  governor  of  Malacca, 
and  the  bishop  of  Goa.  These  documents  he  submitted  to  the  Choshu  baron, 
accompanying  them  with  certain  rare  objects  of  European  manufacture,  includ- 
ing a  clock  and  a  harpsicord.  A  permit  to  preach  Christianity  was  now  obtained 
without  difficulty,  and  the  Yamaguchi  officials  went  so  far  as  to  issue  a  proclama- 
tion expressing  approval  of  the  Western  religion  and  granting  entire  liberty  to 
embrace  it.  An  empty  Buddhist  monastery  was  assigned  as  a  residence  for 
Xavier  and  his  companions,  and  the  fact  is  certainly  an  eloquent  testimony  to 
the  magnanimity  of  the  Buddhist  priests. 

Many  converts  were  now  made,  and  fresh  proof  was  obtained  that  the  road 
to  success  lay  in  associating  propagandism  with  commerce.  It  was  nearly  a 
decade  since  the  Portuguese  had  effected  their  first  landing  on  Tanegashima, 
and  throughout  that  interval  trade  had  flourished  in  their  hands.  They  had 
not  sought  any  new  markets  on  the  main  island;  first,  because  their  ignorance 
of  the  coasts  rendered  navigation  risky;  and,  secondly,  because  internecine  war 
raged  throughout  almost  the  whole  of  the  main  island,  whereas  Kyushu  enjoyed 
comparative  tranquillity.  Xavier  now  took  advantage  of  a  Portuguese  vessel 
which  called  at  Yamaguchi  en  route  for  Bungo,  a  province  on  the  eastern  littoral 
of  Kyushu.  His  intention  was  to_return  for  a  time  to  the  Indies,  but  on  reaching 
Bungo  he  learned  that  its  ruler,  Otomo,  wielded  exceptional  power  and  showed 
a  disposition  to  welcome  the  Jesuit  father. 

This  Otomo  was  destined  ultimately  to  act  a  leading  part  on  the  stage  of 
Christianity  in  Japan.  Xavier  now  had  recourse  to  methods  suggested  by  his 
recent  experiences.  On  a  visit  to  Otomo  he  caused  himself  to  be  escorted  by 
a  large  number  of  the  Portuguese  crew,  who  wore  rich  garments,  carried  arms, 
and  flaunted  banners.  This  procedure  seems  to  have  weighed  cogently  with 
Otomo,  who  was  keenly  desirous  of  attracting  foreign  traders  and  obtaining 
from  them  not  only  wealth  but  also  novel  and  effective_weapons  of  war.  Seeing 
that  Xavier  was  almost  deified  by  the  Portuguese,  Otomo  naturally  applied 
himself  to  win  the  good-will  of  the  Jesuits,  and  for  that  purpose  not  only  ac- 
corded to  them  entire  liberty  to  teach  and  to  preach,  but  also  despatched  a 
messenger  to  his  younger  brother  (who  had  just  succeeded  to  the  lordship  of 
Yamaguchi),  advising  him  to  protect  the  two  Jesuits  then  residing  there,  namely, 
Torres  and  Fernandez.  Xavier  remained  four  months  in  Bungo  and  then  set 
sail  for  Goa  in  February,  1552.  He  died  in  December  of  the  same  year,  and  thus 
his  intention  of  returning  to  Japan  was  defeated.  His  stay  in  Japan  had  lasted 
twenty-seven  months,  and  in  that  interval  he  and  his  comrades  had  won  some 
760  converts. 

^mflO->SULTS  °F  PROPAGANDISM 

It  is  worth  while  to  recapitulate  here  the  main  events  during  this  first  epoch 
of  Christian  propagandism  hi  Japan.  •  It  has  been  shown  that  in  more  than  a 
year's  labours  in  Kagoshima,  Xavier,  with  the  assistance  of  Anjiro  as  an  inter- 
preter, obtained  150  believers.  Now,  "no  language  lends  itself  with  greater 
difficulty  than  Japanese  to  the  discussion  of  theological  questions.  The  terms 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  533 

necessary  for  such  a  purpose  are  not  current  among  laymen,  and  only  by  special 
study,  which,  it  need  scarcely  be  said,  must  be  preluded  by  accurate  acquaintance 
with  the  tongue  itself,  can  a  man  hope  to  become  duly  equipped  for  the  task  of 
exposition  and  dissertation.  It  is  open  to  grave  doubt  whether  any  foreigner 
has  ever  attained  the  requisite  proficiency.  Leaving  Anjiro  in  Kagoshima, 
to  care  for  the  converts  made  there,  Xavier  pushed  on  to  Hirado,  where  he  bap- 
tized a  hundred  Japanese  in  a  few  days.  Now,  we  have  it  on  the  authority 
of  Xavier  himself  that,  in  this  Hirado  campaign,  'none  of  us  knew  Japanese.' 
How,  then,  did  they  proceed?  '  By  reciting  a  semWapanese  volume '  (a  trans- 
lation made  by  Anjiro  of  a  treatise  from  Xavier's  pen)  'and  by  delivering 
sermons,  we  brought  several  over  to  the  Christian  cult.' 

"Sermons  preached  in  Portuguese  or  Latin  to  a  Japanese  audience  on  the 
island  of  Hirado  in  the  year  1550  can  scarcely  have  attracted  intelligent  interest. 
On  his  first  visit  to  Yamaguchi,  Xavier's  means  of  access  to  the  understanding 
of  his  hearers  was  confined  to  the  rudimentary  knowledge  of  Japanese  which 
Fernandez  had  been  able  to  acquire  in  fourteen  months,  a  period  of  study  which, 
in  modern  times  with  all  the  aids  now  procurable,  would  not  suffice  to  carry  a 
student  beyond  the  margin  of  the  colloquial.  No  converts  were  won.  The 
people  of  Yamaguchi  probably  admired  the  splendid  faith  and  devotion  of  these 
over-sea  philosophers,  but  as  for  their  doctrine,  it  was  unintelligible.  In  Kyoto, 
the  same  experience  was  repeated  with  an  addition  of  much  physical  hardship. 
But,  when  the  Jesuits  returned  to  Yamaguchi  in  the  early  autumn  of  1551,  they 
baptized  five  hundred  persons,  including  several  members  of  the  military  class. 
Still  Fernandez  with  his  broken  Japanese  was  the  only  medium  for  communi- 
cating the  profound  doctrines  of  Christianity.  It  must  be  concluded  that  the 
teachings  of  the  missionaries  produced  much  less  effect  than  the  attitude  of  the 
local  chieftain."1 

But  the  Jesuits  have  not  left  any  misgivings  on  record.  They  relate  that 
during  Xavier's  sojourn  in  Bungo  he  had  numerous  public  debates  —  one 
continuing  for  five  days  —  with  Buddhist  priests,  but  even  Fernandez  not  being 
available  as  an  interpreter,  these  debates  must  have  been  either  farcical  or 
imaginary,  though  brilliant  results  are  claimed  for  them  by  the  Church  his- 
torians. That  Xavier  himself  was  not  satisfied  is  proved  by  his  determination 
to  transfer  his  ministrations  to  China,  for  he  said,  "if  the  Chinese  adopt  the 
Christian  religion,  the  Japanese  also  will  abandon  the  religions  they  have  intro- 
duced from  China." 

;X9  fl£  .g'tivrv  H9,t  tot  iioq  f>?nl  .B  rasrit  ^ahtffto  ^sft  ani  oj  o^nnM  /u 

.;  _b'TiL_  -ii/hfEiiO '-'^.Pi-fMLt  I'"1'*   e>*5if>]h{s1Mt   i5     f}ff/,i 

.    SECOND  PERIOD  OF  PROPAGANDISM 

Torres  and  Fernandez  remained  in  Japan  after  Xavier's  departure  and  were 
there  joined  soon  afterwards  by  three  others.  The  new-comers  landed  at 
Kagoshima  and  found  that  the  Satsuma  baron  was  as  keen  as  ever  in  welcoming 
foreign  trade,  although  his  attitude  towards  the  alien  religion  continued  anti- 
pathetic. Bungo  now  became  the  headquarters  of  the  Jesuits  in  Japan.  Local 
disturbances  had  compelled  them  to  leave  Yamaguchi,  where  their  disputes 
with  Buddhist  priests  had  become  so  violent  that  an  official  proscription  of  the 
Western  religion  was  pronounced.  In  Funai,  the  capital  of  the  province  of 
Bungo,  they  built  their  first  church  in  Japan  and  also  a  hospital.  From  that 
place,  too,  they  began  to  send  yearly  reports  known  as  the  Annual  Letters  to 
their  generals  in  Rome>  and  these  Letters  give  an  interesting  insight  into 
Y  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.l, 


534  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  conditions  then  existing  in  Japan.  The  writers  "describe  a  state 
of  abject  poverty  among  the  lower  orders  —  poverty  so  cruel  that  the 
destruction  of  children  by  their  famishing  parents  was  an  every-day  oc- 
currence." This  terrible  state  of  affairs  was  due  to  the  civil  wars  which  had 
entered  their  most  violent  phase  in  the  Onin  era  (1467-1468),  and  had  con- 
tinued without  intermission  ever  since.  The  trade  carried  on  by  the  Portuguese 
did  not,  however,  suffer  any  interruption.  Their  vessels  repaired  to  Hirado 
as  well  as  to  Funai,  and  the  masters  and  seamen  of  the  ships  appear  to  have 
treated  the  missionaries  with  such  scrupulous  respect  that  the  Japanese  formed 
an  almost  exaggerated  conception  of  the  civil  influence  wielded  by  the  religion- 
ists. It  further  appears  that  in  those  early  days  the  Portuguese  seamen  refrained 
from  the  riotous  excesses  which  had  already  won  for  them  a  most  unenviable 
reputation  in  China. 

In  fact,  their  good  conduct  constituted  an  object  lesson  in  the  interests 
of  Christianity.  We  learn,  incidentally  that,  in  1557,  two  of  the  fathers,  visit- 
ing Hirado  at  the  instance  of  some  Portuguese  sailors  who  felt  in  want  of  religious 
ministrations,  organized  a  kind  of  propagandism  which  anticipated  the  methods 
of  the  Salvation  Army.  They  "sent  brothers  to  parade  the  streets,  ringing 
bells,  and  chaunting  litanies;  they  organized  bands  of  boys  for  the  same  purpose; 
they  caused  the  converts,  and  even  children,  to  flagellate  themselves  at  a  model 
of  Mount  Calvary,  and  they  worked  miracles,  healing  the  sick  by  contact  with 
scourges  or  with  a  booklet  in  which  Xavier  had  written  litanies  and  prayers. 
It  may  well  be  imagined  that  such  doings  attracted  surprised  attention  in  Japan. 
They  were  supplemented  by  even  more  striking  practices.  For  a  sub-feudatory 
of  the  Hirado  chief,  having  been  converted,  showed  his  zeal  by  destroying 
Buddhist  temples  and  throwing  down  the  idols,  thus  inaugurating  a  campaign 
of  violence  destined  to  mark  the  progress  of  Christianity  throughout  the  greater 
part  of  its  history  in  Japan.  There  followed  the  overthrowing  of  a  cross  in  the 
Christian  cemetery,  the  burning  of  a  temple  in  the  town  of  Hirado,  and  a  street 
riot,  the  sequel  being  that  the  Jesuit  fathers  were  compelled  to  return  once 
more  to  Bungo."1 

All  this  conveys  an  idea  of  the  guise  under  which  Christianity  was  presented 
originally  to  the  Japanese.  Meanwhile,  the  Portuguese  traders  did  not  allow 
their  commerce  to  be  interrupted  by  any  misfortunes  which  overtook  the  Jesuits. 
Hirado  continued  to  be  frequented  by  Portuguese  merchantmen,  and  news  of  the 
value  of  their  trade  induced  Sumitada,  feudatory  of  Omura,  to  invite  the  Jesuits 
in  Bungo  to  his  fief,  offering  them  a  free  port  for  ten  years,  an  extensive  tract  of 
land,  a  residence  for  the  missionaries,  and  other  privileges.  This  induced  the 
Hirado  feudatory  to  revoke  the  edict  which  he  had  issued  against  the  Jesuits, 
and  they  were  preparing  to  take  advantage  of  his  renewed  hospitality  when  a 
Portuguese  merchantman  entered  Hirado.  Its  appearance  convinced  the 
local  chieftain  that  trade  could  be  had  without  the  accompaniment  of  religion, 
towards  which  he  renewed  his  hostility.  When,  however,  this  change  of  de- 
meanour was  communicated  to  Funai,  the  Jesuit  leader,  Torres,  hastened  thence 
to  Hirado,  and  induced  the  master  of  the  merchantman  to  leave  the  port  on  the 
ground  that  he  could  riot  remain  in  a  country  where  they  maltreated  those  who 
professed  the  same  religion  as  himself.  Thereafter,  for  some  years,  Hirado  re- 
mained outside  the  pale  of  foreign  trade.  But  ultimately  three  merchant 
vessels  appeared  in  the  offing  and  announced  their  willingness  to  put  in  provided 
that  the  anti-Christian  ban  was  removed.  This  remonstrance  proved  effective. 
[l  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


•  3J4O3  CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  535 

A  parallel  case  occurred  a  few  years  later  in  the  island  of  Amakusa.  There 
a  petty  baron,  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  attracting  foreign  trade,  embraced 
Christianity  and  required  all  his  vassals  to  follow  his  example.  But  when  no 
Portuguese  ship  arrived,  he  apostatized;  ordered  his  vassals  to  return  to  their 
old  faith,  and  expelled  the  missionaries. 

"In  fact,  the  competition  for  the  patronage  of  Portuguese  traders  was  so 
keen  that  the  Hirado  feudatory  attempted  to  burn  several  of  their  vessels  because 
they  frequented  the  territorial  waters  of  his  neighbour  and  rival,  Sumitada.  The 
latter  became  a  most  stalwart  Christian  when  his  wish  was  gratified.  He  set 
himself  to  eradicate  idolatry  throughout  his  fief  with  the  strong  arm,  and 
his  fierce  intolerance  provoked  revolts  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Christian  town  at  the  newly  opened  free  port.  Sumitada,  however,  quickly 
reasserted  his  authority,  and  five  years  later  (1567),  he  took  a  step  which  had 
far-reaching  consequences,  namely,  the  building  of  a  church  at  Nagasaki,  in 
order  that  Portuguese  commerce  might  have  a  centre  and  the  Christians  an 
assured  asylum.  Nagasaki  was  then  a  little  fishing  village.  In  five  years  it 
grew  to  be  a  town  of  thirty  thousand  inhabitants,  and  Sumitada  became  one  of 
the  richest  of  the  Kyushu  feudatories."1 

This  baron  appears  to  have  been  sincere  in  his  adoption  of  the  foreign 
religion.  "When  hi  1573,  successful  conflicts  with  neighbouring  fiefs  brought 
him  an  access  of  territory,  he  declared  that  he  owed  these  victories  to  the 
influence  of  the  Christian  God,  and  shortly  afterwards  he  proclaimed  banishment 
for  all  who  would  not  accept  the  foreign  faith.  There  were  then  no  Jesuits  by 
his  side,  but  immediately  two  hastened  to  join  him,  and  'these  accompanied  by 
a  strong  guard,  but  yet  not  without  danger  of  their  lives,  went  round  causing  the 
churches  of  the  Gentiles,  with  their  idols,  to  be  thrown  down  to  the  ground,  while 
three  Japanese  Christians  went  preaching  the  law  of  God  everywhere.'  "  They 
further  record  that  three  fathers  who  were  in  the  neighbouring  fief  "all  withdrew 
therefrom  to  work  in  this  abundant  harvest,  and  in  the  space  of  seven  months 
twenty  thousand  persons  were  baptized,  including  the  bonzes  of  about  sixty 
monasteries."1  The  Jesuit  vice-provincial  (Francis  Cabral),  relating  these 
events,  speaks  with  marked  satisfaction  of  the  abasement  of  the  Buddhist 
priests,  and  adds,  "That  these  should  now  come  to  such  a  humility  that  they 
throw  themselves  on  the  ground  before  two  ragged  members  of  the  Company  is 
one  of  the  miracles  worked  by  the  Divine  Majesty." 

In  Funai  things  were  by  no  means  so  satisfactory.  The  Jesuits,  as  stated 
above,  had  a  hospital  there,  which  had  been  built  at  the  charges  of  a  devout 
Portuguese.  But  Francis  Cabral,  writing  fromBungo,  in  1576,  said:  "Down 
to  this  hour  the  Christians  have  been  so  abject  and  vile  that  they  have  shown 
no  desire  to  acknowledge  themselves,  partly  from  being  few  in  the  midst  of  so 
many  Gentiles,  partly  because  the  said  Christianity  began  in  the  hospital  where 
we  cure  the  people  of  low  condition  and  those  suffering  from  contagious  diseases, 
like  the  French  evil  and  such  others.  Whence  the  Gospel  came  to  be  of  such 
little  reputation  that  no  man  of  position  would  dare  to  accept  it  (although  it 
seemed  good  and  true  to  him)  merely  lest  he  should  be  confounded  with  this 
rabble  (con  quella  plebe).  And  although  we  gave  much  edification  with  such 
works,  the  thing  nevertheless  was  a  great  obstacle  to  the  spread  of  the 
holy  faith.  And  thus,  during  the  twenty  years  we  have  had  a  residence  in 
Funai,  one  gentleman  became  a  Christian,  and  this  after  having  been  cured 
of  the  said  evil  in  his  house;  but  as  soon  as  he  was  cured  he  afterwards 
[l Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.J 


636  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

thought  it  shame  to  acknowledge  his  Christianity  in  the  presence  of  others." 
jj.f  This  most  disheartening  record  underwent  a  complete  change  in  1576,  when 
the  son  of  the  Bungo  feudatory,  a  youth  of  some  sixteen  years,  and,  two  years 
later,  the  feudatory  himself,  Otomo,  embraced  the  Christian  faith.  In  the  first 
Annual_ Letter  sent  to  Rome  after  these  events  a  striking  admission  is  made: 
"It  is  Otomo,  next  to  God,  whom  the  Jesuits  have  to  thank  for  their  success  in 
Japan."  This  appreciation  looks  somewhat  exaggerated  when  placed  side  by 
side  with  the  _incidents  that  occurred  in  Sumitada's  fief,  as  related  above. 
Nevertheless,  Otomo  certainly  did  render  powerful  aid,  not  within  his  own  fief 
alone  but  also  through  his  influence  elsewhere.  Thus,  he  did  not  hesitate-  to 
have  recourse  to  arms  in  order  to  obtain  for  the  Jesuits  access  to  the  island  of 
Amakusa,  wlrere  one  of  the  local  barons,  tempted  originally  by  tradal  prospects 
and  afterwards  urged  by  his  wife,  called  upon  his  vassals  to  choose  between 
conversion  or  exile,  and  issued  an  order  that  any  Buddhist  priests  refusing  to 
accept  Christianity  would  have  their  property  confiscated  and  their  persons 
banished,  ill  .g^jsi 

Practically  the  whole  population  became  converts  under  the  pressure  of  these 
edicts,  and  it  is  thus  seen  that  Christianity  owed  much  of  its  success  in  Kyushu 
to  methods  which  recall  Islam  and  the  Inquisition.  Another  illustration  of 
this  is  furnished  by  the  Arima  fief,  which  adjoined  that  of  Omura  where  Sumitada 
ruled.  The  heads  of  these  two  fiefs  were  brothers,  and  thus  when  Sumitada 
embraced  Christianity  the  Jesuits  received  an  invitation  to  visit  Arima  at  the 
ports  of  Kuchinotsu  and  Shimabara,  where  from  that  time  Portuguese  ships 
repaired  frequently.  In  1576,  the  Arima  baron,  seeing  the  prosperity  and  power 
which  had  followed  the  conversion  of  his  brother  Sumitada,  accepted  baptism 
and  became  the  "Prince  Andrew"  of  missionary  records.  In  those  records 
we  read  that  "the  first  thing  Prince  Andrew  did  after  his  baptism  was  to  con- 
vert the  chief  temple  of  his  capital  into  a  church,  its  revenues  being  assigned  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  building  and  the  support  of  the  missionaries.  He  then 
took  measures  to  have  the  same  thing  done  in  the  other  towns  of  his  fief,  and  he 
seconded  the  preachers  of  the  Gospel  so  well  in  everything  else  that  he  could 
flatter  himself  that  he  soon  would  not  have  one  single  idolater  in  his  states." 
This  fanatical  "Prince  Andrew"  survived  his  baptism  by  two  years  only,  but 
during  that  time  twenty  thousand  converts  were  made  in  Arima.  His  successor, 
however,  was  a  believer  in  Buddhism.  He  caused  the  Christian  churches  to  bo 
destroyed  and  the  crosses  to  be  thrown  down;  he  ordered  the  Jesuits  to  quit 
his  dominions,  and  he  required  the  converts  to  return  to  Buddhism.  Under 
this  pressure  about  one-half  of  the  converts  apostatized,  but  the  rest  threatened 
to  leave  Kuchinotsu  en  masse.  However  this  would  have  meant  the  loss  of 
foreign  trade,  and  as  a  result  of  this  circumstance  the  anti-Christian  edicts 
were  radically  modified. 

Just  at  that  time,  also,  a  fortunate  incident  occurred.  It  had  become  the 
custom  for  a  large  vessel  from  Macao  to  visit  Japan  every  year,  and  the  advent 
of  this  ship  had  great  importance  from  a  commercial  point  of  view.  It  chanced 
that  she  made  the  port  of  Kuchinotsu  her  place  of  call  in  1578,  and  her  presence 
suggested  such  a  pleasing  outcome  that  the  feudatory  embraced  Christianity 
and  allowed  his  vassals  to  do  the  same.  By  this  "great  ship  from  Macao"  the 
Jesuit  vice-general,  Valegnani  was  a  passenger.  A  statesman  as  well  as  a 
preacher,  this  astute  politician  made  such  a  clever  use  of  the  opportunity  that, 
in  1580,  "all  the  city  was  made  Christian,  and  the  people  burned  their  idols  and 
destroyed  forty  temples,  reserving  some  materials  to  build  churches." 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAK>T*;IH  537 


-I  '•        i     I'*  ' 

RESULTS  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  DECADES  OF   PROPAGANDISM 

::>o/>  eial  no  r  •  :  :>,  '<<-{,]  vf 

The  record  achieved  by  the  Christian  propagandists  up  to  this  time  was 
distinctly  satisfactory.  In  the  Annual  Letter  of  1582  we  find  it  stated  that,  at 
the  close  of  1581,  that  is  to  say,  thirty-two  years  after  Xavier's  landing  in  Japan 
there  were  about  150;000  converts.  Of  these  some  125,000  were  in.  Kyushu; 
the  remainder  in  Yamaguchi,  Kyoto,  and  the  vicinity  of  the  latter  city.  As  for 
the  Jesuits  in  Japan,  they  then  numbered  seventy-five,  but  down  to  the  year 
1563  there  had  never  been  more  than  nine.  "The  harvest  was  certainly  great 
in  proportion  to  the  number  of  sowers.  But  it  was  a  harvest  mainly  of  artificial 
growth,  forced  by  despotic  insistence  of  feudal  chiefs  who  possessed  the  power  of 
life  and  death  over  their  vassals,  and  were  influenced  by  a  desire  to  attract 
foreign  trade." 

[fc  oiiift  :h  -Is  lo  02-jfittquI.  odt  lioidw  /ttiv/  jhrcra  IGVO!  oiij 

,,|JWDDHISM  AND  CHRISTIANITY.  ^ 

"To  the  Buddhist  priests  this  movement  of  Christian  propagandism  had 
brought  an  experience  hitherto  almost  unknown  in  Japan  —  persecution  solely 
on  account  of  creed.  They  had  suffered  for  interfering  in  politics,  but  the  cruel 
vehemence  of  the  Christian  fanatic  may  be  said  to  have  now  become  known  for 
the  first  time  to  men  themselves  usually  conspicuous  for  tolerance  of  heresy  and 
for  receptivity  of  instruction.  They  had  had  little  previous  experience  of  hu- 
manity in  the  garb  of  an  Otomo  of  Bungo,  who,  in  the  words  of  Crasset,  Svent  to 
the  chase  of  the  bonzes  as  to  that  of  wild  beasts,  and  made  it  his  singular  pleasure 
to  exterminate  them  from  his  states.'  "l 

.alamrB 

JAPANESE  'EMBASSY  TO  EUROPE 

Another  important  result  of  the  coming  of  Valegnani  to  Japan  was  that,  in 
1582,  an  embassy  sailed  from  Nagasaki  for  Europe.  It  consisted  of  four  young 
men,  representing  the  fiefs  of  Arima,  Omura,  and  Bungo,  and  it  is  related  that 
at  Lisbon,  Madrid,  and  Rome  they  were  received  with  an  elaborate  show  of 
dazzling  magnificence,  so  that  they  carried  back  to  their  island  home  a  vivid 
impression  of  the  might  and  wealth  of  Western  countries. 

noed:9ve<{  ])iijow  msqfil.  ni  yin*  z'j^JBl  odj  ,Y.itkiciiahiiO  ot 
bm-  -jl>w  'to  n&rn  &  ad  aew  ylao  frm 


...  AND  CHRISTIANITY  .Bqbn 


It  has  already  been  shown  that  the  visit  to  Kyoto  by  Xavier  and  Fernandez 
was  wholly  unsuccessful.  Such  was  not  the  case,  however,  when  another  visit 
was  made  to  the  same  city  by  Vilela,  in  the  year  1559.  This  eminent  missionary 
had  been  invited  to  Kyoto  by  the  abbot  of  the  celebrated  Buddhist  monastery 
of  Hiei-zan,  who  desired  to  investigate  the  Christian  doctrine.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that,  at  this  time,  Christian  propagandism  in  Kyushu  had  not  yet  begun  to  be 
disfigured  by  acts  of  violence.  Vilela  carried  letters  of  introduction  from  the 
Bungo  feudatory,  but  before  he  reached  the  capital  the  Buddhist  abbot  of 
Hiei-zan  had  died,  and  his  successor  did  not  show  the  same  liberal  spirit  of  in- 
quiry. Still,  Vilela  'was  permitted  to  expound  his  doctrines  in  the  presence  of  a 
gathering  of  priests  in  the  great  monastery,  and  afterwards  the  good  offices  of 
one  of  these  bonzes,  supplemented  by  the  letter  of  the  Bungo  feudatory,  procured 
for  the  Jesuit  father  the  honour  of  being  received  by  the  shogun,  Yoshiteru,  who 
treated  him  with  much  consideration  and  assigned  a  house  for  his  residence. 
t1  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.]  ?< 


538  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Vilela  does  not  seem  to  have  allowed  himself  to  be  influenced  in  any  degree 
by  the  aid  that  he  received  on  this  occasion  from  his  Buddhist  friend,  who  is 
described  as  "one  of  the  most  respected  men  in  the  city."  The  Jesuit  father 
seized  the  first  opportunity  to  denounce  Buddhism  and  its  followers  in  un- 
measured terms,  and  soon  the  bonzes  began  to  intrigue  with  corresponding 
vehemence  for  the  expulsion  of  the  foreign  propagandists.  But  the  shogun 
extended  his  protection  to  Vilela,  by  issuing  a  decree  which  made  it  a  capital 
punishment  to  injure  the  missionaries  or  obstruct  their  work.  The  times, 
however,  were  very  troublous,  so  that  Vilela  and  his  fellow  workers  had  to 
encounter  much  difficulty  and  no  little  danger.  Nothing,  however,  damped 
their  ardour,  and  five  years  after  their  arrival  in  Kyoto  they  had  not  only 
obtained  many  converts  but  had  organized  churches  in  five  towns  within  a  radius 
of  fifty  miles  from  the  capital.  Two  incidents  may  be  specially  mentioned 
illustrating  the  loyal  spirit  with  which  the  Japanese  of  that  time  approached 
controversy.  Among  Vilela's  converts  were  two  Buddhist  priests  who  had  been 
nominated  officially  to  investigate  and  report  upon  the  novel  doctrines,  and  who, 
in  the  sequel  of  their  investigation,  openly  embraced  Christianity  though  they 
had  originally  been  vehemently  opposed  to  it.  The  second  incident  was  the 
conversion  of  a  petty  feudatory,  Takayama,  whose  fief  lay  at  Takatsuki  in  the 
vicinity-  of  the  capital.  He  challenged  Vilela  to  a  public  discussion  of  the 
merits  of  the  two  creeds,  and  being  vanquished,  he  frankly  acknowledged  his 
defeat,  adopted  Christianity,  and  invited  his  vassals  as  well  as  his  family  to 
follow  his  example.  His  son,  Yusho,  became  one  of  the  most  loyal  supporters 
of  Christianity  in  all  Japan.  He  is  the  "Don  Justo  Ukondono"  of  the  Jesuits' 
annals. 

NOBUNAGA  AND  CHRISTIANITY 

At  the  tune  of  Vilela's  visit  to  Kyoto  civil  war  was  raging.  It  led  to  the 
death  of  the  shogun,  Yoshiteru,  and  to  the  issue  of  an  Imperial  decree  proscribing 
Christianity,  Vilela  and  his  two  comrades  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  the 
town  of  Sakai,  and  they  remained  there  during  three  years,  when  they  were 
invited  to  an  interview  with  Oda  Nobunaga,  who,  at  this  time,  had  risen  almost 
to  the  pinnacle  of  his  immense  power.  Had  Nobunaga  shown  himself  hostile 
to  Christianity,  the  latter's  fate  in  Japan  would  have  been  quickly  sealed;  but 
not  only  was  he  a  man  of  wide  and  liberal  views,  but  also  he  harboured  a  strong 
antipathy  against  the  Buddhists,  whose  armed  interference  in  politics  had 
caused  him  much  embarrassment.  He  welcomed  Christianity  largely  as  an 
opponent  of  Buddhism,  and  when  Takayama  conducted  Froez  from  Sakai 
to  Nobunaga's  presence,  the  Jesuit  received  a  cordial  welcome.  Thenceforth, 
during  the  fourteen  remaining  years  of  his  life,  Nobunaga  steadily  befriended 
the  missionaries  in  particular  and  foreign  visitors  to  Japan  in  general.  He 
stood  between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Throne  when,  in  reply  to  an  appeal  from 
Buddhist  priests,  the  Emperor  Okimachi,  for  the  second  time,  issued  an  anti- 
Christian  decree  (1568) ;  he  granted  a  site  for  a  church  and  a  residence  at  Azuchi 
on  Lake  Biwa,  where  his  new  castle  stood;  he  addressed  to  various  powerful 
feudatories  letters  signifying  a  desire  for  the  spread  of  Christianity;  he  fre- 
quently made  handsome  presents  to  the  fathers,  and  whenever  they  visited 
him  he  showed  himself  accessible  and  gracious.  The  Jesuits  said  of  him: 
"This  man  seems  to  have  been  chosen  by  God  to  open  and  prepare  the  way 
for  our  faith.  In  proportion  to  the  intensity  of  his  enmity  to  the  bonzes  and 
their  sects  is  his  good-w,ill  towards  our  fathers  who  preach  the  law  of  God, 

\ 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  539 

whence  he  has  shown  them  so  many  favours  that  his  subjects  are  amazed  and 
unable  to  divine  what  he  is  aiming  at  hi  this.  I  will  only  say  that,  humanly 
speaking,  what  has  above  all  given  great  credit  and  reputation  to  the  fathers 
is  the  great  favour  Nobunaga  has  shown  for  the  Company."  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed,  however,  that  Nobunaga's  attitude  towards  the  Jesuits  signified 
any  belief  in  their  doctrines.  In  1579,  he  took  a  step  which  showed  plainly 
that  policy  as  a  statesman  ranked  much  higher  in  his  estimation  than  duty 
towards  religion.  For,  in  order  to  ensure  the  armed  assistance  of  a  certain 
feudatory,  a  professing  Christian,  Nobunaga  seized  the  Jesuits  hi  Kyoto,  and 
threatened  to  ban  their  religion  altogether  unless  they  persuaded  the  feudatory 
to  adopt  Nobunaga's  side.  Nevertheless,  that  Christianity  benefited  much 
by  his  patronage  there  can  be  no  dissentient  opinion. 

.i  lo  a-^ri'b  I.fq.Tf  ylguiuDsa  airij  io1  .  ;hu;oo3/y  ot  QTT  yiQ  v?oH 

•-.;:  :w<&.&  '(mo-.  -;  Jaifriu'i  ;-:--:JKb  'to  no=»-i-L  i-fftoa  A     thfctf  e'irfsovsb 
HIDEYOSHI  AND  CHRISTIANITY  ^  ^ 

After  Nobunaga's  death,  hi  1582,  the  supreme  power  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Hideyoshi,  and  had  he  chosen  to  exercise  it,  he  could  have  easily  undone  the 
whole  work  hitherto  achieved  by  the  Jesuits  at  the  cost  of  much  effort  and 
devotion.  But,  at  first,  Hideyoshi  followed  Nobunaga's  example.  He  not 
only  accorded  a  friendly  audience  to  Father  Organtino,  as  representative  of 
the  fathers,  but  also  he  went  in  person  to  assign  to  the  Company  a  site  for  a 
church  and  a  residence  in  Osaka.  At  this  time,  ' '  many  Christian  converts 
were  serving  in  high  positions,  and  in  1584,  the  Jesuits  placed  it  on  record  that 
'  Hideyoshi  was  not  only  not  opposed  to  the  things  of  God,  but  he  even  showed 
that  he  made  much  account  of  them  (the  fathers)  and  preferred  them  to  all 
the  sects  of  the  bonzes. "  tf'W.w  .;  He  is  entrusting  to  Christians  his  treasures, 
his  secrets,  and  his  fortresses  of  most  importance,  and  he  shows  himself  well 
pleased  that  the  sons  of  the  great  lords  about  him  should  adopt  our  customs 
and  our  law.'  Two  years  later  in  Osaka  he  received  with  every  mark  of 
cordiality  and  favour  a  Jesuit  mission  which  had  come  from  Nagasaki  seeking 
audience,  and  on  that  occasion  his  visitors  recorded  that  he  spoke  of  an  intention 
of  christianizing  one  half  of  Japan."  Nor  did  he  confine  himself  to  licensing 
the  missionaries  to  preach  throughout  all  Japan :  he  exempted  not  only  churches 
from  the  billeting  of  soldiers  but  also  the  priests  themselves  from  local  burdens. 

"This  was  in  1586,  on  the  eve  of  his  great  military  enterprise,  the  invasion 
of  Kyushu J<^  •  ;  .  He  carried  that  difficult  campaign  to  completion  by 
the  middle  of  1587,  and  throughout  its  course  he  maintained  a  uniformly 
friendly  demeanour  toward  the  Jesuits.  But  suddenly,  when  on  the  return 
journey  he  reached  Hakata  in  the  north  of  the  island,  his  policy  underwent 
a  radical  metamorphosis.  Five  questions  were  by  his  orders  propounded  to 
the  vice-provincial  of  the  Jesuits:  'Why  and  by  what  authority  he  and  his 
fellow  propagandists  had  constrained  Japanese  subjects  to  become  Christians? 
Why  they  had  induced  their  disciples  and  their  sectaries  to  overthrow  temples? 
Why  they  persecuted  the  bonzes?  Why  they  and  other  Portuguese  ate  animals 
useful  to  men,  such  as  oxen  and  cows?  Why  the  vice-provincial  allowed  mer- 
chants of  his  nation  to  buy  Japanese  and  make  slaves  of  them  in  the  Indies?' 
To  these  queries  Coelho,  the  vice-provincial,  made  answer  that  the  missionaries 
had  never  themselves  resorted,  or  incited,  to  violence  in  their  propagandism,  or 
persecuted  bonzes;  that  if  their  eating  of  beef  was  considered  inadvisable, 
they  would  give  up  the  practice,  and  that  they  were  powerless  to  prevent  or 
restrain  the  outrages  perpetrated  by  their  countrymen.  Hideyoshi  read  the 


540  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

vice-provincial's  reply  and,  without  comment,  sent  him  word  to  retire  to  Hirado, 
assemble  all  his  followers  there,  and  quit  the  country  within  six  months.  On 
the  next  day  (July  25,  1587)  the  following  edict  was  published:  — 

'Having  learned  from  our  faithful  councillors  that  foreign  priests  have  come  into  our 
estates,  where  they  preach  a  law  contrary  to  that  of  Japan,  and  tnat  they  have  even  had  the 
audacity  to  destroy  temples  dedicated  to  our  Kami  and  Hotoke;  although  the  outrage  merits 
the  most  extreme  punishment,  wishing  nevertheless  to  show  them  mercy,  we  order  thorn 
under  pain  of  death  to  quit  Japan  within  twenty  days.  During  that  space  no  harm  or  hurt 
will  be  done,  to  them.  But  at  the  expiration  of  that  term,  we  order  that  if  any  of  them  be 
found  in  our  estates,,  they  should  be  seized  and  punished  as  the  greatest  criminals.  As  for 
the  Portuguese  me'rchants,  we  permit  them  to  enter  our  ports,  there  to  continue  their  accus- 
tomed trade,  and  to  remain  in  our  estates  provided  our  affairs  need  this.  But  we  forbid  them 
to  bring  any  foreign  priests  into  the  country,  under  the  penalty  of  the  confiscation  of  their 

ships  and  goods.     * 

0  JfIOftn.03*[b  nj;     10   ;.'<  '      •' 

How  are  we  to  account  for  this  seemingly  rapid  change  of  mood  on  Hi- 
deyoshi's part?  A  comparison  of  dates  furnishes  some  assistance  in  replying 
to  that  question.  The  Kyushu  campaign  took  place  in  1587,  and  it  was  in 
1586  that  Hideyoshi  commenced  the  construction  of  the  colossal  image  of 
Buddha  in  Kyoto.  The  Taiko  was  by  no  means  a  religious  man.  That  is 
amply  shown  by  the  stories  told  in  the  previous  pages.  But  his  political 
sagacity  taught  him  that  to  continue  Nobunaga's  crusade  against  Buddhism 
would  not  be  wise  statesmanship,  and  that  if  the  bonzes  could  be  disarmed 
and  diverted  from  military  pursuits,  they  would  become  useful  agents  of  intel- 
lectual and  moral  progress.  His  idea  o.f  setting  up  a  gigantic  idol  in  the  capital 
marked  his  final  substitution  of  a  conciliatory  programme  for  the  fiercely 
destructive  methods  of  Nobunaga.  Of  necessity  he  had,  then,  to  reconsider 
his  demeanour  towards  Christianity,  and  it  is  on  record  that  before  leaving 
Osaka  for  Kyushu  he  publicly  stated,  "I  fear  much  that  all  the  virtue  of  the 
European  priests  is  merely  a  mask  of  hypocrisy  and  serves  only  to  conceal 
pernicious  designs  against  the  empire. ' '  Then,  in  Kyushu,  two  things  influenced 
him  strongly.  One  was  that  he  now  saw  with  his  own  eyes  what  militant 
Christianity  really  meant  —  ruined  temples,  overthrown  idols,  and  coerced 
converts.  Such  excesses  had  not  disgraced  Christian  propagandism  in  Kyoto 
or  in  the  metropolitan  provinces,  but  in  Kyushu  the  unsightly  story  was  forced 
upon  Hideyoshi's  attention.  The  second  special  feature  of  the  situation  in 
Kyushu  was  that  relations  of  an  altogether  exceptional  character  were  estab- 
lished between  Hideyoshi  and  Kennyo,  abbot  of  the  Shin  sect.  By  the  con- 
trivance of  that  prelate,  Hideyoshi's  troops  were  enabled  to  follow  a  secret 
road  to  the  stronghold  of  the  Satsuma  baron,  and  in  return  for  such  valuable 
services  Hideyoshi  may  well  have  been  persuaded  to  proscribe  Christianity. 

Some  importance,  though  probably  of  a  less  degree,  attaches  also  to  the 
last  of  the  five  questions  propounded  by  Hideyoshi  to  the  vice-provincial  — 
why  the  priests  allowed  merchants  of  then*  nation  to  buy  Japanese  subjects 
and  carry  them  into  slavery  in  the  Indies.  It  was  in  Kyushu  only  that  these 
abuses  were  perpetrated.  With  respect  to  this  matter  the  following  passage 
appears  in  the  archives  of  the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid:  "Even  the 
Lascars  and  scullions  of  the  Portuguese  purchase  and  carry  slaves  away.  Hence 
it  happens  that  many  of  them  die  on  the  voyage,  because  they  are  heaped  up 
one  upon  the  other,  and  if  their  master  fall  sick  (these  masters  are  sometimes 
Kaffirs  and  the  negroes  of  the  Portuguese),  the  slaves  are  not  cared  for.  It 
even  often  happens  that  the  Kaffirs  cannot  procure  the  necessary  food  for 
them.  I  ..here  omit  the  excesses  committed  in  the  lands  of  pagans  where  the 

bc?n  £  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;    article  "Japan,"  by 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  541 

Portuguese  spread  themselves  to  recruit  youth  and  girls,  and  where  they  live 
in  such  a  fashion  that  the  pagans  themselves  are  stupefied  at  it."  Nevertheless, 
the  fact  that  the  Taiko  specially  exempted  the  Portuguese  merchants  from  his 
decree  of  banishment  indicates  that  he  did  not  attach  cardinal  importance  to 
their  evil  doings  in  the  matter  of  slaves.  It  seems  rather  to  have  been  against 
the  Jesuits  that  his  resentment  WAS  directed,  for  he  did  not  fail  to  perceive 
that,  whereas  they  could  and  did  exact  the  utmost  deference  from  their  country's 
sailors  and  traders  when  the  ends  of  Christian  propagandism  were  served 
thereby,  they  professed  themselves  powerless  to  dissuade  these  same  traders 
and  sailors  from  outrages  which  would  have  disgraced  any  religion.  He  cannot 
but  have  concluded  that  if  these  Portuguese  merchants  and  seamen  were  to 
-be  regarded  as  specimens  of  the  products  of  Christianity,  then,  indeed,  that 
creed  had  not  much  to  recommend  it.  All  these  things  seem  amply  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  change  that  manifested  itself  in  Hideyoshi's  attitude  towards 
Christianity  at  the  close  of  the  Kyushu  campaign. 

•  i» .'  .ni-.-U  rvrov/  .•/(oiL     i        itu'Wiii*  ilirJ_'  _L  zsifaiifte  *--ilT 
SEQUEL  OF  THE  EDICT  OF  BANISHMENT 

V9«  gru.uii..  vjvii'jj  ;j^j.<;n   000,008  iljivv  fciydiai 

The  Jesuits,  of  whom  it  must  be  said  that  they  never  consulted  their  own 
safety  when  the  cause  of  their  faith  could  be  advanced  by  self-sacrifice,  paid 
no  attention  to  the  Taiko's  edict.  They  did  indeed  assemble  at  Hirado  to 
the  number  of  120,  but  when  they  received  orders  to  embark  at  once,  they 
decided  that  only  .those  needed  for  service  in  China  should  leave  Japan.  The 
rest  remained  and  continued  to  perform  their  religious  duties  as  usual,  under 
the  protection  of  the  converted  feudatories.  The  latter  also  appear  to  have 
concluded  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  follow  Hideyoshi's  injunctions  strictly 
concerning  the  expulsion  of  the  priests.  It  seemed,  at  first,  as  though  nothing 
short  of  extermination  was  contemplated  by  the  Taiko.  He  caused  all  the 
churches  in  Kyoto,  Osaka,  and  Sakai  to  be  pulled  down,  and  he  sent  troops  to 
raze  the  Christian  places  of  worship  in  Kyushu.  But  the  troops  accepted 
gifts  offered  to  them  by  the  feudatories  and  left  the  churches  standing,  while 
Hideyoshi  not  only  failed  to  enforce  his  edict,  but  also  allowed  himself  in.  the 
following  year,  1588,  to  be  convinced  by  a  Portuguese  envoy  that  unless  the 
missionaries  were  suffered  to  remain,  oversea  trade  could  not  possibly  be  carried 
on  in  a  peaceful  and  orderly  manner.  For  the  sake  of  that  trade,  Hideyoshi 
agreed  to  tolerate  the  Christian  propagandists,  and,  for  a  time,  the  foreign 
faith  continued  to  flourish  in  Kyushu  and  found  a  favourable  field  even  in 
Kyoto. 

At  this  time,  in  response  to  a  message  from  the  Jesuits,  the  viceroy  of  the 
Indies  sent  an  ambassador  to  thank  Hideyoshi  for  the  favours  he  had  hitherto 
bestowed  upon  the  missionaries,  and  in  the  train  of  this  nominally  secular 
embassy  came  a  number  of  fresh  Jesuits  to  labour  in  the  Japanese"  field.  The 
ambassador  was  Valegnani,  a  man  of  profound  tact.  Acting  upon  the  Taiko's 
unequivocal  hints,  Valegnani  caused  the  missionaries  to  divest  their  work 
of  all  ostentatious  features  and  to  comport  themselves  with  the  utmost  cir- 
cumspection, so  that  official  attention  should  not  be  attracted  by  any  salient 
evidences  of  Christian  propagandism.  Indeed,  at  this  very  time,  as  stated 
above,  Hideyoshi  took  a  step  which  plainly  showed  that  he  valued  the  con- 
tinuance of  trade  much  more  highly  than  the  extirpation  of  Christianity. 
"Being  assured  that  Portuguese  merchants  could  not  frequent  Japan  unless 
they  found  Christian  priests  there,  he  consented  to  sanction  the  presence  of 


542 

a  limited  number  of  Jesuits,"  though  he  was  far  too  shrewd  to  imagine  that 
their  services  could  be  limited  to  men  of  their  own  nationality,  and  too  clever 
to  forget  that  these  very  Portuguese,  who  professed  to  attach  so  much  impor- 
tance to  religious  ministrations,  were  the  same  men  whose  flagrant  outrages 
the  fathers  declared  themselves  powerless  to  check.  If  any  further  evidence 
were  needed  of  Hideyoshi's  discrimination  between  trade  and  religion,  it  is 
furnished  by  his  despatches  to  the  viceroy  of  the  Indies  written  in  1591:— rtj; 
bsvT^.  alow  m0rbfl,teMi<jo"icf  nsjj^hrfj  u>  -i,,;<  •-. v 

The  fathers  of  the  Company,  as  they  are  called,  have  come  to  these  islands  to  teach 
another  religion  here;  but  as  that  of  the  Kami  is  too  surely  founded  to  be  abolished,  this  new 
law  can  serve  only  to  introduce  into  Japan  a  diversity  of  cults  prejudicial  to  the  welfare  of 
the  State.  It  is  for  this  reason  that,  by  Imperial  edict,  I  have  forbidden,  these  foreign  doctors 
to  continue  to  preach  their  doctrine.  I  have  even  ordered  them  to  quit  Japan,  and  I  am 
resolved  no  longer  to  allow  any  one  of  them  to  come  here  to  spread  new  opinions.  I  never- 
theless desire  that  trade  between  you  and  us  should  always  be  on  the  same  footing  [as  before]. 
I  shall  have  every  care  that  the  ways  are  free  by  sea  and- land:  I  have  freed  them  from  all 
pirates  and  brigands.  The  Portuguese  will  be  able  to  traffic  with  my  subjects,  and  I  will 
in  no  wise  suffer  any  one  to  do  them  the  least  wrong. 

The  statistics  of  1595  showed  that  there  were  then  hi  Japan  137  Jesuit 
fathers  with  300,000  native  converts,  including  seventeen  feudal  chiefs  and 
not  a  few  bonzes. 

i.>ifjg  .93ii>hiBp.4f'ja -yr*  Jx^o.sybs. m I  i)fooi>  dtitA  ilrA}  •>. 

HIDEYOSHI'S  FINAL  ATTITUDE  TOWARDS  CHRISTIANITY 

For  ten 'years  after  the  issue  of  his  anti-Christian  decree  at  Hakata,  Hide- 
ybshi  maintained  a  tolerant  demeanour.  But  hi  1597,  his  forbearance  was 
changed  to  .a  mood  of  uncompromising  severity.  Various  explanations  have 
been  given  of  this  change,  but  the  reasons  are  obscure.  "Up  to  1593  the 
Portuguese  had  possessed  a  monopoly  of  religious  propagandism  and  oversea 
commerce  in  Japan.  The  privilege  was  secured  to  them  by  agreement  between 
Spain  and  Portugal  and  by  a  papal  bull.  But  the  Spaniards  hi  Manila  had 
long  looked  with  somewhat  jealous  eyes  on  this  Jesuit  reservation,  and  when 
news  of  the  anti-Christian  decree  of  1587  reached  the  Philippines,  the  Domin- 
icans and  Franciscans  residing  there  were  fired  with  zeal  to  enter  an  arena 
where  the  crown  of  martyrdom  seemed  to  be  the  least  reward  within  reach. 
The  papal  bull,  however,  demanded  obedience,  and  to  overcome  that  difficulty 
a  ruse  was  necessary:  the  governor  of  Manila  agreed  to  send  a  party  of  Francis- 
cans as  ambassadors  to  Hideyoshi.  In  that  guise,  the  friars,  being  neither 
traders  nor  propagandists,  considered  that  they  did  not  violate  either  the 
treaty  or  the  bull.  It  was  a  technical  subterfuge  very  unworthy  of  the  object 
contemplated,  and  the  friars  supplemented  it  by  swearing  to  Hideyoshi  that 
the  Philippines  would  submit  to  his  sway.  Thus  they  obtained  permission 
to  visit  Kvoto,  Osaka,  and  Fushimi,  but  with  the  explicit  proviso  that  they 
must  not  preach."  * 

How  far  they  observed  the  terms  and  the  spirit  of  this  arrangement  may 
be  gathered  from  the  facts  that  "very  soon  they  had  built  a  church  in  Kyoto, 
consecrated  it  with  the  utmost  pomp,  and  were  preaching  sermons  and  chaunting 
litanies  there  in  flagrant  defiance  of  Hideyoshi's  veto.  Presently,  then*  number 
received  an  access  of  three  friars  who  came  bearing  gifts  from  the  governor  of 
Manila,  and  now  they  not  only  established  a  convent  in  Osaka,  but  also  seized  a 
Jesuit  church  in  Nagasaki  and  converted  the  circumspect  worship  hitherto 
conducted  there  by  the  fathers  into  services  of  the  most  public  character. 
[l  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  543 

Officially  checked  in  Nagasaki,  they  charged  the  Jesuits  in  Kyoto  with  having 
intrigued  to  impede  them,  and  they  further  vaunted  the  courageous  openness 
of  their  own  ministrations  as  compared  with  the  clandestine  timidity  of  the 
methods  which  wise  prudence  had  induced  the  Jesuits  to  adopt.  Retribution 
would  have  followed  quickly  had  not  Hideyoshi's  attention  been  engrossed 
by  an  attempt  to  invade  China  through  Korea.  At  this  stage,  however,  a 
memorable  incident  occurred.  Driven  out  of  her  course  by  a  storm,  a  great 
and  richly  laden  Spanish  galleon,  bound  for  Acapulco  from  Manila,  drifted 
to  the  coast  of  Tosa  province,  and  running  —  or  being  purposely  run-  —  on  a 
sand-bank  as  she  was  towed  into  port  by  Japanese  boats,  broke  her  back. 
She  carried  goods  to  the  value  of  some  six  hundred  thousand  crowns,  and 
certain  officials  urged  Hideyoshi  to  confiscate  her  as  derelict,  conveying  to 
him,  at  the  same  time,  a  detailed  account  of  the  doings  of  the  Franciscans  and 
their  open  flouting  of  his  orders.  Hideyoshi,  much  incensed,  commanded 
the  arrest  of  the  Franciscans  and  despatched  officers  to  Tosa  to  confiscate 
the  San  Felipe.  The  pilot  of  the  galleon  sought  to  intimidate  these  officers  by 
showing  them,  on  a  map  of  the  world,  the  vast  extent  of  Spain's  dominions, 
and  being  asked  how  one  country  had  acquired  such  wide  sway,  replied,1  '  Our 
kings  begin  by  sending  into  the  countries  they  wish  to  conquer  missionaries 
who  induce  the  people  to  embrace  our  religion,  and  when  they  have  made 
considerable  progress,  troops  are  sent  who  combine  with  the  new  Christians, 
and  then  our  kings  have  not  much  trouble  in  accomplishing  the  rest.'  "2 

ol  flTnsginloT  taitt  JxrfjBJa    lljiobfaioy  rmd  L-U!  ft 


•tndt  brmoloiq  e^'»l  ioix'.igu'rrsib  djiw  *-  »     ite 

.tfff       W..-THE  FIRST  CHRISTIAN  MARTYRS  IN  JAPAN 

The  words  of  the  San  Felipe's  master  were  immediately  reported  to  Hide- 
yoshi. They  roused  him  to  hot  anger.  He  is  reported  to  have  cried:  "What! 
my  States  are  filled  with  traitors,  and  their  numbers  increase  every  day.  I 
have  proscribed  the  foreign  doctors,  but  out  of  compassion  for  the  age  and 
infirmity  of  some  among  them,  I  have  allowed  their  remaining  in  Japan.  I 
shut  my  eyes  to  the  presence  of  several  others  because  I  fancied  them  to  be 
quiet  and  incapable  of  forming  bad  designs,  and  they  are  serpents  I  have  been 
cherishing  in  my  bosom.  The  traitors  are  entirely  employed  hi  making  me 
enemies  among  my  own  subjects  and  perhaps  in  my  own  family.  But  they 
will  learn  what  it  is  to  play  with  me  ...  I  am  not  anxious  for  myself. 
So  long  as  the  breath  of  life  remains,  I  defy  all  the  powers  of  the  earth  to  attack 
me.  But  I  am  perhaps  to  leave  the  empire  to  a  child,  and  how  can  he  maintain 
himself  against  so  many  'foes,  domestic  and  foreign,  if  I  do  not  provide  for 
everything  incessantly?" 

Then,  finally,  the  Franciscans  were  arrested  and  condemned  to  have  their 
noses  and  ears  cut  off;3  to  be  promenaded  through  Kyoto,  Osaka,  and  Sakai, 
and  to  be  crucified  at  Nagasaki.  "I  have  ordered  these  foreigners  to  be  treated 
thus,"  Hideyoshi  is  recorded  to  have  stated,  "because  they  have  come  from 
the  Philippines  to.  Japan,  calling  themselves  ambassadors,  although  they  were 
not  so;  because  they  have  remained  here  for  long  without  my  permission; 
because  in  defiance  of  my  prohibition  they  have  built  churches,  preached  their 
religion,  and  caused  disorders."  These  men  were  the  first  martyrs  in  Japan. 

.^od-uuf' 

[*  Charlevpix,  referring  to  this  incident,  says,  "This  unfortunate  statement  inflicted  a 
wound  on  religion  which  is  bleeding  still  after  a  century  and  a  half  .  "] 

[2  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;    article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 
pThe  mutilation  was  confined  to  the  lobe  of  one  ear.] 


544  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

They  numbered  twenty-six,  namely,  six  Franciscans,  three  Jesuits,  and  seven- 
teen native  Christians  who  were  chiefly  domestic  servants  of  the  Franciscans. 
They  met  their  fate  with  noble  fortitude.  Hideyoshi  did  not  stop  there.  He 
took  measures  to  have  his  edict  of  1587  converted  into  a  stern  reality.  The 
governor  of  Nagasaki  received  orders  to  send  away  all  the  Jesuits,  permitting 
only  two  or  three  to  remain  for  the  service  of  Portuguese  merchants. 

The  Jesuits,  however,  were  not  to  be  deterred  by  personal  peril.  There 
were  125  of  them  in  Japan  at  that  time,  and  of  these  only  eleven  left  Nagasaki 
by  sea  in  October,  1597,  though  the  same  vessel  carried  a  number  of  pretended 
Jesuits  who  were,  in  reality,  disguised  sailors.  This  deception  was  necessarily 
known  to  the  local  authorities;  but  their  sympathies  being  with  the  Jesuits, 
they  kept  silence  until  early  the  following  year,  when,  owing  to  a  rumour  that 
Hideyoshi  himself  contemplated  a  visit  to  Kyushu,  they  took  really  efficient 
measures  to  expel  all  the  fathers.  No  less  than  137  churches  throughout 
Kyushu  were  thrown  down,  as  well  as  several  seminaries  and  residences  of 
the  fathers,  and,  at  Nagasaki,  all  the  Jesuits  in  Japan  were  assembled  for 
deportation  to  Macao  in  the  following  year  when  the  "great  ship "  was  expected 
to  visit  that  port.  But  before  her  arrival  Hideyoshi  died,  and  a  respite  was 
thus  gained  for  the  Jesuits. 

vsn*  n^n~n  DIHJ  ?rror2fio'r  iuo  eojsidms  oJ  i>[qo9q  erft  soubrr 

V/tUl   Sill    dl'i'U   'irudllliV)  Diiv/ln-.?  A-ifl--.Ptir>tnt    saoro/yi 
FOREIGN  POLICY  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  FAMIL^ 

It  has  been  confidently  stated  that  Tokugawa  leyasu  regarded  Christian 
nations  and  Christian  propagandists  with  distrust  not  less  profound  than  that 
harboured  by  Hideyoshi.  But  facts  are  opposed  to  that  view.  Within  less 
than  three  months  of  the  Taiko's  death,  the  Tokugawa  chief  had  his  first  inter- 
view with  a  Christian  priest.  The  man  was  a  Franciscan,  by  name  Jerome  de 
Jesus.  He  had  been  a  member  of  the  fictitious  embassy  from  Manila,  and  his 
story  illustrates  the  zeal  and  courage  that  inspired  the  Christian  fathers  in  those 
days.  "  Barely  escaping  the  doom  of  crucifixion  which  overtook  his  companions, 
he  had  been  deported  from  Japan  to  Manila  at  a  time  when  death  seem  to  be 
the  certain  penalty  of  remaining.  But  no  sooner  had  he  been  landed  in  Manila 
than  he  took  passage  in  a  Chinese  junk,  and,  returning  to  Nagasaki,  made  his 
way  secretly  from  the  far  south  of  Japan  to  the  province  of  Kii.  There  arrested, 
he  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  leyasu,  and  his  own  record  of  what  ensued 
is  given  in  a  letter  subsequently  sent  to  Manila:  — 

'When  the  Prince  saw  me  he  ask'ed  how  I  managed  to  escape  the  previous  persecution. 
I  answered  him  that  at  that  date  God  had  delivered  me  in  order  that  I  might  go  to  Manila 
and  bring  back  new  colleagues  from  there  —  preachers  of  the  divine  law  —  and  that  I  had 
returned  from  Manila  to  encourage  the  Christians,  cherishing  the  desire  to  die  on  the  cross 
in  order  to  go  to  enjoy  eternal  glory  like  my  former  colleagues.  On  hearing  these  words  the 
Emperor  began  to  smile,  whether  in  his  quality  of  a  pagan  of  the  sect  of  Shaka  which  teaches 
that  there  is  no  future  life,  or  whether  from  the  thought  that  I  was  frightened  at  having  to 
be  put  to  death.  Then,  looking' at  me  kindly,  he  said,  "Be  no  longer  afraid  and  no  longer 
conceal  yourself  and  no  longer  change  your  habit,  for  I  wish  you  well;  and  as  for  the  Christians 
who  every  year  pass  within  sight  of  Kwanto  where  my  domains  are,  when  they  go  to  Mexico 
with  their  ships,  I  have  a  keen  desire  for  them  to  visit  the  harbours  of  this  island,  to  refresh 
themselves  there,  and  to  take  what  they  wish,  to  trade  with  my  vassals,  and  to  teach  them  how 
to  develop  silver  mines;  and  that  my  intentions  may  be  accomplished  before  my  death,  I 
wish  you  to  indicate  to  me  the  means  to  take  to  realize  them." 

'I  answered  that  it  was  necessary  that  Spanish  pilots  should  take  the  soundings  of  his 
harbours,  so  that  ships  might  not  be  lost  in  future  as  the  San  Felipe  had  been,  and  that  he 
should  solicit  this  service  from  the  governor  of  the  Philippines.  The  Prince  approved  of  my 
advice,  and  accordingly  he  has  sent  a  Japanese  gentleman,  a  native  of  Sakai,  the  bearer  of 
this  message.  .  .  .  It  is  essential 'to  oppose  no  obstacle  to  the  complete  liberty  offered 
by  the  Emperor  to  the  Spaniards  and  to  our  holy  order,  for  the  preaching  of  the  holy  gospel. 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN 


545 


.  .  .  The  same  Prince  (who  is  about  to  visit  the  Kwanto)  invites  me  to  accompany 
him  to  make  choice  of  a  house,  and  to  visit  the  harbour  which  he  promises  to  open  to  us; 
his  desires  in  this  respect  are  keener  than  I  can  express.'  "*• 

Subsequent  events  confirm  the  accuracy  of  the  above  story.  Father  Jerome 
was  allowed  to  build  the  first  Christian  church  in  Yedo  and  to  officiate  there. 
Moreover,  leyasu  sent  "three  embassies  in  succession  to  the  Philippines, 
proposing  reciprocal  freedom  of  commerce,  offering  to  open  ports  in  the  Kwanto, 
and  asking  for  competent  naval  architects."  These  architects  never  came, 
and  the  trade  that  resulted  from  the  Tokugawa  chief's  overtures  was  paltry 
in  comparison  with  the  number  of  friars  that  accompanied  it  to  Japan.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  leyasu  designed  these  Spanish  monks  to  serve  as  a  counter- 
poise to  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits.  For  he  must  have  known  that  the  Francis- 
cans opened  their  mission  in  Yedo  by  "declaiming  with  violence  against  the 
fathers  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,"  and  he  must  have  understood  that  the 
Spanish  monks  assumed  towards  the  Jesuits  in  Japan  the  same  intolerent 
and  abusive  tone  that  the  Jesuits  themselves  had  previously  assumed  towards 
Buddhism. 


'WILL  ADAMS 


At  about  this  time  a  Dutch  merchant  ship  named  the  Liefde  arrived  in 
Japan.  In  1598,  a  squadron  of  five  ships  sailed  from  Holland  to  exploit  the 
sources  of  Portuguese  commerce  in  the  Orient,  and  of  the  five  vessels  only  one, 

^ 


ANJIN-ZUKA,  NEAR  YOKOSUKA,  THE  TOMB  OF  WILL  ADAMS 

bit/63  eifmtefo  9dT  .-/ovngi  bamirjei  aid  vd  'i/p^vel  <xf  b!o*  v 
the  Liefde,  was  ever  heard  of  again.  She  reached  Japan  in  the  spring  of  1600, 
with  only  four  and  twenty  survivors  of  her  original  crew,  numbering  110. 
Towed  into  the  harbour  of  Funai,  she  was  visited  by  Jesuits,  who,  on  dis- 
covering her  nationality,  denounced  her  to  the  local  authorities  as  a  pirate. 
[•Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


546  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

On  board  the  Liefde,  serving  in  the  capacity  of  pilot  major  was  an  Englishman, 
Will  Adams,  of  Gillingham  in  Kent.  leyasu  summoned  him  to  Osaka,  and 
between  the  rough  English  sailor  and  the  Tokugawa  chief  there  commenced  a 
curiously  friendly  intercourse  which  was  not  interrupted  until  the  death  of 
Adams,  twenty  years  later. 

"The  Englishman  became  master-shipbuilder  to  the  Yedo  Government; 
was  employed  as  diplomatic  agent  when  other  traders  from  his  own  country 
and  from  Holland  arrived  in  Japan,  received  in  perpetual  gift  a  substantial 
estate,  and  Jfrom  first  to  last  possessed  the  implicit  confidence  of  the  shogun. 
leyasu  quickly  discerned  the  man's  honesty;  perceived  that  whatever  benefits 
foreign  commerce  might  confer  would  be  increased  by  encouraging  competition 
among  the  foreigners,  and  realized  that  English  and  Dutch  trade  presented 
the  wholesome  feature  of  complete  dissociation  from  religious  propagandism. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  showed  no  intolerance  to  either  Spaniards  or  Portuguese. 
He  issued  (1601)  two  official  patents  sanctioning  the  residence  of  the  fathers 
in  Kyoto,  Osaka,  and  Nagasaki;  he  employed  Father  Rodriguez  as  interpreter 
at  the  Court  in  Yedo,  and,  in  1603  he  gave  munificent  succour  to  the  Jesuits 
who  were  reduced  to  dire  straits  owing  to  the  capture  of  the  great  ship  from 
Macao  by  the  Dutch  and  the  consequent  loss  of  several  years'  supplies  for  the 

mission  in  Japan  "^ 

ioiq*  '    'loll  moil  holms  gqkfe  evQ  lo  fro-ibsup?.  n  t8(?cl  fil     .1 

i^v^eyd  rjiiMo  JHTJJ  ^mhQ  afo  m  •asiamcioD.  saaogu-hol  ' 


From  what  has  been  written  above  it  will  have  been  evident  that  each  of 
Japan's  great  trio  of  sixteenth  century  statesmen  —  Nobunaga,  Hideyoshi, 
and  leyasu  —  adopted  originally  a  tolerant  demeanour  towards  Christianity, 
and  an  emphatically  favourable  attitude  towards  foreign  commerce.  The 
causes  of  Hideyoshi's  change  of  mood  are  tolerably  clear,  but  it  is  not  possible 
to  analyse  the  case  of  leyasu  with  certainty.  That  the  Tokugawa  baron 
strongly  patronized  Buddhism  might  be  regarded  as  a  sufficient  explanation 
of  his  ultimate  hostility  to  the  foreign  faith,  but  cannot  be  reconciled  with  his 
amicable  attitude  at  the  outset.  The  more  credible  explanation  is  that  he 
was  guided  by  intelligence  obtained  direct  from  Europe.  He  sent  thither  at 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  an  emissary  whose  instructions  were  to  observe 
closely  the  social  and  political  conditions  in  the  home  of  Christianity.  The 
better  to  accomplish  his  purpose  this  envoy  embraced  the  Christian  faith,  and 
was  thus  enabled  to  carry  on  his  observations  from  within  as  well  as  from 
without. 

It  may  be  easily  conceived  that  the  state  of  affairs  in  Europe  at  that  time, 
when  recounted  to  leyasu,  could  scarcely  fail  to  shock  and  astonish  the  ruler 
of  a  country  where  freedom  of  conscience  may  be  said  to  have  always  existed. 
The  Inquisition  and  the  stake;  wholesale  aggressions  hi  the  name  of  the  Cross; 
a  head  of  the  Church  whose  authority  extended  to  confiscation  of  the  realms  of 
heretical  sovereigns;  religious  wars,  and  profound  fanaticism  —  these  were  the 
elements  of  the  story  told  to  leyasu  by  his  returned  envoy.  The  details  could 
not  fail  to  produce  an  evil  impression.  Already  his  own  observation  had 
disclosed  to  the  Tokugawa  chief  abundant  evidence  of  the  spirit  of  strife  engen- 
dered by  Christian  dogma  in  those  times.  No  sooner  had  the  Franciscans 
and  the  Dominicans  arrived  in  Japan  than  a  fierce  quarrel  broke  out  between 
[l  Encydopoedia  Briiannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  547 

them  and  the  Jesuits  —  a  quarrel  which  even  community  of  suffering  could 
not  compose.  "Not  less  repellent  was  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards 
to  dictate  to  leyasu  the  expulsion  of  all  Hollanders  from  Japan,  and  an  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Jesuits  to  dictate  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards.  The 
former  proposal,  couched  almost  in  the  form  of  a  demand,  was  twice  formulated, 
and  accompanied  on  the  second  occasion  by  a  scarcely  less  insulting  offer, 
namely,  that  Spanish  men-of-war  would  be  sent  to  Japan  to  burn  all  Dutch 
ships  found  in  the  ports  of  the  empire.  If  in  the  face  of  proposals  so  con- 
tumelious of  his  authority  leyasu  preserved  a  calm  and  dignified  mein,  merely 
replying  that  his  country  was  open  to  all  comers,  and  that,  if  other  nations  had 
quarrels  among  themselves,  they  must  not  take  Japan  for  battle-ground,  it 
is  nevertheless  unimaginable  that  he  did  not  strongly  resent  such  interference 
with  his  own  independent  foreign  policy,  and  that  he  did  not  interpret  it  as 
foreshadowing  a  disturbance  of  the  realm's  peace  by  sectarian  quarrels  among 
Christians."1 

The  repellent  aspects  under  which  Christianity  thus  presented  itself  to 
leyasu  were  supplemented  by  an  act  of  fraud  and  forgery  perpetrated  in  the 
interest  of  a  Christian  feudatory  by  a  trusted  official,  himself  a  Christian. 
This  experience  persuaded  the  Tokugawa  ruler  that  it  was  unsafe  to  employ 
Christians  at  his  Court.  He  not  only  dismissed  all  those  so  employed,  but  also 
banished  them  from  Yedo  and  forbade  any  feudal  chief  to  harbour  them. 
Another  incident,  not  without  influence,  was  connected  with  the  survey  of  the 
Japanese  coast  by  a  Spanish  mariner  and  a  Franciscan  friar.  An  envoy  from 
New  Spain  (Mexico)  had  obtained  permission  for  this  survey,  but  "when 
the  mariner  (Sebastian)  and  the  friar  (Sotelo)  hastened  to  carry  out  the  project, 
leyasu  asked  Will  Adams  to  explain  this  display  of  industry.  The  Englishman 
replied  that  such  a  proceeding  would  be  regarded  in  Europe  as  an  act  of  hostility, 
especially  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  or  Portuguese,  whose  aggressions  were 
notorious.  He  added,  in  reply  to  further  questions,  that '  the  Roman  priesthood 
had  been  expelled  from  many  parts  of  Germany,  from  Sweden,  Norway,- Den- 
mark, Holland,  and  England,  and  that,  although  his  own  country  preserved 
the  pure  form  of  the  Christian  faith  from  which  Spain  and  Portugal  had  deviated, 
yet  neither  English  nor  Dutch  considered  that  that  fact  afforded  them  any 
reason  to  war  with,  or  to  annex,  States  which  were  not  Christian  solely  for 
the  reason  that  they  were  non-Christian.'"1  Hearing  these  things  from 
Will  Adams,  leyasu  is  said  to  have  remarked,  "If  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  do 
not  tolerate  these  priests,  I  do  them  no  wrong  if  I  refuse  to  tolerate  them." 

Another  incident,  too  complicated  to  describe  in  detail,  may  be  summed  up 
by  saying  that  some  Japanese  Christians  were  discovered  to  have  conspired  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  Tokugawa  Government  by  the  aid  of  foreign  troops.  It 
was  not  an  extensive  plot,  but  it  helped  to  demonstrate  that  the  sympathy 
of  the  priests  and  their  converts  was  plainly  with  the  enemies  of  Tokugawa's 
supremacy.  leyasu,  however,  abstained  from  extreme  measures  in  the  case 
of  any  of  the  foreign  priests,  and  he  might  have  been  equally  tolerant  towards 
native  Christians,  also,  had  not  the  Tokugawa  authority  been  openly  defied 
in  Yedo  itself  by  a  Franciscan  father  —  the  Sotelo  mentioned  above.  "Then 
(1613)  the  first  execution  of  Japanese  converts  took  place,  though  the  monk 
himself  was  released  after  a  short  incarceration.  At  that  time  .  .  .  insignifi- 
cant differences  of  custom  sometimes  induced  serious  misconceptions.;  A 
Christian  who  had  violated  a  secular  law  was  crucified  in  Nagasaki.  Many 
[l Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


548  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  his  fellow-believers  kneeled  around  his  cross  and  prayed  for  the  peace  of  his 
soul.  A  party  of  converts  were  afterwards  burnt  to  death  in  the  same  place 
for  refusing  to  apostatize,  and  their  Christian  friends  crowded  to  carry  off  por- 
tions of  their  bodies  as  holy  relics.  When  these  things  were  reported  to  leyasu, 
he  said,  '  Without  doubt  that  must  be  a  diabolic  faith  which  persuades  people 
not  only  to  worship  criminals  condemned  to  death  for  their  crimes,  but  also  to 
honour  those  who  have  been  burned  or  cut  to  pieces  by  the  order  of  their  lord.'  "l 

-/Ki">  O«  ?ii:?oc|O'l€[  IO  0');'A  b,i1  III  JJ 

SUPPRESSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY 

The  first  prohibition  of  Christianity  was  issued  by  leyasu  in  September, 
1612,  and  was  followed  by  another  in  April,  1613;  but  both  bore  the  character 
of  warnings  rather  than  of  punitive  regulations.  It  was  on  the  27th  of  January, 
1614  —  that  is  to  say,  fifty-four  years  and  five  months  after  the  landing  of 
Xavier  at  Kagoshima  —  that  an  edict  appeared  ordering  that  all  the  foreign 
priests  should  be  collected  in  Nagasaki  preparatory  to  removal  from  Japan;  that 
all  churches  should  be  pulled  down,  and  that  all  converts  should  be  compelled 
to  abjure  Christianity.  There  were  then  in  Japan  156  ministers  of  Christianity, 
namely,  122  Jesuits,  14  Franciscans,  9  Dominicans,  4,  Augustinians,  and  7 
secular  priests.  It  is  virtually  certain  that  if  these  men  had  obeyed  the  orders 
of  the  Japanese  Government  by  leaving  the  country  finally,  not  so  much  as  one 
foreigner  would  have  suffered  for  his  faith  in  Japan,  except  the  six  Franciscans 
executed  on  the  "Martyrs'  Mount"  at  Nagasaki  by  Hideyoshi's  order,  in  1597. 
But  the  missionaries  did  not  obey.  Suffering  or  even  death  counted  for  nothing 
with  these  men  as  against  the  possibility  of  saving  souls.  "  Forty-seven  of  them 
evaded  the  edict,  some  by  concealing  themselves  at  the  time  of  its  issue,  the 
rest  by  leaving  their  ships  when  the  latter  had  passed  out  of  sight  of  the  shore 
of  Japan,  and  returning  by  boats  to  the  scene  of  their  former  labours.  Moreover, 
in  a  few  months,  those  that  had  actually  crossed  the  sea  re-crossed  it  in  various 
disguises."1  The  Japanese  Government  had  then  to  consider  whether  it  would 
suffer  its  authority  to  be  thus  defied  by  foreign  visitors  or  whether  it  would 
resort  to  extreme  measures, 
viia  i.  -ioTb;  J'JB! d.wl-1  d/;d*  -baiabfenoy  ibtuCT  -t*. 

-ol  vi  ')  itoa  OT:>'#  rfoiri-tf  eai&J5!  .viffne  ol  -to 

PERIOD  SUBSEQUENT  TO   1613 

Throughout  a  period  of  two  years  immediately  following  the  issue  of  the 
anti-Christian  edict  of  1614,  the  attention  of  leyasu,  and  indeed  of  the  whole 
Japanese  nation,  was  concentrated  on  the  struggle  which  took  place  between  the 
adherents  of  the  Tokugawa  and  the  supporters  of  Hideyori.  That  struggle 
culminated  in  an  assault  on  the  castle  of  Osaka,  and  fresh  fuel  was  added  to  the 
fire  of  anti-Christian  resentment  inasmuch  as  many  Christian  converts  espoused 
Hideyori 's  cause,  and  in  one  part  of  the  field  the  troops  of  leyasu  had  to  fight 
against  a  foe  whose  banners  were  emblazoned  with  a  cross  and  with  images  of 
Christ  and  of  St.  James,  the  patron  saint  of  Spain.  Nevertheless,  the  Christian 
converts  possessed  the  sympathy  of  so  many  of  the  feudal  chiefs  that  much 
reluctance  was  shown  to  inffict  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law  on  men  and  women 
whose  only  crime  was  the  adoption  of  an  alien  religion.  Some  of  the  feudal 
chiefs,  even  at  the  risk  of  losing  their  estates,  gave  asylum  to  the  converts; 
others  falsely  reported  a  complete  absence  of  Christians  in  their  dominions,  and 
some  endeavoured  earnestly  to  protect  the  fanatics;  while,  as  to  the  people  at 
[l Encyclopedia  Britannica,  llth  edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


<<>    CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPANLOT8IH. 


549 


ni  eqqnla  ••A'e.iiuxfi 
>v/  yaiti  &u!)  biryl 
fr;j|&b  orJJ-  k 

|  o\ <  itti^Vij 
\\ 


J3rtf5  flOfll   k- 

i£<|£i 


GREEN-ROOM  OF  A  THEATRE 
(In  the  Middle  of  the  Tokugawa  Period) 

large,  their  liberal  spirit  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  five  priests  who  were  in  Osaka 
Castle  at  the  time  of  its  capture  were  able  to  make  their  way  to  distant  refuges 
without  any  risk  of  betrayal. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  not  wanting  feudatories  who,  judging  that 
zeal  in  obeying  the  edict  would  prove  a  passport  to  official  reward,  acted  on 
that  conviction.  Notably  was  this  true  of  Hasegawa,  who  received  the  fief  of 
Arima  by  way  of  recompense  for  barbarous  cruelty  towards  the  Christians.  Yet 
it  is  on  record  that  when  this  baron  sent  out  a  mixed  force  of  Hizen  and  Satsuma 
troops  to  harry  the  converts,  these  samurai  warned  the  Christians  to  flee  and 
then  reported  that  they  were  not  to  be  found  anywhere.  During  these  events 
the  death  of  leyasu  took  place  (June  1,  1616),  and  pending  the  dedication  of  his 
mausoleum  the  anti-Christian  crusade  was  virtually  suspended.  . 


ENGLISH  AND  DUTCH  INTRIGUES  AGAINST  SPANIARDS  AND  PORTUGUESE 

It  has  been  frequently  alleged  that  if  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese 
endeavoured  to  bring  the  Hollanders  into  bad  odour,  the  English  and  the  Dutch 
intrigued  equally  against  the  Portuguese  and  the  Spaniards.  The  accusation 
cannot  be  rebutted.  Cocks,  the  factor  of  the  English  commercial  mission  to 
Japan,  has  himself  left  it  on  record  that,  being  at  the  Yedo  Court  in  the  fall  of 
1616,  "I  enformed  the  two  secretaries  that  yf  they  lookt  out  well  about  these  two 


550  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Spanish  shipps  in  Xaxama  [Satsuma]  full  of  men  and  treasure,  they  would 
fynd  that  they  were  sent  off  purpose  by  the  king  of  Spaine,  having  knowledge 
of  the  death  of  the  ould  Emperour  [leyasu],  thinking  som  papisticall  tono 
[daimyo]  might  rise  and  rebell  and  so  draw  all  the  papists  to  flock  to  them  and 
take  part,  by  which  means  they  might  on  a  sudden  seaz  upon  som  strong  place 
and  keepe  it  till  more  succors  came,  they  not  wanting  money  nor  men  for 
thackomplishing  such  a  strattgin."  The  two  vessels  in  question  were  "greate 
shipps  arrived  out- of  New  Spaine,  bound,  as  they  said,  for  the  Philippines, 
but  driven  into  that  place  per  contrary  wynd,  both  shipps  being  full  of  souldiers, 
with  great  store  of  treasure,  as  it  is  said,  above  five  millions  of  pezos."  It  is 
true  that  a  Spanish  captain  sent  from  these  vessels  to  pay  respects  to  the  Court 
in  Yedo  "gave  it  oilt  that  our  shipps  and  the  Hollanders  which  were  at  Firando 
[Hirado]  had  taken  and  robbed  all  the  China  junks,  which  was  the  occasion  that 
very  few  or  non  came  into  Japan  this  yeare,"  and  therefore  Cocks  was  somewhat 
justified  in  saying  •" so  in  this  sort  I  cried  quittance  with  the  Spaniards."  It 
appears,  however,  that  the  Spaniards  were  not  believed,  whereas  the  Englishman 
could  boast,  "which  speeches  of  myne  wrought  so  far  that  the  Emperour  sent 
to  stay  them,  and  had  not  the  greate  shipp  cut  her  cable  in  the  hawse  so  as  to 
escape,  she  had  been  arrested."  It  was  this  same  Cocks  who  told  a  Japanese 
"  admlrall "  that  "My  opinion  was  he  might  doe  better  to  put  it  into  the  Emper- 
our's  mynd  to  make  a  conquest  of  the  Manillas,  and  drive  those  small  crew  of 
Spaniards  from  thence." 

In  fact,  none  of  the  four  Occidental  nationalities  then  in  Japan  had  any 
monopoly  of  slandering  its  rivals.  The  accusation  preferred  by  Cocks,  however, 
must  have  possessed  special  significance,  confirming,  as  it  did,  what  the  pilot 
of  the  San  F,elipe  had  said  twenty  years  previously  as  to  the  political  uses  to 
which  the  propagandists  of  Christianity  were  put  by  the  King  of  Spain,  and  what 
Will  Adams  had  said  four  years  earlier  as  to  the  Imperial  doctrine  of  Spain  and 
Portugal  that  the  annexation  of  a  non-Christian  country  was  always  justifiable. 
The  "greate  shipps  out  of  New  Spaine,"  laden  with  soldiers  and  treasure  and 
under  orders  to  combine  with  any  Christian  converts  willing  to  revolt  against 
the  Yedo  Government,  were  concrete  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  Spanish 
sailor's  revelation  and  of  the  English  exile's  charge.  It  has  always  to  be  re- 
membered, too,  that  Kyushu,  the  headquarters  of  Christianity  in  Japan,  did 
not  owe  to  the  Tokugawa  shoguns  the  same  degree  of  allegiance  that  it  had  been 
forced  to  render  to  Hideyoshi.  A  colossal  campaign  such  as  the  latter  had  con- 
ducted against  the  southern  island,  in  1587,  never  commended  itself  to  the 
ambition  of  leyasu  or  to  that  of  his  comparatively  feeble  successor,  Hidetada. 
Hence,  the  presence  of  Spanish  or  Portuguese  ships  in  Satsuma  suggested  danger 
of  an  exceptional  degree. 

In  the  very  month  (September,  1616)  when  Cocks  "  cried  quittance  with  the 
Spaniards,"  a  new  anti-Christian  edict  was  promulgated  by  Hidetada,  son  and 
successor  of  leyasu.  It  pronounced  sentence  of  exile  against  all  Christian 
priests,  not  excluding  even  those  whose  presence  had  been  sanctioned  for  the 
purpose  of  ministering  to  the  Portuguese  merchants;  it  forbade  the  Japanese, 
under  penalty  of  being  burned  alive  and  having  all  their  property  confiscated, 
to  connect  themselves  in  any  way  with  the  Christian  propagandists  or  with  their 
co-operators  or  servants,  and  above  all,  to  show  them  any  hospitality.  The 
same  penalties  were  extended  to  women  and  children,  and  to  the  five  neighbours 
on  both  sides  of  a  convert 's  abode,  unless  these  became  informers.  Every  feudal 
chief  was  forbidden  to  keep  Christians  in  his  service,  and  the  edict  was  promul- 


3LI<I<  CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN          ill  551 

gated  with  more  than  usual  severity,  although  its  enforcement  was  deferred  until 
the  next  year  on  account  of  the  obsequies  of  leyasu.  This  edict  of  1616  differed 
from  that  issued  by  leyasu  in  1614,  since  the  latter  did  not  explicitly  prescribe 
the  death-penalty  for  converts  refusing  to  apostatize.  But  both  agreed  in 
indicating  expulsion  as  the  sole  manner  of  dealing  with  the  foreign  priests.  It, 
is  also  noteworthy  that,  just  as  the  edict  of  leyasu  was  immediately  preceded  by 
statements  from  Will  Adams  about  the  claim  of  Spain  and  Portugal  to  absorb  all 
non-Christian  countries,  so  the  edict  of  Hidetada  had  for  preface  Cock 's  attribu- 
tion of  aggressive  designs  to  the  Spanish  ships  at  Kagoshima  in  conjunction  with 
Christian  converts.  Not  without  justice,  therefore,  have  the  English  been 
charged  with  some  share  of  responsibility  for  the  terrible  things  that  ultimately 
befell  the  propagandists  and  the  professors  of  Christianity  in  Japan.  As  for 
the  shogun,  Hidetada,  and  his  advisers,  it  is  probable  that  they  did  not  foresee 
much  occasion  for  actual  recourse  to  violence.  They  knew  that  a  great  majority 
of  the  converts  had  joined  the  Christian  Church  at  the  instance,  or  by  the  com- 
mand, of  their  local  rulers,  and  nothing  can  have  seemed  less  likely  than  that  a 
creed  thus  lightly  embraced  would  be  adhered  to  in  defiance  of  torture  and  death. 
The  foreign  propagandists  also  might  have  escaped  all  peril  by  obeying  the 
official  edict  and  leaving  Japan.  They  suffered  because  they  defied  the  laws  of 
the  land. 

Some  fifty  of  them  happened  to  be  in  Nagasaki  at  the  time  of  Hidetada 's 
edict.  Several  of  these  were  apprehended  and  deported,  but  a  number  returned 
almost  immediately.  This  happened  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Omura,  who  had 
been  specially  charged  with  the  duty  of  sending  away  the  bateren  .(padres). 
He  seems  to  have  concluded  that  a  striking  example  must  be  furnished,  and  he 
therefore  ordered  the  seizure  and  decapitation  of  two  fathers,  De  1 ' Assumpcion 
and  Machado.  The  result  completely  falsified  his  calculations,  for  so  far  from 
proving  a  deterrent,  the  fate  of  the  two  fathers  appealed  widely  to  the  people's 
sense  of  heroism.  Multitudes  flocked  to  the  grave  in  which  the  two  coffins  were 
buried.  The  sick  were  carried  thither  to  be  restored  to  health,  and  the  Christian 
converts  derived  new  courage  from  the  example  of  these  martyrs.  Numerous 
conversions  and  numerous  returns  of  apostates  took  place  everywhere. 

While  this  enthusiasm  was  at  its  height,  Navarette,  vice-provincial  of  the 
Dominicans,  and  Ayala,  vice-provincial  of  the  Augustins,  emerged  from  hiding, 
and  robed  in  their  full  canonicals,  commenced  an  open  propaganda,  heralding 
their  approach  by  a  letter  addressed  to  Omura  and  couched  in  the  most  defiant 
terms.  Thus  challenged,  Omura  was  obliged  to  act  promptly,  especially  as 
Navarette  declared  that  he  (Navarette)  did  not  recognize  the  Emperor  of 
Japan  but  only  the  Emperor  of  Heaven.  The  two  fanatics  were  seized,  conveyed 
secretly  to  the  island  of  Takashima,'  and  there  decapitated;  their  coffins  being 
weighted  with  big  stones  and  sunk  in  the  sea,  so  as  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  the 
scenes  witnessed  at  the  tomb  of  the  fathers  mentioned  above.  Thereupon,  the 
newly  elected  superior  of  the  Dominicans  at  once  sent  three  of  his  priests  to 
preach  in  Omura 's  territories,  and  two  of  them,  having  been  seized,  were  cast  into 
prison  where  they  remained  for  five  years.  Even  more  directly  defiant  was  the 
attitude  of  the  next  martyred  priest,  an  old  Franciscan  monk,  Juan  de  Santa 
Martha.  He  had  for  three  years  suffered  all  the  horrors  of  a  medieval  Japanese 
prison,  yet  when  it  was  proposed  to  release  him  and  deport  him  to  New  Spain, 
his  answer  was  that,  if  released,  he  would  stay  in  Japan  and  preach  there.  He 
laid  his  head  on  the  block  in  August,  1618. 

Throughout  the  next  four  years,  however,  no  other  foreign  missionary  was 


552  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

capitally  punished  in  Japan,  though  many  arrived  and  continued  their  propagan- 
dism.  During  that  interval,  also,  there  occurred  another  incident  calculated 
to«  fix  upon  the  Christians  still  deeper  suspicion  of  political  designs.  In  a 
Portuguese  ship,  captured  by  the  Dutch,  a  letter  was  found  instigating  Japanese 
converts  to  revolt,  and  promising  that,  when  the  number  of  disaffected  became 
sufficient,  men-of-war  would  be  sent  from  Portugal  to  aid  them.  Another 
factor  tending  to  invest  the  converts  with  political  potentialities  was  the  writing 
of  pamphlets  by  apostates,  attributing  the  zeal  of  foreign  propagandists  solely 
to  traitorous  motives.  Further,  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  propagandists  were 
indicted  in  a  despatch  addressed  to  the  second  Tokugawa  shogun,  in  1620,  by 
the  admiral  in  command  of  the  British  and  Dutch  fleet  of  defence,  then  cruising 
in  Oriental  waters.  The  admiral  unreservedly  charged  the  friars  with  treacher- 
ous machinations,  and  warned  the  shogun  against  the  aggressive  designs  of 
Philip  of  Spain. 

This  cumulative  evidence  dispelled  the  last  doubts  of  the  Japanese,  and  a 
time  of  sharp  suffering  ensued  for  the  fathers  and  their  converts.  There  were 
many  shocking  episodes.  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  the  case  of  Zufliga, 
son  of  the  marquis  of  Villamanrica.  He  visited  Japan  as  a  Dominican  in  1618, 
but  the  governor  of  Nagasaki  persuaded  him  to  withdraw.  Yielding  for  the 
moment,  he  returngd  two  years  later,  accompanied  by  Father  Flores.  They 
travelled  in  a  vessel  commanded  by  a  Japanese  Christian,  and  off  Formosa  she 
was  overhauled  by  an  English  warship,  which  took  off  the  two  priests  and 
handed  them  over  to  the  Dutch  at  Hirado.  There  they  were  tortured  and  held 
in  prison  for  sixteen  months,  when  an  armed  attempt  made  by  some  Japanese 
Christians  to  rescue  them  precipitated  their  fate.  By  order  from  Yedo, 
Zuniga,  Flores,  and  the  Japanese  master  of  the  vessel  which  had  carried  them, 
were  roasted  to  death  in  Nagasaki  on  August  19,  1622.  Thus  the  measures 
adopted  against  the  missionaries  are  seen  to  have  gradually  increased  in  severity. 
The  first  two  fathers  put  to  death,  De  1 ' Assumpcion  and  Machado,  were  behead- 
ed in  1617,  not  by  the  common  executioner  but  by  one  of  the  principal  officers  of 
the  daimyo.  The  next  two,  Navarette  and  Ayala,  were  decapitated  by  the 
executioner.  Then,  in  1618,  Juan  de  Santa  Martha  was  executed  like  a  common 
criminal,  his  body  being  dismembered  and  his  head  exposed.  Finally,  in  1622, 
Zuniga  and  Flores  were  burned  alive.  ;  :  :  <  / 

The  same  year  was  marked  by  the  "great  martyrdom"  at  Nagasaki,  when 
nine  foreign  priests  went  to  the  stake  together  with  nineteen  Japanese  converts. 
Apprehension  of  a  foreign  invasion  seems  to  have  greatly  troubled  the  shogun 
at  this  time.  He  had  sent  an  envoy  to  Europe  who,  after  seven  years  abroad, 
returned  on  the  eve  of  the  "great  martyrdom,"  and  made  a  report  thoroughly 
unfavourable  to  Christianity.  .  Hidetada  therefore  refused  to  give  audience  to 
the  Philippine  embassy  in  1624,  and  ordered  that  all  Spaniards  should  be  deported 
from  Japan.  It  was  further  decreed  that  no  Japanese  Christians  should  thence- 
forth be  allowed  to  go  to  sea  in  search  of  commerce,  and  that  although  non- 
Christians  or  men  who  had  apostatized  might  travel  freely,  they  must  not  visit 
the  Philippines^ 

Thus  ended  all  intercourse  between  Japan  and  Spain.  The  two  countries 
had  been  on  friendly  terms  for  thirty-two  years,  and  during  that  time  a  wide- 
spread conviction  that  Christianity  was  an  instrument  of  Spanish  aggression 
had  been  engendered.  lemitsu,  son  of  Hidetada,  now  ruled  in  Yedo,  though 
Hidetada  himself  remained  "the  power  behind  the  throne."  The  year  (1623) 
of  the  former's  accession  to  the  shogunate  had  seen  the  re-issue  of  anti-Christian 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN  553 

decrees  and  the  martyrdom  of  some  five  hundred  Christians  within  the  Tokuga- 
wa  domains,  whither  the  tide  of  persecution  now  flowed  for  the  first  time.  From 
that  period  onwards  official  attempts  to  eradicate  Christianity  in  Japan  were 
unceasing.  Conspicuously  active  in  this  cause  were  two  governors  of  Nagasaki, 
by  name  Mizuno  and  Takenaka,  and  the  feudal  chief  of  Shimabara,  by  name 
Matsukura.  To  this  last  is  to  be  credited  the  terrible  device  of  throwing 
converts  into  the  solfataras  at  Unzen,  and  under  him,  also,  the  punishment  of  the 
"  fosse  "  was  resorted  to.  It  consisted  in  suspension  by  the  feet,  head  downwards 
in  a  pit  until  death  ensued.  By  many  this  latter  torture  was  heroically  endured 
to  the  end,  but  in  the  case  of  a  few  the  pains  proved  unendurable. 

It  is  on  record  that  the  menace  of  a  Spanish  invasion  seemed  so  imminent 
to  Matsukura  and  Takenaka  that  they  proposed  an  attack  on  the  Philippines 
so  as  to  deprive  the  Spaniards  of  their  base  in  the  East.  This  bold  measure 
failed  to  obtain  approval  in  Yedo.  In  proportion  as  the  Christian  converts 
proved  invincible,  the  severity  of  the  repressive  measures  increased.  There 
are  no  accurate  statistics  showing  the  number  of  victims.  Some  annalists  allege 
that  two  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  perished  up  to  the  year  1635,  but 
that  figure  is  probably  exaggerated,  for  the  converts  do  not  seem  to  have  aggre- 
gated more  than  three  hundred  thousand  at  any  time,  and  it  is  probable  that 
a  majority  of  these,  having  embraced  the  alien  creed  for  light  reasons,  discarded 
it  readily  under  menace  of  destruction.  "Every  opportunity  was  given  for 
apostatizing  and  for  escaping  death.  Immunity  could  be  secured  by  pointing 
out  a  fellow  convert,  and  when  it  is  observed  that  among  the  seven  or  eight 
feudatories  who  embraced  Christianity  only  two  or  three  died  in  that  faith, 
we  must  conclude  that  not  a  few  cases  of  recanting  occurred  among  the  vassals. 
Remarkable  fortitude,  however,  is  said  to  have  been  displayed."  Caron,  one 
of  the  Dutch  traders  of  Hirado,  writing  in  1636,  says:  — 

"A'Jil-J  ^Vkji.  11J'    &I1OPJ' 

At  first  the  believers  in  Christ  were  only  beheaded  and  afterwards  attached  to  a  cross, 
which  was  considered  as  a  sufficiently  heavy  punishment.  But  when  many  of  them  were 
seen  to  die  with  emotions  of  joy  and  pleasure,  some  even  to  go  singing  to  the  place  of  execution; 
and  when  although  thirty  and  sometimes  one  hundred  were  put  to  death  at  a  time,  and  it 
was  found  that  their  numbers  did  not  appear  to  diminish,  it  was  then  determined  to  use 
every  exertion  to  change  their  joy  into  grief  and  their  songs  into  tears  and  groans  of  misery. 
To  effect  this  they  were  tied  to  stakes  and  burned  alive;  were  broiled  on  wooden  gridirons, 
and  thousands  were  thus  wretchedly  destroyed.  But  as  the  number  of  Christians  was  not 
perceptibly  lessened  by  these  cruel  punishments,  they  became  tired  of  putting  them  to 
death,  and  attempts  were  then  made  to  make  the  Christians  abandon  their  faith  by  the 
infliction  of  the  most  dreadful  torments  which  the  most  diabolical  invention  could  suggest. 
The  Japanese  Christians,  however,  endured  these  persecutions  with  a  great  deal  of  steadiness 
and  courage;  very  few,  in  comparison  with  those  who  remained  steadfast  in  the  faith,  were 
the  number  of  those  who  fainted  under  the  trials  and  abjured  their  religion.  It  is  true  that 
these  people  possess,  on  such  occasions,  a  stoicism  and  an  intrepidity  of  which  no  examples 
are  to  be  met  with  in  the  bulk  of  other  nations.  Neither  men  nor  women  are  afraid  of  death. 
Yet  an  uncommon  steadfastness  in  the  faith  must,  at  the  same  time,  be  requisite  to  continue 
in  these  trying  circumstances. 

The  intrepidity  of  the  native  converts  was  rivalled  by  the  courage  of  their 
foreign  teachers.  Again  and  again  these  latter  defied  the  Japanese  authorities 
by  visiting  Japan  —  not  for  the  first  time  but  occasionally  even  after  having 
been  deported.  Contrary  to  the  orders  of  the  governors  of  Macao  and  Manila, 
nay  of  the  King  of  Spain  himself,  the  priests  arrived,  year  after  year,  with  the 
certainty  of  being  apprehended  and  sent  to  the  stake  after  brief  periods  of  propa- 
gandism.  In  1626,  when  the  campaign  of  persecution  was  at  its  height,  more 
than  three  thousand  converts  were  baptized  by  these  brave  priests,  of  whom 
none  is  known  to  have  escaped  death  except  those  that  apostatized  under  tor- 
ture, and  they  were  very  few,  although  not  only  could  life  be  saved  by  abandoning 


554  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  faith  but  also  ample  allowances  of  money  could  be  obtained  from  the  authori- 
ties. Anyone  denouncing  a  propagandist  received  large  reward,  and  the  people 
were  required  to  prove  their  orthodoxy  by  trampling  upon  a  picture  of  Christ. 

(.'"  '**  »-»»»l£J  Vfl  i    ,1  KJ  f  .  .     ill    J       i  ) 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  FEUDS  BETWEEN  THE  DUTCH  AND  THE 

PORTUGUESE 
•iriJ'to  jUjOflJifciauq  miili-J-n     '..-,;  .  .->v,:  J  L. 

While  the  above  events  were  in  progress,  the  disputes  between  the  Dutch, 
the  Portuguese,  and  the  Spaniards  went  on  without  cessation.  In  1636,  the 
Dutch  discovered  in  a  captured  Portuguese  vessel  a  report  written  by  the 
governor  of  Macao,  describing  a  festival  which  had  just  been  held  there  in 
honour  of  Vieyra,  who  had  been  martyred  in  Japan.  The  Dutch  transmitted 
this  document  to  the  Japanese  "in  order  that  his  Majesty  may  see  more  clearly 
what  great  honour  the  Portuguese  pay  to  those  he  had  forbidden  his  realm  as 
traitors  to  the  State  and  to  his  crown."  It  does  not  appear  that  this  accusation 
added  much  to  the  resentment  and  distrust  against  the  Portuguese.  At  any 
rate,  the  Bakufu  in  Yedo  took  no  step  distinctly  hostile  to  Portuguese  laymen 
until  the  following  year  (1637),  when  an  edict  was  issued  forbidding  "any 
foreigners  to  travel  in  the  empire  lest  Portuguese  with  passports  bearing  Dutch 
names  might  enter,  f 

THE  SHIMABARA  REVOLT 

gfltfrtRXf^o  rmub^i-reo  bitro')  ^Tlriiifrimr    .(ib'-jo  ^  t  bn&  gnic&ftiaKfR 

At  the  close  of  1637,  there  occurred  a  rebellion,  historically  known  as  the 
"Christian  Revolt  of  Shimabara,"  which  put  an  end  to  Japan's  foreign  inter- 
course for  over  two  hundred  years.  The  Gulf  of  Nagasaki  is  bounded  on  the 
west  by  the  island  of  Amakusa  and  by  the  promontory  of  Shimabara.  In  the 
early  years  of  Jesuit  propagandism  in  Japan,  Shimabara  and  Amakusa  had  been 
the  two  most  thoroughly  Christianized  regions,  and  in  later  days  they  were 
naturally  the  scene  of  the  severest  persecutions.  Nevertheless,  the  people 
might  have  suffered  in  silence,  as  did  their  fellow  believers  elsewhere,  had  they 
not  been  taxed  beyond  endurance  to  supply  funds  for  an  extravagant  feudatory. 
Japanese  annalists,  however,  relegate  the  taxation  grievance  to  an  altogether 
secondary  place,  and  attribute  the  revolt  solely  to  the  instigation  of  five  samurai 
who  led  a  roving  life  to  avoid  persecution  for  their  adherence  to  Christianity. 
Whichever  version  be  correct,  it  is  certain  that  the  outbreak  attracted  all  the 
Christians  from  the  surrounding  regions,  and  was  officially  regarded  as  a  Chris- 
tian rising.  The  Amakusa  insurgents  passed  over  from  that  island  to  Shima- 
bara, and  on  the  27th  of  January,  1638,  the  whole  body  —  numbering,  according 
to  some  authorities,  twenty  thousand  fighting  men  with  thirteen  thousand  women 
and  children;  according  to  others,  little  more  than  one-half  of  these  figures  — 
took  possession  of  the  dilapidated  castle  of  Kara,  which  stood  on  a  plateau  with 
three  sides  descending  one  hundred  feet  perpendicularly  to  the  sea  and  with  a 
swamp  on  the  fourth  side. 

The  insurgents  fought  under  flags  inscribed  with  red  crosses  and  their  battle 
cries  were  "Jesus,"  "Maria,"  and  "St.  lago."  They  defended  the  castle  success- 
fully against  repeated  assaults  until  the  12th  of  April,  when,  their  provisions 
and  their  ammunition  alike  being  exhausted,  they  were  overwhelmed  and  put 
to  the  sword,  with  the  exception  of  105  prisoners.  During  this  siege  the  Dutch 
gave  practical  proof  of  their  enmity  to  the  Christianity  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Portuguese.  For,  the  guns  in  the  possession  of  the  besiegers  being  too  light  to 
accomplish  anything  effective,  application  was  made  to  Koeckebacker,  the 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN 


555 


Dutch  factor  at  Hirado,  to  lend  ships  carrying  heavier  metal.  He  complied  by 
despatching  the  De  Ryp,  and  her  twenty  guns  threw  426  shots  into  the  castle 
in  fifteen  days.  There  has  been  handed  down  a  letter  carried  by  an  arrow  from 
the  castle  to  the  besiegers.  It  was  not  an  appeal  for  mercy  but  a  simple  enumera- 
tion of  reasons :  — 

For  the  sake  of  our  people  we  have  now  resorted  to  this  castle.  You  will  no  doubt  think 
that  we  have  done  this  with  the  hope  of  taking  lands  and  houses.  Such  is  by  no  means  the 
case.  It  is  simply  because  Christianity  is  not  tolerated  as  a  distinct  sect,  which  is  well  known 
to  you.  Frequent  prohibitions  have  been  published  by  the  shogun,  to  our  great  distress. 
Some  among  us  there  are  who  consider  the  hope  of  future  life  as  of  the  highest  importance. 
For  these  there  is  no  escape.  Because  they  will  not  change  their  religion  they  incur  various 
kinds  of  severe  punishments,  being  inhumanly  subjected  to  shame  and  extensive  suffering,  till 
at  last  for  their  devotion  to  the  Lord  of  Heaven,  they  are  tortured  to  death.  Others,  even 
men  of  resolution,  solicitous  for  the  sensitive  body  and  dreading  the  torture,  have,  while 
hiding  their  grief,  obeyed  the  royal  will  and  recanted.  Things  continuing  in  this  state,  all 
the  people  have  united  in  an  uprising  in  an  unaccountable  and  miraculous  manner.  Should 
we  continue  to  live  as  heretofore  and  the  above  laws  not  be  repealed,  we  must  incur  all  sorts 
of  punishments  hard  to  be  endured;  we  must,  our  bodies  being  weak  and  sensitive,  sin  against 
the  infinite  Lord  of  Heaven  and  from  solicitude  for  our  brief  lives  incur  the  loss  of  what  we 
highly  esteem.  These  things  fill  us  with  grief  beyond  endurance.  Hence  we  are  in  our 
present  condition.  It  is  not  the  result  of  a  corrupt  doctrine. 

It  seems  probable  that  of  the  remaining  Japanese  Christians  the  great  bulk 
perished  at  the  massacre  of  Kara.  Thenceforth  there  were  few  martyrs,  and 
though  Christianity  was  not  entirely  extirpated  in  Japan,  it  survived  only  in 
remote  places  and  by  stealth. 


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THE     KAIYO  KWAN,"  THE  FIRST  WARSHIP  OP  JAPAN 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII 
THE   TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE 

THE  Tokugawa  family  traced  its  descent  from  Nitta  Yoshishige  of  the 
Minamoto  sept  (the  Seiwa  Genji)  who  flourished  at  the  beginning  of  the  thir- 
teenth century.  His  son 's  place  of  residence  was  at  the  village  of  Tokugawa  in 
Kotsuke  province:  hence  the  name,  Tokugawa.  After  a  few  generations, 
Chikauji,  the  then  representative  of  the  family,  had  to  fly  to  the  village  of 
Matsudaira  in  Mikawa  province,  taking  the  name  of  Matsudaira.  Gradually 
the  family  acquired  possession  of  about  one-half  of  Mikawa  province,  and  in 
the  seventh  generation  from  Chikauji,  the  head  of  the  house,  Hirotada,  crossing 
swords  with  Oda  Nobuhide,  father  of  Nobunaga,  sought  succour  from  the  Imaga- 
wa  family,  to  which  he  sent  his  son,  leyasu,  with  fifty  other  young  samurai  as 
hostages.  This  was  in  1547,  leyasu-being  then  in  his  fifth  year. 

On  the  way  from  Okazaki,  which  was  the  stronghold  of  Hirotada,  the  party 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Nobuhide 's  officers,  and  leyasu  was  confined  in  a  temple 
where  he  remained  until  1559,  when  he  obtained  permission  to  return  to  Okazaki, 
being  then  a  vassal  of  the  Imagawa  family.  But  when  (1569)  the  Imagawa 
suffered  defeat  in  the  battle  of  Okehazama,  at  the  hands  of  Oda  Nobunaga, 
leyasu  allied  himself  with  the  latter.  In  1570,  he  removed  to  Hamamatsu, 
having  subjugated  the  provinces  of  Mikawa  and  Totomi.  He  was  forty  years 
old  at  the  time  of  Nobunaga 's  murder,  and  it  has  been  shown  above  that  he 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  Oda  family  in  the  campaign  of  Komak  -yama.  At 

556 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE  557 

forty-nine  he  became  master  of  the  Kwanto  and  was  in  his  fifty-sixth  year 
when  Hideyoshi  died.  leyasu  had  nine  sons:  (1)  Nobuyasu;  (2)  Hideyasu 
(daimyo  of  Echizen)  ;  (3)  Hidetada  (second  shoguri)  ;  (4)  Tadayoshi  (daimyo  of 
Kiyosu);  (5)  Nobuyoshi  (daimyo  of  Mito);  (6)  Tadateru  (daimyo  of  Echigo); 
(7)  Yoshinao  (daimyo  of  Owari)  ;  (8)  Yorinobu  (daimyo  of  Kii)  ,  and  (9)  Yorifusa 
(daimyo  of  Mito).  He  had  also  three  daughters;  the  first  married  to  Okudaira 
Masanobu;  the  second  to  Ikeda  Terumasa,  and  the  third  to  Asano  Nagaakira. 
tf  fxnrl  8-3*1  n-fij'amijftmo  oii.t  •>  -,d'i  .•lov-jyorl  .ifiohiv 


EVENTS  IMMEDIATELY  PRIOR  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF  SEKIGAHARA 

The  political  complications  that  followed  the  death  of  the  Taiko  are  extremely 
difficult  to  unravel,  and  the  result  is  not  commensurate  with  the  trouble.  Sever- 
al annalists  have  sought  to  prove  that  leyasu  strenuously  endeavoured  to 
observe  faithfully  the  oath  of  loyalty  made  by  him  to  Hideyoshi  on  the  latter  's 
death-bed.  They  claim  for  him  that  until  his  hands  were  forced  he  steadfastly 
and  faithfully  worked  in  the  interests  of  Hideyoshi.  But  his  acts  do  not  lend 
themselves  to  any  such  interpretation.  The  best  that  can  be  said  of  him  is  that 
he  believed  himself  to  have  been  entrusted  by  the  Taiko  with  discretionary  power 
to  determine  the  expediency  of  Hideyori  's  succession,  and  that  he  exercised  that 
power  in  the  interests  of  the  Tokugawa  family,  not  of  the  Toyotomi. 

Circumstances  helped  him  as  they  do  generally  help  great  men.  From  the 
time  of  the  birth  of  the  lady  Yodo's  second  son,  the  official  world  in  Kyoto 
had  been  divided  into  two  factions.  The  Hidetsugu  catastrophe  accentuated 
the  lines  of  division,  and  the  Korean  campaign  had  a  similar  effect  by  affording 
a  field  for  bitter  rivalry  between  the  forces  of  Konishi  Yukinaga,  who  belonged  to 
the  Yodo  faction,  and  Kato  Kiy  omasa,  who  was  a  protege  of  Hideyoshi  's  wife, 
Yae.  Further  fuel  was  added  to  this  fire  of  antagonism  when  the  order  went 
forth  that  the  army  should  leave  Korea,  for  the  Kato  faction  protested  against 
surrendering  all  the  fruits  of  the  campaign  without  any  tangible  recompense, 
and  the  Konishi  party  insisted  that  the  Taiko  's  dying  words  must  be  obeyed 
implicitly.  In  this  dispute,  Ishida  Katsushige,  the  chief  actor  in  the  Hidetsugu 
tragedy,  took  a  prominent  part.  For,  when  in  their  capacity  as  belonging  to 
the  Board  of  Five  Administrators,  Ishida  and  Asano  Nagamasa  were  sent  to 
Kyushu  to  superintend  the  evacuation  of  the  Korean  peninsula,  they,  too,  fell 
into  a  controversy  on  the  same  subject.  leyasu  stood  aloof  from  both  parties. 
His  pblicy  was  to  let  the  feud  develop  and  to  step  in  himself  at  the  supreme 
moment. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  the  aim  of  Ishida  Katsushige  to  involve  the 
Tokugawa  chief,  thus  compassing  his  downfall  and  opening  an  avenue  for  the 
ascension  of  Ishida  himself  to  the  place  of  dictator.  Allied  with  Ishida  in  this 
„  plot  was  his  colleague  on  the  Board  of  Five  Administrators,  Masuda  Nagamori. 
Their  method  was  to  create  enmity  between  leyasu  and  Maeda  Toshiiye,  to 
whom  the  Taiko  had  entrusted  the  guardianship  of  Hideyori  and  of  the  Osaka 
Castle.  This  design  was  barely  thwarted  by  the  intervention  of  Hosokawa 
Tadaoki  (ancestor  of  the  present  Marquis  Hosokawa).  leyasu  was  well  informed 
as  to  Ishida  's  schemes  on  two  other  occasions;  the  first  immediately  before, 
the  second  just  after,  the  death  of  the  Taiko.  In  each  case  rumours  of  an  armed 
outbreak  were  suddenly  circulated  in  Fushimi  for  the  purpose  of  creating  confu- 
sion such  as  might  furnish  an  opportunity  to  strike  suddenly  at  leyasu.  These 
essays  failed  in  both  instances,  and  the  Tokugawa  chief,  instead  of  retaliating 
by  direct  impeachment  of  Ishida,  applied  himself  to  cementing  close  relations 


558  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

with  certain  great  daimyo  by  matrimonial  alliances.  Such  unions  had  been 
implicitly  interdicted  by  the  Taiko,  and  the  procedure  of  leyasu  elicited  a 
written  protest  from  the  boards  of  the  Five  Senior  Ministers  and  the  Five 
Administrators.  They  threatened  leyasu  with  dismissal  from  the  former 
board  unless  he  furnished  a  satisfactory  explanation.  This  he  declined  to  do 
and  for  some  time  a  very  strained  situation  existed  in  Kyoto,  an  armed  struggle 
being  ultimately  averted  by  the  good  offices  of  the  Three  Middle  Ministers. 

It  was  evident,  however,  that  the  circumstances  had  become  critical,  and 
it  was  further  evident  that,  as  long  as  Ishida  Katsushige  's  intrigues  continued, 
a  catastrophe  might  at  any  moment  be  precipitated.  Sensible  of  these  things, 
a  party  of  loyal  men,  spoken  of  in  history  as  the  "seven  generals"  —  Ikeda 
Terumasa  (ancestor  of  the  present  Marquis  Ikeda);  Kato  Kiy omasa;  Kuroda 
Nagamasa  (son  of  Kuroda  Yoshitaka,  and  ancestor  of  the  present  Marquis 
Kuroda) ;  Fukushima  Masanori,  Asano  Yukinaga  (son  of  Asano  Nagamasa  and 
ancestor  of  the  present  Marquis  Asano) ;  Hosokawa  Tadaoki,  and  Kato  Yoshiaki 
(ancestor  of  the  present  Viscount  Kato)  —  vowed  to  take  Ishida 's  life,  while  he 
was  still  in  Osaka  Castle,  whither  he  had  gone  (1599)  to  attend  the  death-bed 
of  his  friend,  Maeda  Toshiiye.  Ishida,  finding  himself  powerless  to  resist  such 
a  combination  after  the  death  of  Maeda,  took  an  extraordinary  step;  he  appealed 
to  the  protection  of  leyasu  —  that  is  to  say,  to  the  protection  of  the  very  man 
against  whom  all  his  plots  had  been  directed.  And  leyasu  protected  him. 

We  are  here  confronted  by  a  riddle  which  has  never  been  clearly  interpreted. 
Why  did  Ishida  seek  asylum  from  leyasu  whom  he  had  persistently  intrigued  to 
overthrow,  and  why  did  leyasu,  having  full  knowledge  of  these  intrigues,  grant 
asylum?  Possibly  an  answer  to  the  former  question  can  be  furnished  by  the 
fact  that  Ishida  was  in  sore  straits.  Attending  Maeda  Toshiiye 's  death-bed,  he 
had  seen  the  partisans  of  the  deceased  baron  transfer  their  allegiance  to 
leyasu  through  the  intervention  of  Hosokawa  Tadaoki,  and  he  had  learned  that 
his  own  life  was  immediately  threatened  by  the  seven  generals.  Even  if  he 
succeeded  (which  was  very  problematical)  in  escaping  from  Osaka  to  his  own 
castle  of  Sawa-yama,  in  Omi  province,  the  respite  could  have  been  but  brief  and 
such  a  step  would  have  been  equivalent  to  abandoning  the  political  arena. 
Only  a  very  strong  arm  could  save  him,  and  with  consummate  insight  he  may 
have  appreciated  the  Tokugawa  chief's  unreadiness  to  precipitate  a  crucial 
struggle  by  consenting  to  his  death. 

.  But  what  is  to  be  said  of  leyasu?  Unwilling  to  admit  that  his.  astuteness 
could  ever  have  been  at  fault,  some  historians  allege  that  the  Tokugawa  chief 
saved  Ishida 's  life  with  the  deliberate  purpose  of  letting  him  discredit  himself 
and  his  partisans  by  continued  intrigues.  These  annalists  allege,  in  fact,  that 
leyasu,  acting  on  the  advice  of  Honda  Masanobu,  by  whose  profound  shrewdness 
he  was  largely  guided,  saved  the  life  of  Ishida  in  order  that  the  latter 's  subsequent 
intrigues  might  furnish  a  pretext  for  destroying  Hideyori.  That,  however,  is 
scarcely  conceivable,  for  Ishida  had  many  powerful  confederates,  and  the  direct 
outcome  of  the  leniency  shown  by  leyasu  on  that  occasion  was  an  armed  struggle 
from  which  he  barely  emerged  victorious.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that,  for  all 
his  profound  wisdom,  leyasu  erred  in  this  instance.  Ishida  Kotsushige  out- 
witted him.  For,  during  the  very  days  of  his  asylum  in  Fushimi,  under  the 
protection  of  leyasu,  Ishida  opened  secret  communication  with  Uesugi  Kage- 
katsu  and  invited  him  to  strike  at  the  Tokugawa.  Uesugi  consented.  It  must 
be  observed  that  the  character  of  Ishida  has  been  portrayed  for  posterity  mainly 
by  historians  who  were  under  Tokugawa  influence.  Modern  and  impartial 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE^JII  559 

annalists  are  by  no  means  so  condemnatory  in  their  judgment  of  the  maa«;>  In 
whatever  arts  of  deception  Ishida  excelled,  leyasu  was  at  least  his  equal;  while 
in  the  matter  of  loyalty  to  the  Toyotomi  family,  Ishida 's  conduct  compares 
favourably  with  that  of  the  Tokugawa  leader;  and  if  we  look  at  the  men  who 
attached  themselves  to  Ishida 's  cause  and  fought  by  his  side,  we  are  obliged  to 
admit  that  he  must  have  been  highly  esteemed  by  his  contemporaries,  or,  at  any 
rate,  that  they  recognized  in  him  the  champion  of  Hideyori,  at  whose  father's 
hands  they  had  received  such  benefits. 

-'  ' •"••(  1  ;  fit  -J.'id  jmiad  iuLfjuifliop  ni  hnoa^a  Bid 

ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  JAPANESE  EMPIRE  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE 
SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

The  realm  of  Japan  was  then  held  by  214  feudatories,  each  having  an  annual 
income  of  at  least  10,000  koku  (omitting  minor  landowners).  These  214  estates 
yielded  to  their  holders  a  total  income  of  nearly  nineteen  million  koku,  and  of 
that  aggregate  the  domains  of  the  five  noblemen  forming  the  Board  of  Senior 
Statesmen  constituted  one-third.  Tokugawa  leyasu  was  the  wealthiest.  His 
domains  in  the  eight  provinces  forming  the  Kwanto  yielded  an  income  of  2,557,- 
000  koku.  Next  on  the  list  came  Mori  Terumoto  with  2,205,000  koku,  and 
Uesugi  Kagekatsu  with  1,200,000  koku.  The  latter  two  were  partisans  of 
Ishida.  But  direct  communication  between  their  forces  was  difficult,  for  while 
the  Mori  domains  covered  the  nine  provinces  on  the  extreme  west  of  the  main 
island,  Uesugi 's  lay  on  the  north  of  the  Kwanto,  whence  they  stretched  to  the 
shore  of  the  Japan  Sea.  Fourth  and  fifth  on  the  Board  of  Senior  Statesmen 
were  Maeda  Toshiiye,  whose  fief  (835,000  koku)  occupied  Kaga  and  Etchu;  and 
Ukita  Hideiye  (574,000  koku),  whose  castle  stood  at  Oka-yama,  in  Bizen.  All 
these,  except  Maeda  embraced  the  anti-Tokugawa  cause  of  Ishida  Katsushige, 
and  it  thus  becomes  easy  to  understand  the  desire  of  Ishida  to  win  over  Maeda 
Toshinaga,  son  of  Toshiiye,  to  his  camp.  On  the  side  of  leyasu 's  foes  were 
also  marshalled  Shimazu  Yoshihisa,  feudal  chief  of  Satsuma  (700,000  koku) ; 
Satake  Yoshinobu  of  Hitachi  province  (545,700  koku);  Konishi  Yukinaga  in 
Higo  (200,000  koku),  who  was  counted  one  of  the  greatest  captains  of  the  era, 
and,  nominally,  Kohayakawa  Hideaki  in  Chikuzen  (522,500  koku).  With 
leyasu  were  the  powerful  daimyo:  Date  Masamune  of  Sendai  (580,000  koku); 
Kato  Kiyomasa  of  Kumamoto  (250,000  koku);  Hosokawa  Tadaoki  of  Tango 
(230,000  koku);  Ikeda  Terumasa  of  Mikawa  (152,000  koku),  and  Kuroda  Naga- 
masa  of  Chikuzen  (250,000  koku).  This  analysis  omits  minor  names. 

/oT  lo  29Jlifm;l  tfisis  owj  o/il  It  jrioij<:vfvrq  "y;!!  trio  nog  noii 

BATTLE  OF  SEKIGAHARA 

The  plan  of  campaign  formed  by  Ishida  and  his  confederates  was  that  Uesugi 
and  Satake  should  attack  the  Kwanto  from  the  north  and  the  east  simultaneous- 
ly, while  Mori  and  Ukita  should  move  against  Fushimi  and  occupy  Kyoto.  In 
May,  1600,  leyasu  went  through  the  form  of  requiring  Uesugi  to  repair  to 
Kyoto  and  explain  his  obviously  disaffected  preparations.  The  reply  sent  by 
Uesugi  was  defiant.  Therefore,  the  Tokugawa  chief  proceeded  to  mobilize  his 
own  and  his  allies'  forces.  He  seems  to  have  clearly  foreseen  that  if  he  himself 
moved  eastward  to  Yedo,  Momo-yama  would  be  assaulted  in  his  absence.  But 
it  being  necessary  to  simulate  trust  in  Mori  and  Ukita,  then  nominally  his 
supporters,  he  placed  in  Momo-yama  Castle  a  garrison  of  only  two  thousand 
men  under  his  old  and  staunch  friend,  Torii  Mototada.  leyasu  planned  that 


560  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Uesugi  should  be  attacked  simultaneously  from  five  directions;  namely  from 
Sendai  by  Date;  from  Kaga  by  Maeda;  from  Dewa  by  Mogami;  from  Echigo  by 
Hori,  and  from  Hitachi  by  Satake.  But  among  these  five  armies  that  of  Satake 
declared  for  Ishida,  while  those  of  Maeda  and  Hori  were  constrained  to  adopt  a 
defensive  attitude  by  the  menace  of  hostile  barons  in  their  vicinity,  and  thus  it 
fell  out  that  Date  and  Mogami  alone  operated  effectively  in  the  cause  of  leyasu. 

The  Tokugawa  chief  himself  lost  no  time  in  putting  his  troops  in  motion  for 
Yedo,  where,  at  the  head  of  some  sixty  thousand  men,  he  arrived  in  August,  1600, 
his  second  in  command  being  his  third  son,  Hidetada.  Thence  he  pushed  rapid- 
ly northward  with  the  intention  of  attacking  Uesugi.  But  at  Oyama  in 
Shimotsuke  news  reached  him  thajt  Ishida  and  his  partisans  had  drawn  the 
sword  in  the  west,  and  had  seized  Osaka,  together  with  the  wives  and  families 
of  several  of  the  captains  who  were  with  leyasu 's  army.  A  council  was  immedi- 
ately held  and  these  captains  were  given  the  option  of  continuing  to  serve  under 
leyasu  or  retiring  to  join  the  western  army  and  thus  ensuring  the  safety  of  their 
own  families.  They  chose  the  former,  and  the  council  further  decided  that, 
leaving  Date  and  Mogami  to  deal  with  Uesugi  and  Satake,  and  posting  for  the 
same  purpose  at  Utsunomiya,  Hideyasu,  second  son  of  leyasu,  the  main  army 
should  countermarch  to  meet  the  western  forces  at  some  point  remote  from 
Yedo. 

The  Tokugawa  battalions,  following  two  routes — the  Tokaido  and  the  Naka- 
sendo  — •  made  rapid  progress  westward,  and  on  September  21st,  the  van  of  the 
division  under  Fukushima  and  Ikeda  reached  Kiyosu.  But  the  Nakasendo 
column  of  thirty-eight  thousand  men  under  Hidetada  encountered  such  desperate 
resistance  before  the  castle  of  Ueda,  at  the  hands  of  Sanada  Masayuki,  that  it 
did  not  reach  Sekigahara  until  the  great  battle  was  over.  Meanwhile,  the  west- 
ern army  had  pushed  steadily  eastward.  Its  first  exploit  was  to  capture  and 
burn  the  Momo-yama  castle,  which  was  splendidly  defended  by  the  veteran 
Torii  Mototada,  then  in  his  sixty-second  year.  With  a  garrison  of  only 
two  thousand  men  he  held  at  bay  during  eleven  days  an  investing  force 
of  forty  thousand.  The  torch  was  set  to  the  castle  on  the  8th  of  September  by 
traitors  in  the  garrison,  and  Mototada  committed  suicide.  Thereafter,  the  van 
of  the  western  army  advanced  to  Gifu  along  the  NakasendS,  and  the  main  body, 
making  a  detour  through  Ise,  ultimately  pushed  forward  into  Mino. 

With  this  army  were  no  less  than  forty-three  generals  of  renown,  and  the 
number  of  feudal  barons,  great  and  small,  who  sent  troops  to  swell  its  ranks  was 
thirty-one.  Undoubtedly  these  barons  were  partially  influenced  by  the  concep- 
tion generally  prevalent  that  the  fortunes  of  the  two  great  families  of  Toyotomi 
and  Tokugawa  depended  on  the  issue  pf  this  struggle.  But  it  must  also  be  ad- 
mitted that  had  Ishida  Katsushige  been  as  black  as  the  Tokugawa  historians 
paint  him,  he  could  never  have  served  for  the  central  figure  of  such  an  array. 
He  is  seen  inciting  the  besiegers  of  Momo-yama  Castle  to  their  supreme  and 
successful  effort.  He  is  seen  winning  over  to  the  Toyotomi  cause  baron  after 
baron.  He  is  seen  leading  the  advance  of  the  western  army 's  van.  And  he  is 
seen  fighting  to  the  end  in  the  great  battle  which  closed  the  campaign.  Some 
heroic  qualities  must  have  accompanied  his  gift  of  statesmanship.  The 
nominal  leader  of  the  western  army,  which  mustered  128,000  strong,  was  Mori 
Terumoto,  and  under  him  were  ranged  Ukita  Hideiye,  Mori  Hidemoto,  Shimazu 
Yoshihiro,  Konishi  Yukinaga,  and  many  other  captains  of  repute.  Under  the 
Tokugawa  banners  there  marched  75,000  men,  their  van  led  by  li  Naomasa 
and  Honda  Tadakatsu. 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE  561 

On  October  21,  1600,  the  great  battle  of  Sekigahara  was  fought.  The 
strategy  on  the  side  of  the  western  forces  was  excellent.  Their  units  were  dis- 
posed along  a  crescent-shaped  line  recessed  from  the  enemy,  so  that  an  attacking 
army,  unless  its  numerical  strength  was  greatly  superior,  had  to  incur  the  risk 
of  being  enveloped  from  both  flanks  —  a  risk  much  accentuated  by  the  fact  that 
these  flanking  troops  occupied  high  ground.  But  on  the  side  of  the  western 
army  there  was  a  feature  of  weakness  which  no  strategy  could  remove:  all  the 
battalions  constituting  the  right  wing  were  pledged  to  espouse  the  cause  of 
leyasu  at  the  crisis  of  the  struggle.  There  were  six  of  these  battalions,  large 
or  small,  and  they  were  commanded  by  Akakura,  Ogawa,  Kuchiki,  Wakizaka, 
Kohayakawa,  and  Kikkawa.  Thus,  not  only  were  the  eastern  troops  able  to 
deliver  their  attack  in  full  force  against  the  centre  and  left  of  their  foes,  but  also 
the  latter  were  exposed  to  the  most  demoralizing  of  all  eventualities,  treachery. 

After  a  fierce  fight  the  western  army  was  completely  defeated.  Some  accounts 
put  its  losses  at  35,000  men;  others,  with  greater  probability,  estimating  that 
only  100,000  men  were  actually  engaged  on  both  sides  —  namely,  60,000  on  the 
Tokugawa  side,  and  40,000  on  the  Toyotomi  —  conclude  that  the  losses  were 
6000  and  9000,  respectively.  Shimazu  of  Satsuma,  at  the  head  of  a  handful  of 
samurai,  cut  his  way  through  the  lines  of  leyasu,  and  reaching  Osaka,  embarked 
hastily  for  Kyushu.  Ishida  Katsushige  lay  concealed  in  a  cave  for  a  few  days, 
but  was  ultimately  seized  and  beheaded,  in  company  with  Konishi  Yukinaga 
and  Ankokuji  Ekei,  at  the  execution  ground  in  Kyoto.  This  one  battle  ended 
the  struggle:  there  was  no  rally.  Punishment  followed  quickly  for  the  feuda- 
tories who  had  fought  against  the  Tokugawa.  Thus  Mori  Terumoto  's  domain, 
originally  covering  eight  provinces  and  yielding  a  revenue  of  1,205,000  koku, 
was  reduced  to  the  two  provinces  of  Suwo  and  Nagato,  yielding  300,000  koku. 
The  three  provinces  of  Ukita  Hideiye  were  entirely  forfeited,  and  he  himself  was 
banished  to  the  island  Hachijoshima.  Oda  Hidenobu,  grandson  of  Nobunaga, 
Masuda  Nagamori,  and  Sanada  Masayuki,  with  his  son,  were  ordered  to  take 
the  tonsure  and  retire  to  the  monastery  of  Koya-san.  The  fief  of  Uesugi  Kageka- 
tsu  was  reduced  from  1,200,000  koku  in  Aizu  to  300,000  koku  in  Yonezawa;  and 
the  800,000  koku  of  the  Satake  family  in  Hitachi  were  exchanged  for  200,000 
koku  in  Akita.  Only  the  Shimazu  family  of  Satsuma  remained  without  loss. 
Secured  by  inaccessibility,  it  continued  to  hold  the  provinces  of  Satsuma,  Osumi, 
and  Hyuga,  with  a  revenue  of  700,000  koku. 

[Jo;:  d>iid  rroffu  Joolfo  ^no-ig  ji  bfttwboiqaviui  ot  f>f£3  ^i 
REDISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  FIEFS'^  ^ 


cj     'V/oj'   O  'JJO        j''-i  '-tJ 

These  measures  represented  only  a  fraction  of  the  readjustments  then  effected. 
leyasu,  following  the  example,  set  on  a  small  scale  by  the  Taiko,  parcelled  out 
the  country  in  such  a  manner  as  to  provide  security  against  future  trouble. 
Dividing  the  feudatories  into  hereditary  vassals  (fudai.no  kerai)  and  exterior 
nobles  (tozama),  he  assigned  to  the  former  small  but  greatly  increased  estates 
situated  so  as  to  command  the  main  highways  as  well  as  the  great  cities  of 
central  Japan,  and  he  located  the  exterior  nobles  —  many  of  them  with  largely 
reduced  domains  —  in  districts  remote  not  only  from  Yedo  and  Kyoto  but  also 
from  each  other,  wherever  such  method  of  distribution  was  possible.  Moreover, 
in  the  most  important  places  —  as  Osaka,  Fushimi,  Sakai,  Nagasaki,  Yamada 
(in  Ise),  and  Sado  (the  gold  mines),  there  were  appointed  administrators  (bugyo}, 
direct  nominees  of  the  Tokugawa;  while  Kyoto  was  put  under  the  sway  of  a 
deputy  of  the  shogun  (shoshidai).  Again,  although  the  tozama  daimyo  received 


562 

tolerably  munificent  treatment  in  the  matter  of  estates,  their  resources  were 
seriously  crippled  by  the  imposition  of  costly  public  works.  These  works  con- 
sisted mainly  of  restoring  dilapidated  castles  or  building  new  ones  on  a  scale 
so  colossal  as  to  be  exceeded  by  only  the  stronghold  at  Osaka.  It  is  recorded 
that  when  Fukushima  Masanori,  lord  of  Kiyosu  in  Owari,  complained  of  the 
crippling  effects  of  these  severe  requisitions,  Kat3  Kiyomasa  told  him  that  there 
was  no  alternative  except  to  retire  to  his  castle  and  defy  Yedo.  The  most  costly 
of  the  edifices  that  came  into  existence  in  these  circumstances  was  the  castle  of 
Nagoya,  which  is  still  one  of  the  wonders  of  Japan.  Twenty  great  barons  took 
part  in  erecting  it  ;  the  leading  artists  of  the  time  were  engaged  in  its  interior 
decoration,  and  the  roof  of  its  donjon  was  crowned  with,  two  gold  dolphins, 
measuring  nearly  nine  feet  in  height. 


IEYASU  BECOMES  SHOGUN 

}t*\\$  Tiiijiuiji5?!)  Y:*L!'!"'J.  •  L"1  i'  *  "* 

On  the  28th  of  March,  1603,  the  Emperor  nominated  leyasu  to  be  minister 

of  the  Right  and  sei-i  tai-shogun,  presenting  to  him  at  the  same  time  the  conven- 
tional ox-chariot  and  military  baton.  Nine  days  later,  the  Tokugawa  chief 
repaired  to  the  palace  to  return  thanks  for  these  honours.  The  Emperor  with 
his  own  hands  gave  him  the  drinking-cup  and  expressed  profound  gratification 
that  through  his  military  skill  the  wars  which  had  convulsed  the  nation  were 
ended,  and  the  foundations  of  the  empire's  peace  securely  laid.  leyasu  was 
then  in  his  sixty-second  year.  In  the  following  May,  Hideyori  was  made 
nai-daijin,  and  in  the  same  month  a  marriage  was  contracted  between  him,  then 
in  his  eleventh  year,  and  Tenju-in,  the  seven-year-old  daughter  of  Hidetada,  son 
and  successor  of  leyasu. 

YEDO  AND  KYOTO 

leyasu  now  took  up  his  residence  at  Momo-yama  Castle  and  Hidetada  was 
ordered  to  live  in  Yedo.  But  the  former  made  it  a  custom  to  go  eastward 
every  autumn  on  the  pretext  of  enjoying  the  sport  of  falconry,  and  to  remain  in 
Yedo  until  the  next  spring.  In  February,  1605,  the  Tokugawa  chief's  return  to 
Ky5to  from  the  Kwant5  capital  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  great  military  dis- 
play. Both  leyasu  and  Hidetada  travelled  at  the  same  time  with  a  following  of 
170,000  soldiers,  who  were  encamped  outside  the  city  whence  they  marched  in, 
ten  thousand  daily,  during  seventeen  consecutive  days.  This  martial  parade 
is  said  to  have  produced  a  great  effect  upon  the  nobles  of  the  Kinai  and  the  west- 
ern provinces.  But  leyasu  did  not  long  retain  the  office  of  shogun.  In  1605, 
he  conveyed  to  the  Imperial  Court  his  desire  to  be  relieved  of  military  functions, 
in  favour  of  his  son  Hidetada,  and  the  Emperor  at  once  consented,  so  that 
Hidetada  succeeded  to  all  the  offices  of  his  father,  and  leyasu  retired  to  the 
castle  of  Sumpu,  the  capital  of  Suruga.  His  income  was  thenceforth  reduced 
to  120,000  koku  annually,  derived  from  estates  in  the  provinces  of  Mino,  Ise, 
and  Omi.  But  this  retirement  was  in  form  rather  than  in  fact.  All  administra- 
tive affairs,  great  or  small,  were  managed  in  Sumpu,  the  shogun  in  Yedo  exercising 
merely  the  power  of  sanction.  leyasu  made,  frequent  journeys  to  Yedo  under 
the  pretext  of  hawking  but  in  reality  for  government  purposes. 

;;b£fi: 

THE  YEDO  BAKUFU 

It  was  on  the  30th  of  August,  1590,  that  leyasu  made  his  first  formal  entry 
into  Yedo  from  Sumpu.  Yedo  Castle  had  previously  been  occupied  by  an  agent 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE  563 

of  the  Hojo  clan.  It  was  very  small,  and  its  surroundings  consisted  of  barren 
plains  and  a  few  fishing  villages.  On  the  northwest  was  the  moor  of  Musashi, 
and  on  the  southeast  a  forest  of  reeds  marked  the  littoral  of  Yedo  Bay.  The 
first  task  that  devolved  upon  leyasu  was  the  reclamation  of  land  for  building 
purposes.  Some  substantial  work  was  done,  yet  the  place  did  not  suggest  any 
fitness  for  the  purpose  of  an  administrative  centre,  and  not  until  the  battle  of 
Sekigahara  placed  him  in  command  of  immense  resources,  did  leyasu  decide 
to  make  Yedo  his  capital.  He  then  had  large  recourse  to  labour  requisitioned 
from  the  feudatories.  By  these  means  hills  were  levelled,  swamps  reclaimed, 
and  embankments  built,  so  that  the  whole  aspect  of  the  region  was  changed, 
and  sites  were  provided  for  the  residences  of  various  barons  and  for  the  establish- 
ment of  shops  and  stores  whose  owners  flocked  to  the  new  city  from  Osaka, 
Kyoto,  and  other  towns.  Thereafter,  a  castle  of  colossal  dimensions,  exceeding 
even  the  Osaka  fortress  in  magnitude  and  magnificence,  was  rapidly  constructed, 
the  feudatories  being  required  to  supply  labour  and  materials  in  a  measure  which 
almost  overtaxed  their  resources. 

Historians  differ  as  to  the  exact  date  of  the  establishment  of  the  Yedo 
Bakufu,but  the  best  authorities  are  agreed  that  the  event  should  be 'reckoned 
from  the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  since  then,  for  the  first  time,  the  administrative 
power  came  into  the  hand  of  the  Tokugawa  baron,  he  having  previously  been 
simply  the  head  of  a  board  instituted  by  the  Taiko.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that 
in  choosing  Yedo  for  his  capital,  leyasu  was  largely  guided  by  the  example  of 
Yoritomo  and  by  the  experience  of  the  Ashikaga.  Kamakura  had  been  a  success 
as  signal  as  Muromachi  had  been  a  failure.  In  the  former,  leyasu  had  much  to 
imitate;  in  the  latter,  much  to  avoid.  We  have  seen  that  he  distributed  the 
estates  of  the  feudatories  so  as  to  create  a  system  automatically  unfavourable 
to  disturbance,  in  which  contrivance  he  borrowed  and  extended  the  ideas  of 
Nobunaga  and  Hideyoshi.  It  remains  to  note  that  what  Hojo  Tokimasa  and 
Oye  Hiromoto  were  to  Minamoto  Yoritomo  as  advisers  and  organizers,  and  what 
Ashikaga  Tadayoshi  and  Kono  Moronao  were  to  Ashikaga  Takauji  in  the  same 
roles,  such,  also,  were  Honda  Masanobu  and  Honda  Masazumi  to  Tokugawa 

leyasu. 

J  OTOMTJ8TA;- 


In  May,  1605,  Hideyori  was  nominated  u-daijin.  At  that  time  the  nation 
was  divided  pretty  evenly  into  two  factors;  one  obedient  to  the  Tokugawa,  the 
other  disposed  to  await  Hideyori 's  coming  of  age,  which  event  was  expected  to 
restore  the  authority  of  the  Toyotomi  family.  Fukushima  Masanori  and  Kato 
Kiyomasa  were  the  most  enthusiastic  believers  in  the  latter  forecast.  Up  to 
that  time  leyasu  had  not  given  any  definite  indication  of  the  attitude  he  intended 
to  assume  towards  the  Taiko' s  heir.  It  was  not  till  the  year  1611  that  he.  found 
an  opportunity  of  forming  a  first-hand  estimate  of  Hideyori 's  character.  He 
then  had  a  meeting  with  the  latter  at  Nijo  Castle,  and  is  said  to  have  been  much 
struck  with  the  bearing  and  intelligence  of  Hideyori.  In  fact,  whereas  common 
report  had  spoken  in  very  disparaging  terms  of  the  young  man 's  capacities  — 
Hideyori  was  then  seventeen  years  old  —  the  Tokugawa  chief  found  a  dignified 
and  alert  lad  whose  aspect  suggested  that  if  he  was  suffered  to  remain  in  posses- 
sion of  Osaka  a  few  years  longer,  Yedo  would  run  the  risk  of  being  relegated  to 
a  secondary  place. 

leyasu  after  that  interview  is  said  to  have  felt  like  "a  man  who,  having  still 
a  long  distance  to  travel,  finds  himself  enveloped  in  darkness."  He  saw  that 


564  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  time  for  considering  justice  and  humanity  had  passed,  and  he  summoned 
Honda  Masanobu  to  whom  he  said:  "I  see  that  Hideyori  is  grown  up  to  be  a 
son  worthy  of  his  father.  By  and  by  it  will  be  difficult  for  such  a  man  to  remain 
subservient  to  another."  Masanobu,  whom  history  describes  as  the  "Tokuga- 
wa's  storehouse  of  wisdom,"  is  recorded  to  have  replied:  "So  I,  too,  think,  hut 
there  is  no  cause  for  anxiety.  I  have  an  idea."  What  this  idea  was  events  soon 
disclosed.  Summoning  one  of  the  officials  in  the  service  of  Hideyori  ;s  wife  — 
Hidetada's  daughter  —  Masanobu  spoke  as  follows:  "Hideyori  is  the  only  son 
of  the  late  Taiko  and  it  is  the  desire  of  the  6-gosho"  (the  title  given  to  leyasu 
after  his  retirement  from  the  shogunate)  "that  he,  Hideyori,  should  have  a 
numerous  and  thriving  family.  Therefore,  if  any  woman  takes  his  fancy,  she 
must  be  enrolled  among  his  attendants  to  whatever  class  she  may  belong. 
Moreover,  if  there  be  among  these  ladies  any  who  _show  jealousies  or  make 
disturbances,  no  complaint  need  be  preferred  to  the  0-gosho.  I  will  undertake 
to  settle  the  matter." 

From  that  time  Hideyori  lived  among  women.  A  word  may  here  be  said 
about  the  marriage  between  Hideyori  and  the  granddaughter  of  leyasu,  the 
bride  and  the  bridegroom  alike  being  mere  children.  According  to  a  recognized 
historical  authority,  writing  in  the  Tokugawa  Jidaishi,  such  marriages  were 
inspired  by  one  or  more  of  the  following  motives:  (1)  that  the  bride  or  bride- 
groom should  serve  as  a  hostage;"  (2)  that  the  wedding  should  contribute  to 
cement  an  alliance  between  the  families  of  the  bride  and  the  bridegroom;  (3) 
that  the  wedding  should  become  a  means  of  spying  into  the  affairs  of  one  of  the 
families;  (4)  that  it  should  be  an  instrument  for  sowing  seeds  of  enmity  between 
the  two  families.  The  objects  of  leyasu  in  wedding  his  granddaughter  at  seven 
years  of  age  to  Hideyori  at  eleven  were  doubtless  of  the  nature  indicated  in  the 
third  and  fourth  of  the  above  definitions.  On  the  one  hand,  he  seemed  to  the 
Osaka  party  to  be  conforming  to  the  will  of  the  Taiko;  on  the  other,  he  was  able 
to  introduce  into  the  household  of  Hideyori  an  unlimited  number  of  spies  among 
the  retinue  of  his  granddaughter.  : 
tr.y,fi§inioT  o-t  krHj!W?.flM  BbfloIT  hafi  jJcfofrn^eM  jjbrroH 


KATAGIRI  KATSUMOTO 

Just  before  his  death,  Hideyoshi  specially  conjured  Kofde  Hidemasa  and 
Katagiri  Katsumoto  to  labour  for  the  safety  of  the  Toyotomi  family.  Hidema- 
sa soon  followed  his  patron  to  the  grave,  and  the  duty  of  managing  the  affairs 
of  the  family  devolved  entirely  upon  Katsumoto  in  his  capacity  of  administrator 
(bugyo).  He  devoted  himself  to  the  task  with  the  utmost  sincerity  and  earnest- 
ness, and  he  made  it  the  basic  principle  of  his  policy  to  preserve  harmony  between 
the  Tokugawa  and  the  Toyotomi.  His  belief  was  that  leyasu  had  not  many 
years  more  to  live,  and  that  on  his  demise  the  administrative  power  would  revert 
wholly  to  Hideyori  as  a  natural  consequence.  Hence  the  wisest  course  was 
to  avoid  any  collision  in  the  meanwhile. 

THE  OA^tf  <5pEALTY 

On  the  14th  of  May,  1601,  that  is  to  say,  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Sekiga- 
hara,  all  the  feudatories  were  invited  to  subscribe  a  written  oath  of  loyalty  to 
the  Tokugawa.  This  oath  consisted  of  three  articles.  The  first  was  a  promise  to 
observe  strictly  all  instructions  issued  by  the  Bakufu  in  Yedo.  The  second  was 
an  engagement  not  to  harbour  or  protect  any  person  who  had  either  violated  or 


:UC1(FHE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE  565 

opposed  the  will  of  the  shogun.  The  third  was  a  pledge  not  to  give  employment 
to  any  samurai  reported  to  be  a  traitor  or  an  assassin.  By  these  stipulations 
the  signatories  swore  to  abide  strictly,  and  declared  that  any  violation  of  the 
provisions  of  the  oath  would  render  the  violator  liable  to  severe  punishment. 
Among  the  signatories  there  were  not  found  any  members  of  the  Osaka  party. 
These  put  forward  the  last  will  of  the  Taiko  as  a  reason  for  refusing  to  sign,  and 
from  that  time  it  became  evident  that  the  situation  must  terminate  in  an  armed 
struggle. 

6NO  HARUNAGA 

_ 

Among  the  Osaka  partisans  was  one  called  Ono  Harunaga,  the  son  of  the 
lady  Yodo  's  nurse.  This  youth  led  a  life  of  great  profligacy,  and  although  not 
wanting  in  any  of  the  attributes  of  the  samurai,  he  altogether  lacked  political 
insight.  Thus,  his  relations  with  Katsumoto  were  strained,  and  Harunaga 
constantly  essayed  to  undermine  Katsumoto  's  influence.  Hideyori  himself  did 
not  want  for  ability,  but  acting  by  the  advice  of  his  mother,  Yodo,  and  of  his 
friend,  Harunaga,  he  adopted  a  -false  policy  of  opposition  to  leyasu. 


„_,  _,_  .  _  ;r  0  !  Jtfto  b  serf  ydt 

STATE  OF  OSAKA 

j    IO 

The  fact  that  the  feudatories  who  called  themselves  friends  of  the  Osaka 
party  had  refused  to  sign  the  oath  of  fealty,  and  the  fact  that  the  lady  Yodo 
and  Harunaga  threw  their  influence  into  the  anti-Tokugawa  scale,  had  the 
effect  of  isolating  Osaka  so  far  as  the  laws  of  the  Bakufu  were  concerned.  Men 
who  had  broken  those  laws  or  otherwise  offended  against  the  shogun  took  refuge 
in  Osaka.  Such  was  the  case  with  the  son  of  Hosokawa  Tadaoki;  with  Goto 
Matabei,  chief  vassal  of  Kuroda  Nagamasa,  and  with  Nambu  Saemon,  principal 
retainer  of  Nambu  Nobunao.  These  three  and  many  others  repaired  to  the 
castle  of  Osaka,  and  being  there  secure  against  any  unarmed  attempt  of  the 
Tokugawa  to  arrest  them,  they  virtually  defied  leyasu  's  control.  By  degrees 
a  constant  stream  of  ronin,  or  free-lances,  flowed  into  that  city,  and  a  conspicuous 
element  among  its  inhabitants  consisted  of  Christian  feudatories,  who,  regardless 
of  the  edicts  of  the  Bakufu,  openly  preached  their  faith  and  were  in  no  wise 
checked  by  the  Toyotomi  rulers.  Even  the  Buddhist  and  Shinto  priests  in 
Osaka  and  its  territories  were  independent  of  the  Bakufu  authority,  and  there 
were  cases  of  boundary  disputes  in  which  the  Tokugawa  officials  declined  to 
give  judgment  since  they  were  not  in  a  position  to  enforce  it.  It  may  well  be 
supposed  that  this  state  of  affairs  grew  steadily  more  obnoxious  to  the  Tokugawa. 
leyasu  only  awaited  a  pretext  to  assert  the  supremacy  of  his  authority. 


INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  BELL 

->-      .  •    j          f 

It  has  already  been  stated  that,  in  the  year  1586,  a  colossal  image  of  Buddha 
was  erected  by  Hideyoshi  at  the  Hoko-ji  in  Kyoto.  This  idol  was  made  of  wood, 
and  the  great  earthquake  of  1596  destroyed  it.  Subsequently,  leyasu  advised 
Hideyori  to  replace  the  wooden  idol  with  a  bronze  one.  Ono  Harunaga  stood 
opposed  to  this  idea,  but  Katagiri  Katsumoto,  constant  to  his  policy  of  placating 
leyasu,  threw  his  influence  into  the  other  scale.  It  is  impossible  to  tell  whether, 
in  making  this  proposal,  leyasu  had  already  conceived  the  extraordinary  scheme 
which  he  ultimately  carried  out.  It  would  appear  more  probable,  however,  that 
his  original  policy  was  merely  to  impoverish  the  Toyotomi  family  by  imposing 


566  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

upon  it  the  heavy  outlay  necessary  for  constructing  a  huge  bronze  Buddha. 
Many  thousands  of  ryo  had  to  be  spent,  and  the  money  was  obtained  by  convert- 
ing into  coin  a  number  of  gold  ingots  in  the  form  of  horses,  which  Hideyoshi  had 
stored  in  the  treasury  of  the  Osaka  castle  as  a  war  fund.  Five  years  later,  that 
is  to  say,  in  1614,  the  great  image  was  completed  and  an  imposing  ceremony  of 
dedication  was  organized.  A  thousand  priests  were  to  take  part,  and  all  the 
people  in  the  capital,  as  well  as  many  from  the  surrounding  provinces,  assembled 
to  witness  the  magnificent  fete.  Suddenly  an  order  was  issued  in  the  name  of 
leyasu,  interdicting  the  consummation  of  the  ceremony  on  the  ground  that  the 
inscription  carried  by  the  bell  for  the  idol 's  temple  was  designedly  treasonable 
to  the  Tokugawa.  This  inscription  had  been  composed  and  written  by  a  high 
Buddhist  prelate,  Seikan,  reputed  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  scholars  and  most 
skilful  calligraphists  of  his  time. 

It  was  inconceivable  that  such  a  man  should  err  flagrantly  in  the  use  of  the 
ideographic  script.  leyasu,  however,  despatched  to  Kyoto  two  rival  prelates, 
Soden  and  Tengai,  with  instructions  to  convoke  a  meeting  of  the  priests  of  the 
Five  Temples  and  invite  them  to  express  an  opinion  about  the  inscription. 
Soden  held  the  post  of  administrator  of  temples.  This  placed  him  officially  at 
the  head  of  all  the  other  priests,  and  thus  the  opinions  he  expressed  at  the  instance 
of  leyasu  possessed  special  weight.  It  was  in  vain  that  Seikan  repudiated  all 
intention  of  disrespect  and  pointed  out  that  the  inscription  did  not  for  a  moment 
lend  itself  to  the  interpretation  read  into  it  by  the  Tokugawa  chief.  Only  one 
priest,  Kaizan  of  Myoshin-ji,  had  sufficient  courage  to  oppose  Soden 's  view,  and 
the  cause  of  the  Tokugawa  chief  triumphed. 

Without  a  full  knowledge  of  the  Chinese  ideographic  script  it  is  impossible 
to  clearly  understand  either  the  charges  preferred  by  the  Tokugawa  or  the  argu- 
ments employed  in  rebuttal.  Western  readers  may,  however,  confidently  accept 
the  unanimous  verdict  of  all  modern  scholars,  that  the  interpretation  assigned 
to  the  inscription  in  the  first  place  by  the  Tokugawa  officials,  and  in  the  second 
by  Hayashi  Doshun,  representing  the  Confucianists,  and  Soden  and  Tengai, 
representing  the  Buddhists,  was  grossly  unreasonable.  That  many  experts 
should  be  found  to  range  themselves  on  the  side  of  a  ruler  so  powerful  as  leyasu 
was  not  wonderful,  but  it  says  little  for  the  moral  independence  of  the  men  of 
the  time  that  only  one  Buddhist  priest  among  many  thousand  had  the  courage 
to  withhold  his  consent  to  a  judgment  which  o_ut raged  truth  and  justice. 

Naturally  the  news  of  the  decision  threw  Osaka  into  a  state  of  great  excite- 
ment^ Lady  Yodo  hastened  to  despatch  to  Sumpu  her  principal  lady-in-wait- 
ing, Okura-no-Tsubone,  accompanied  by  another  dame  of  the  chamber.  These 
two  were  received  by  Acha-no-77sw&one  at  the  court  of  leyasu,  and  through  her 
they  conveyed  fervent  apologies  to  the  Tokugawa  chief.  leyasu  treated  the 
whole  matter  lightly.  He  granted  an  interview  to  the  two  ladies  from  Osaka 
and  sent  them_on  to  Yedo  to  visit  the  wife  of  Hidetada,  the  lady  Yodo 's  younger 
sister.  The  Osaka  deputies  naturally  drew  favourable  inferences  from  this 
courteous  mood,  and  taking  an  opportunity  to  refer  to  the  affair  of  the  inscrip- 
tion on  the  bell,  elicited  from  leyasu  an  assurance  that  the  matter  need  not  be 
regarded  with  concern. 

Not  for  a  moment  suspecting  any  deception,  Okura-no-Tsubone  and  hei 
companion  took  their  way  to  Osaka.  On  the  other  hand,  Honda  Masanobu  and 
the  priest,  Tengai,  were  instructed  to  inform  Katsumoto  that  the  umbrage  of 
leyasu  was  deeply  roused,  and  that  some  very  strong  measure  would  be  necessary 
to  restore  the  Bakufu  's  confidence  in  Hideyori.  Katsumoto  vainly  sought  some 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE  567 

definite  statement  as  to  the  nature  of  the  reparation  required.  He  was  merely 
told  to  answer  the  question  himself.  He  accordingly  proposed  one  of  three 
courses,  namely,  that  the  lady  Yodo  should  be  sent  to  Yedo  as  a  hostage;  that 
Hideyori  should  leave  Osaka  and  settle  at  some  other  castle;  or,  finally,  that  he 
should  acknowledge  himself  a  vassal  of  the  Tokugawa.  To  these  proposals 
the  only  reply  that  could  be  elicited  from  leyasu  was  that  Yodo  and  her  son 
should  choose  whichever  course  they  pleased,  and,  bearing  that  answer,  the 
disquieting  import  of  which  he  well  understood,  Katsumoto  set  out  from 
Sumpu  for  Osaka.  Travelling  rapidly,  he  soon  overtook  Okwra-no-Tsubone 
and  explained  to  her  the  events  and  their  import.  But  the  lady  was  incredulous. 
She  was  more  ready  to  suspect  Katsumoto 's  sincerity  than  to  believe  that 
leyasu  had  meant  to  deceive  her. 

Had  Katsumoto  been  free  to  continue  his  journey  to  Osaka,  reaching  it  in 
advance  of  Okura,-no-Tsubone's  party,  the  result  might  have  been  different. 
But  leyasu  did  not  contemplate  any  such  sequence  of  events.  He  instructed 
Itakura  Katsushige  to  invite  Katsumoto  to  call  at  Kyoto  on  the  way  to  Osaka 
with  the  object  of  discussing  an  important  affair.  Katsumoto  had  no  choice 
but  to  delay  his  journey,  and  Katsushige  took  care  that  the  delay_ should  be 
long  enough  to  afford  time  for  Okur&-no-Tsubone's  party  to  reach  Osaka,  and 
to  present  their  report,  together  with  their  suspicions  of  Katsumoto 's  disloyalty. 

Lady  Yodo  was  incensed  when  she  learned  the  terms  that  Katsumoto  had 
offered.  "I  am  Hideyori 's  mother,"  she  is  reported  to  have  cried.  "I  will 
never  bend  my  knee  to  the  Kwanto.  _  Rather  will  I  and  my  son  make  this 
castle  our  death-pillow."  Then,  with  Ono  Harunaga,  she  formed  a  plot  to  kill 
Katsumoto  and  to  draw  the_  sword  against  the  Tokugawa.  Subsequently, 
when  Katsumoto  returned  to  Osaka  and  reported  the  result  of  his  mission,  he 
stated  his  conviction  that  the  only  exit  from  the  dilemma  was  one  of  the  three 
courses  indicated  above.  Yodogimi,  on  being  informed  of  this  opinion,  intimat- 
ed her  desire  to  see  Katsumoto.  But  when  the  day  named  for  the  meeting  came 
and  Katsumoto  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  his  residence  for  the  purpose  of 
repairing  to  the  conference,  he  received  information  that  the  intention  was  to 
kill  him  en  route.  He  therefore  fled  to  his  domain  in  the  remote  province  of 
Ibaraki.  It  is  recorded  that  Katsumoto 's  plan  was  to  offer  to  send  Yodo  as  a 
hostage  to  Yedo.  Then  the  question  would  arise  as  to  a  place  of  residence  for 
her  in  the  eastern  capital,  and  the  processes  of  preparing  a  site  and  building  a 
house  were  to  be  supplemented  by  accidental  conflagrations,  so  that  the 
septuagenarian,  leyasu,  might  easily  pass  away  before  the  actual  transfer  of  the 
hostage  took  place.  Such  was  Katsumoto 's  device,  but  he  had  to  flee  from 
Osaka  before  he  could  carry  it  into  effect. 

' 

THE  SIEGE  OF  OSAKA  CASTLE 

In  the  year  1614,  leyasu  issued  orders  for  the  attack  of  Osaka  Castle,  on  the 
ground  that  Katsumoto 's  promise  had  not  been  fulfilled.  The  Tokugawa  chief 
set  out  from  Sumpu  and  his  son,  Hidetada,  from  Yedo.  Their  armies,  com- 
bined with  the  forces  of  several  of  the  feudatories,  are  said  to  have  aggregated 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men.  In  Osaka,  also,  a  great  host  was  assem- 
bled, and  among  its  leaders  were  several  renowned  warriors,  including  Sanada 
Yukimura,  Goto  Matabei,  Hanawa  Naotsugu,  and  others,  who,  although  not 
originally  vassals  of  the  Toyotomi,  supported  Hideyori  loyally.  As  for  the 
castle,  its  enormous  strength  rendered  it  well-nigh  impregnable,  and  after  weeks 


568  HISTOHY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  effort  the  TokugaWa  forces  had  nothing  to  show  for  their  repeated  a' ' 
except  a  long  list  of  casualties. 

leyasu  now  had  recourse  to  intrigue.  The  mother  of  Kyogoku  Takatsugu, 
daimyo  of  Obama',  in  Wakasa,  was  the  younger  sister  of  the  lady  Yodo.  leyasu 
induced  her  to  open  communications  with  Yodo,  and  to  represent  to  the  latter 
the  advisability  of  concluding  peace  with  the  Tokugawa  instead  of  remaining 
perpetually  beleaguered  in  a  fortress,  thus  merely  postponing  an  end  which 
could  not  be  finally  averted.  A  council  was  convened  in  the  castle  to  consider 
this  advice.  Opinions  were  divided.  Some  held  that  leyasu  could  not  be 
believed,  and  that  if  the  struggle  were  maintained  for  a  few  years,  the  face  of 
affairs  might  change  radically.  Others  urged  that  the  loyalty  of  the  garrison 
was  not  above  suspicion,  and  that  if  the  fight  went  on  much  longer,  treachery 
might  be  practised,  to  which  risk  a  speedy  peace,  even  at  some  cost,  would  be 
preferable.  Ono  Harunaga  was  among  the  advocates  of  surrender,  but  Hideyori 
himself  showed  that  his  character  had  not  been  mistaken  by  leyasu.  He 
indignantly  reminded  Harunaga  and  the  latter 's  fellow  thinkers  that  arms  had 
been  taken  up  by  their  advice  and  in  opposition  to  the  loyal  efforts  of  Katsumoto 
in  the  cause  of  peace. 

>'"  f  Lady  Yodo,  however,  threw  her  influence  into  the  scale  with  Ono  Harunaga, 
and  finally  peace  was  concluded  on  terms  highly  favourable  to  the  Toyotomi. 
It  was  agreed  that  Hideyori  should  remain  in  the  possession  of  the  castle  and  of 
all  his  domains,  and  that  the  garrison,  as  well  as  the  unattached  samurai  who 
formed  part  of  it,  should  not  be  punished  but  should  be  provided  for  subsequent- 
ly;. -It  might  have  occurred  to  the  leaders  of  the  Osaka  party  that  these  lenient 
conditions  covered  some  occult  designs;  nothing  was  less  likely  than  that  a 
statesman  like  leyasu  would  be  content  with  so  signal  a  failure.  But  a  short- 
sighted sentiment  of  confidence  seems  to  have  obscured  the  judgment  of  the 
Osaka  folks.  They  actually  gave  heed  to  leyasu 's  complaint  that  he,  the 
o-gosho,  and  his  son,  the  shogun,  must  not  be  allowed  to  have  taken  so  much 
trouble  for  nothing;  that  it  was  customary  to  give  hostages  to  an  army  which 
agreed  to  raise  a  siege,  and  that  at  least  a  portion  of  the  castle 's  defences  should 
be  destroyed.  As  to  the  last  point,  the  Tokugawa  chief  was  kind  enough  to  say 
that  the  work  of  demolition  should  not  -cost  the  garrison  anything,  since  labour 
would  be  supplied  gratis  by  the  shoguni'tr  f 

ft  r,nA.fter  considerable  correspondence  it  was  agreed  that  Harunaga^s  son  should 
go  to  Yedo  as  a  hostage,  and  that  a  portion  of  the  outer  moat  of  Osaka  Castle 
should  be  filled  up.  leyasu  did  not  lose  a  moment  in  giving  effect  to  this 
latter  provision.  He  ordered  some  of  the  fudai  daimyo  of  the  Kwanto  to  proceed 
to  Osaka  with  several  thousands  of  men,  who  should  go  to  work  forthwith  to  tear 
down  the  parapets  and  fill  up  the  moats  of  the  castle.  These  orders  were 
implicitly  obeyed,  and  as  leyasu  had  omitted  to  indicate  any  limit  for  the  work 
of  destruction,  it  went  on  without  check,  and  presently  the  second  line  of  parapets 
began  to  follow  the  first.  The  Osaka  leaders  protested  and  essayed  to  stay  the 
destruction.  But  the  officers  who  were  in  command  of  the  operation  said  that 
without  a  direct  message  from  Honda  Masazmni,  who  represented  leyasu,  they 
could  not  suspend  their  task.  Efforts  were  then  made  to  approach  Honda,  but 
he  was  conveniently  absent  "on  account  of  his  health,"  and  the  ensuing  corre- 
spondence occupied  several  days,  during  which  the  pulling-down  and  filling-up 
went  on  by  day  and  by:  night.  More  than  one-half  of  the  second  moat  had 
disappeared  before  Masazumi  could  be  found.  His  answer  was  that  he  had 
been  merely  told  to  fill  up  the  moat.  Possibly  he  had  mistaken  the  scope  of  his 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE  569 

instructions  and  he  would  refer  the  matter  to  leyasu.  This  involved  further 
delay  and  more  filling, '-  until,  finally,  Masazumi  acknowledged  that  he  had 
made  a  mistake,  declared  himself  prepared  to  undergo  punishment,  and  with- 
drew his  men  to  Fushimh 

leyasu  supplied  the  sequel  of  the  farce.  When  complaint  was  made  against 
Masazumi,  the  Tokugawa  leader  simulated  astonishment,  expressed  much  regret, 
and  said  that  he  would  condemn  Masazumi  to  commit  suicide  were  it  per- 
missible to  mar  this  happy  occasion  by  any  capital  sentence.  " Peace," 
declared  the  astute  old  statesman,  "  has  now  been  fortunately  concluded.  Let 
us  not  talk  any  more  about  the  castle's  moats  or  parapets."  Against  such  an 
attitude  the  Osaka  men  could  not  enter  any  protest,  and  the  farce  ended  there. 
Had  the  Osaka  leaders  possessed  any  measure  of  the  wisdom  that  marked  all 
the  doings  of  leyasu,  they  would  not  have  suffered  matters  to  rest  at  such  a  stage. 
But  they  foolishly  imagined  that  some  retaliation  might  be  effected  by  calling 
upon  the  Tokugawa  to  supplement  that  part  of  the  peace  provisions  which 
related  to  allowances  for  the  samurai  who  had  fought  on  the  side  of  the  garrison. 
A  demand  in  that  sense  was  preferred  to  leyasu.  But  he  had  now  laid  aside  his 
transient  suavity.  The  Osaka  people  were  brusquely  informed  that  they  must 
look  to  the  Toyotomi  family  for  recompense,  and  that  as  for  rewarding  unat- 
tached samurai  who  had  drawn  the  sword  against  the  shogun,  the  Osaka  people, 
were  they  obedient  to  the  dictates  of  loyalty,  would  of  their  own  account  peremp- 
torily reject  such  an  unwarranted  proposition,  even  though  leyasu  himself  were 
disposed  to  consent  to  it. 

Of  course  this  answer  profoundly  enraged  the  Osaka  party.  They  appreciat- 
ed for  the  first  time  that  they  had  been  deceived  throughout,  and  that  by  a  series 
of  adroit  manoeuvres  they  had  been  removed  from  an  almost  impregnable  posi- 
tion to  a  practically  helpless  plight.  Not  a  few  turned  their  backs  on  the 
castle,  but  a  great  majority  determined  to  renew  the  conflict  and  to  die  at  their 
posts.  The  circumstances,  however,  had  now  undergone  a  radical  change. 
The  castle  had  been  converted  from  the  strongest  fortress  in  Japan  into  a  mere 
semblance  of  strength,  and  no  garrison,  however  brave  and  however  resolute, 
could  have  defended  it  successfully  against  the  forces  that  the  Tokugawa  were 
able  to  marshal. 

As  for  leyasu,  he  knew  that  his  task  had  beenjmmensely  lightened.  On  the 
3rd  of  May,  1615,  he  started  from  Sumpu  for  Osaka  at  the  head  of  an  army 
numbering  scarcely  one-third  of  the  force  previously  led  against  the  castle.1 
Nevertheless,  one  contingency  presented  itself  in  a  dangerous  light.  It  was 
always  possible  that  Hideyori  himself  should  make  a  sortie  from  the  fortress,  and, 
in  that  event,  the  prestige  attaching  to  the  memory  of  his  father,  Hideyoshi, 
might  have  demoralized  a  large  section  of  the  Tokugawa  troops.  To  avert  this 
danger,  leyasu  had  recourse  to  his  wonted  methods  of  deception.  It  has  been 
shown  that  he  held  Harunaga's  son,  as  a  hostage.  This  youth  was  required  to 
write  a  letter  to  his  father  stating  that  collusion  existed  between  parties  within 
and  without  the  fortress,  and  that  the  traitors  had  plotted  to  induce  Hideyori 
to  make  a  sortie,  whereupon  the  castle  would  be  given  up  and  Hideyori  would  be 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.*  Harunaga  does  not  appear  to  have 
entertained  any  doubt  as  to  the  trustworthiness  of  this  letter.-  He  carried  it 
hastily  to  Hideyori,  who  was  in  the  act  of  preparing  to  sally  out  of  the  castle  and 
throw  himself  upon  the  beleaguering  forces. 

The  receipt  of  the  letter  naturally  led  to  a  change  of  plan,  and  although 
desperate  fighting  subsequently  took  place,  the  castle  was  finally  set  on  fire  by 


570  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

traitors  and  its  fate  was  seen  to  be  hopeless.  Hideyori  's  wife,  granddaughter  of 
leyasu,  repaired  to  the  Tokugawa  headquarters  to  plead  for  the  life  of  her  hus- 
band and  his  mother.  But  leyasu  was  inexorable.  He  granted  asylum  to  his 
granddaughter,  but  replied  to  her  prayer  by  ordering  a  renewal  of  the  attack 
upon  the  castle.  On  June  4th,  Hideyori  committed  suicide,  and  his  mother, 
Yodo,  was  killed  by  one  of  his  retainers.  Some  thirty  men  and  women  killed 
themselves  at  the  same  time. 

Men  spoke  of  the  first  fruitless  assault  upon  the  castle  as  the  "Winter 
Campaign,"  and  of  the  second  and  successful  assault  as  the  "Summer  Cam- 
paign." But  the  two  operations  were  radically  different  in  their  character. 
For,  whereas  in  the  first  assault  the  garrison — numbering  something  like  one 
hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men  —  stood  strictly  on  the  defensive,  wisely 
relying  on  the  immense  strength  of  the  fortress,  on  the  second  occasion  most  of 
the  fighting  took  place  outside  the  walls,  the  garrison  preferring  to  rely  upon 
strategy  and  courage  rather  than  on  ruined  parapets  and  half-filled  moats. 
Thus,  the  details  of  the  second  campaign  occupy  a  large  space  in  Japanese 
histories,  but  these  tedious  features  of  strategy  and  tactics  are  abbreviated 
here.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  leyasu,  so  far  from  seeking  to  save  Hideyori 's 
life,  deliberately  planned  his  destruction.  Moreover,  when  it  became  known 
that  an  illegitimate  son  of  Hideyori,  called  Kunimatsu,  had  been  carried  from 
the  castle  by  some  common  soldiers  and  secreted  at  a  farmhouse  in  Fushimi, 
leyasu  caused  this  child  of  six  to  be  seized  and  beheaded  by  a  common  execution- 
er at  Sanjo-kawara  hi  Kyoto.  This  episode  reflects  no  credit  whatever  on  the 
Tokugawa  leader.  That  he  should  extirpate  every  scion  of  the  Toyotomi 
family  was  not  inconsistent  with  the  canons  of  the  tune  or  with  the  interests 
of  his  own  security.  But  death  at  the  hands  of  a  common  executioner  ought 
never  to  have  been  decreed  for  the  son  of  the  u-daijin,  and  the  cruelty  of 
the  order  finds  no  excuse.  No  tenet  of  bushido  can  be  reconciled  with  such 
inhumanity. 

To  this  chapter  of  history  belongs  the  attitude  of  leyasu  towards  the  memory 
of  his  old  friend  and  benefactor,  Hideyoshi.  He  caused  to  be  levelled  with  the 
ground  the  temple  of  Toyokuni  Daimyo-jin,  where  the  spirit  of  Hideyoshi  was 
worshipped,  and  he  ordered  the  removal  of  the  tomb  of  the  Taiko  from  Amida- 
gamine  to  a  remote  corner  of  the  Daibutsu  enclosure.  Finally,  he  sought  and 
obtained  the  Emperor 's  sanction  to  revoke  the  sacred  title  conferred  posthumous- 
ly on  Hideyoshi.  One  looks  hi  vain  for  any  fragment  of  magnanimity  among 
such  acts.  leyasu  is  reported  to  have  avowedly  adopted  for  guidance  the  pre- 
cept, "Before  taking  any  step  propound  to  your  heart  the  query,  how  about 
justice?"  He  certainly  did  not  put  any  such  query  to  his  own  conscience  in 
connexion  with  the  castle  of  Osaka  or  its  inmates. 
n  j-xl  ami  dl  .noijq  >'j'»b  lo  eborfterrt  botoow  £ffi  otf -  ••  vjgopfe 

THE  GENNA  YEAR-PERIOD  (1615-1623) 

The  battle  of  Sekigahara  is  often  spoken  of  as  the  last  great  internecine 
campaign  in  Japanese  history,  but  this  is  hardly  borne  out  by  the  facts. 
Indeed,  from  what  has_been  said  above,  it  will  be  seen  that  Sekigahara 
was  merely  a  prelude  to  Osaka,  and  that  the  former  stood  to  the  latter  almost 
in  the  relation  of  a  preliminary  skirmish.  It  is  from  August,  1615,  that 
we  must  date  the  commencement  of  the  long  period  of  peace  with  which 
Japan  was  blessed  under  Tokugawa  rule.  The  year-name  was  then  changed 
to  Genna. 


bo  ,0 

s  *  •a  1 1  e  J 

gllllllll 


TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE' din  571 

DEATH  OF  IEYASU 

In  February,  1616,  leyasu  fell  sick,  and  in  April  the  Emperor  sent  an  envoy 
to  confer  on  him  the  title  of  dajo  daijin.  He  expired  a  few  days  afterwards  at 
the  age  of  seventy-five  and  was  apotheosized  as  Tosho  Dai-Gongen  (Light  of  the 
East  and  Great  Incarnation).  He  was  buried  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Kuno 
in  Suruga,  and  ultimately  his  ashes  were  carried  to  Nikko  for  interment.  It  is 
recorded,  though  not  on  independent  authority,  that  when  his  end  was  drawing 
near  he  spoke  to  those  at  his  side  in  the  folio  whig  terms:  "  My  death  is  now 
hi  sight,  but  happily  the  country  is  at  peace,  and  Hidetada  has^already  discharged 
the  duties  of  shogun  for  several  years.  I  have,  therefore,,  no  cause  for  anxiety. 
If,  after  I  am  gone,  Hidetada  should  make  any  failure  in  his  administration  of 
public  affairs,  or  if  he  should  lose  control  of  the  people,  any  one  of  you  to  whom 
the  Imperial  order  may  be  addressed,  should  assume  the  functions  of  shogun, 
for,  as  you  well  know,  that  post  is  not  the  property  of  this  or  that  person  in 
particular,  nor  will  my  rest  in  the  grave  be  disturbed  though  such  an  event 
occurs." 

Another  record,  however,  represents  leyasu  as  following  the  example  of  the 
Taiko  and  conjuring  his  most  trusted  retainers  to  devote  their  strength  to  the 
support  of  the  Tokugawa  family.  To  Hidetada  he  is  said  to  have  suggested  the 
advisability  of  compelling  the  daimyo  to  remain  in  Yedo  for  three  full  years 
after  his  (leyasu 's)  demise,  in  order  to  test  thoroughly  their  attitude.  Hidetada 
replied  that  while  most  unwilling  to  reject  his  father's  advice,  his  intention  was 
to  allow  the  feudatories  to  leave  Yedo  at  once,  and  if  any  one  of  them  evinced 
hostile  feeling  by  shutting  himself  up  in  his  castle,  he,  Hidetada,  would  follow 
him  thither  and  level  his  parapets  with  the  ground.  Such  an  object  lesson  was, 
in  his  opinion,  the  best  stepping-stone  to  supremacy.  leyasu  is  reported  to  have 
received  this  answer  with  profound  satisfaction,  and  to  have  declared  that  he 
was  now  assured  of  the  permanence  of  peace.  He  then  had  all  his  sons  called 
to  his  side  and  enjoined  upon  them  the  duty  of  serving  the  shogun  faithfully. 
To  his  grandson,  lemitsu,  he  specially  addressed  himself,  saying:  "It  will 
fall  to  your  lot,  some  day,  to  govern  .the  country.  On  that  day  remember  that 
benevolence  should  be  the  "first  principle  of  a  ruler." 


CHARACTER  OF  IEYASU 

Frugality  is  one  of  the  virtues'  which  leyasu  certainly  possessed.  Striking 
example  of  its_ display  is  connected  with  Yedo  Gastle.  This  fortress,  as  built 
originally  by  Ota  Dokwan,  was  not  of  imposing  dimensions'  even  as  a  military 
stronghold,  and  the  dwelling-house  in  the  keep  presented  most  homely  features, 
having  a  thatched  roof  ;and  a  porch  of  rough  boat-planks.  Yet  leyasu  was 
content  to  make  this  edifice  his  palace,  and  while  he  devoted  much  care  to  strength- 
ening the  fortifications,  he  bestowed  none  on  the  enlargement  and  adornment 
of  the  dwelling.  The  system  he  adopted  to  populate  the  city  may  be  said  to 
have  been  colonial.  He  encouraged  his  vassals  to  settle 'there,  giving  them 
lands  to  cultivate  and  breeding-grounds  for  horses,  so  that  within  a  brief  time 
the  city  obtained  numerous  inhabitants  and  developed  a  prosperous  condition. 
It  was  in  planning  the  details  of  all  enterprises  that  he  particularly  excelled. 
To  everything  he  brought  an  almost  infinite  capacity  of  patient  study  and 
minute  examination;  his  principle  being  that  to  achieve  success  the  first  desid- 
eratum is  to  avoid  mistakes.  Doubtless  he  owed  this  faculty  of  profound 


572 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


painstaking  to  the  vicissitudes  of  his  early  life.  The  years  that  he  passed  under 
the  control  of  the  Imagawa  and  afterwards  under  that  of  Oda  taught  him 
patience  and  self-restraint,  and  made  the  study  of  literature  obligatory  for  him, 
at  the  same  time  begetting  hi  his  mind  a  feeling  of  reverence  for  the  Buddhist 
faith. 

Japanese  historians  generally  credit  him  with  the  virtues  of  humanity, 
magnanimity,  justice,  and  affability.  That  he  was  always  pleased  to  receive 
advice  from  others  and  that  he  set  an  example  of  courtesy  and  zeal,  there  can  be 
no  doubt.  Neither  will  anyone  deny  that  his  resourcefulness  amounted  to 
genius.  On  the  other  hand,  his  record  shows  that  he  was  unscrupulous  in 
utilizing  opportunities,  whether  created  by  himself  or  made  accessible  by 
fortune,  and  from  the  same  record  we  are  compelled  to  infer  that  he  could  be 
cruel  and  implacable  on  occasion.  His  favourite  sayings  afford  perhaps  the 
best  index  that  we  possess  to  his  disposition! r*^'1' 

Hi  apaipq.  J'/i  i  "to  ?.iiii  lp  vtioqoin  orlJ  ion  ai  daoq  .)jidt  .won^I  II 
Man's  life  is  like  a  long  journey  toiling  under  a  heavy  burden. 
Never  be  in  a  hurry. 

He  that  regards  destitution  as  his  habitual  lot  will  never  feel  the  pressure  of  want. 
When  the  spirit  of  ambition  arises  in  your  bosom,  recall  the  days  of  your  distress. 
To  forbear  is  the  source  of  harmlessness  and  the  road  to  success. 
Regard  anger  as  an  enemy. 
He  that  knows  how  to  win  only  and  does  not  know  how  to  lose,  will  achieve  nothing  useful. 

!  rr^uoioru i89i  oi  lobio  nr  ,98imyb  (a  UK^'jl)  am  • 
^iiifil  aid  tos^i  oi  gijj-'iiwmj  isora  9lirlv<r  i,ndi  bgilqen 
)iiB  ,oono  .!B  oboT  evcol  ol  aoho-t-cb; 
<oll8B9  air!  ai  c^ 
.b'w 


i  giii  <soivbi 
lo  tmo 


v/ollol  bluo'n 


ver!  o)  belioqgi  si 


.vflu'lrftirf 
Ifrv? 

ledmamo'i  - 


e,id  I       I  bm;  idd^idJ 

.tgod  adt  tno' 

arm'>q  9f[|  lo  bo-: 
toqu  bofrio[n9  bna  si  ; 

oabniiT3  ei 

iq  -tei    -j      3d  bluodr       •        .  H9d 


ovRtl  cxj  bnu 
odt    iir/toa  lo 


.boa-       ^ 

SB  fl          t 


r^ui 

^^iffO': 
^k  o  ion  ^«r  tflB' 

^L         ^^ 
^^^  [  &  LI^^ 

^^         ^^^ 

tillgwb  9di  lo 

oi  P! 

Yl 

ni  8B77  il 
)d  §nid)yi;jV9  oT 

ii  Kfv^ua  ov^hfojj  oi  i«rft  ^nigd  olqbnhq  Bid  jnoitafiini' 
fofljjolcrtq  lo  ^ifij'jfjl  airij  be  wo  ad  esol^duoCL     .ea^fiteim  biovc  oi  ai 


I  oi  botqobe  91 
^  j  aJiijidBV  sid  fxo^/niJ' 

~          iii  oa  ,a*8iod  loT  ebrnjora-snibogid  bna 

SIaNATUB,0,A8HIKA0fT^D« 


lo  liV*  o 
viciilil/:  sett  lo  p. 


Jtl    (I) 

f,urq 

UDon 

"'Ir 

o  av/ 


>b  o-j  br&j  sd  VBm  aioi  eiilT 

iifO,tfp/I      '  \190ffto  fTB  grii 
THEATRICAL  PLAY  OB-  OLD  JA^AJT  '^  'giubl 


t«raob  lahi'sl:  s\\  I)oii;odi^il  ad  o-t  ^on  arrf,  will'  o.'lJ  ^aaic^,«  RinbneTiQ     (8) 

.•/•'•'(•  '     •••      :;>  hi;--.  ;:unv>-  tU>  liunoams')  lo.  naij^,.t"nuot  v'iay  eilt  ei  v/ja.t 

9ra«a  yHt  Hi  no&i;9i  8&<nii;o  o>  RS;  i«:<f  B/S  ei  m^-jt  lo  9rar>n  s.it  ;ri  VTB! 


g'  i  rf^m 


Fiootib'  acw  nbisfvoiq 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU;  FROM  THE 
FIRST  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUN,  IEYASU,  TO  THE^'^ 
FOURTH,   IETSUNA   (1603-1680) 


;aiv/6-ii[h9v6  TO"!  -fiociflev/  . 

o  fj/Il  Bo  gnrJJiiD  io"l      srawiJ^,:  LEGISLATION(!f:-!i{t  ^niv  ^liiajjl  yrit  -jo  ui/sraob 

cbri-tjiT.)!tii''id  ilr»u8  ifKO  vrojl  •  -.slqirxi 
THE  Tokugawa  family  having  brought  the  whole  empire  under  its  sway, 

leyasu  applied  himself  to  legislative  work  with  a  degree  of  thoroughness  and 
earnestness  that  far  exceeded  anything  in  the  history  of  his  predecessors.  The1 
terms  of  the  oath  of  allegiance  that  he  dictated  to  the  feudatories  after  the  battle 
of  Sekigahara  have  been  already  referred  to.  Ten  years  later,  that  is  to  say, 
in  1611,  he  required  all  the  provincial  governors  to  subscribe  this  same  oath, 
and,  in  1613,  he  enacted  a  law  for  the  Court  nobles  (kugeshu-hatto),to  which 
the  Imperial  assent  was  obtained.  This  was  the  first  instance  of  a  military  man 
legislating  for  the  nobles  of  the  capital;  but  it  must  be  noted  that  the  latter  by 
their  own  misconduct  furnished  an  opportunity  for  such  interference.^  i* 
Court  scandal  assumed  such  dimensions,  in  1607,  that  the  Emperor  ordered  the 
Bakufu  to  investigate  the  matter  and  to  inflict  suitable  punishment.  leyasu 
summoned  a  number  of  the  offenders  to  Sumpu,  where  he  subjected  fourteen  of 
them  to  severe  examination.  Ultimately  some  were  sentenced  to  exile  and 
others  were  deprived  of  their  ranks,  while  the  principal  malefactor,  Inokuma, 
general  of  the  Left,  was  condemned  to  death.  This  affair  demonstrated  that  the 
effective  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  military,  and  throughout  the  Tokugawa 
rule  they  never  failed  to  exercise  it.  In  September  of  the  year  that  witnessed 

573 


574  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  fall  of  Osaka  Castle,  leyasu  and  Hidetada  summoned  all  the  provincial 
governors  to  Momo-yama,  and  handed  to  them  a  body  of  rules  entitled  the 
"Laws  of  the  Military  Houses."  These  laws  ran  as  follows: 1 — 

(1)  Literature,  arms,  archery,  and  horsemanship  are,  systematically,  to  be  the  favourite 
pursuits. 

Literature  first,  and  arms  next  was  the  rule  of  the  ancients.  They  must  both  be  cultivated 
concurrently.  Archery  and  horsemanship  are  the  more  essential  for  the  military  houses. 
Weapons  of  warfare  are  ill-omehed  words  to  utter;  the  use  of  them,  however,  is  an  unavoidable 
necessity.  In  times  of  peace  and  good  order  we  must  not  forget  that  disturbance  may  arise. 
Dare  we  omit  to  practise  our  warlike  exercise  and  drill? 

Although  this  provision  ostensibly  encouraged  the  pursuit  of  literary  and 
military  arts,  those  who  read  the  law  too  implicitly  and  devoted  themselves  too 
earnestly  to  the  pursuit  of  arms  quickly  found  that  they  were  not  in  touch  with 
the  time  or  with  the  intention  of  the  legislators.  In  fact,  the  purpose  of  the 
latter  was  to  bracket  literature  and  the  art  of  war  together,  giving  no  preference 
to  either. 

(2)  Drinking  parties  and  gaming  amusements  must  be  kept  within  due  bounds. 

In  our  Instructions  it  is  laid  down  that  strict  moderation  in  these  respects  is  to  be  observed. 
To  be  addicted  to  venery  and  to  make  a  pursuit  of  gambling  is  the  first  step  towards  the  loss 
of  one's  domain. 

This  rule  may  be  said  to  define  what  is  known  in  Europe  as  "conduct  unbecom- 
ing an  officer."  Not  to  know  how  to  order  one 's  tongue  was  as  grave  an  offence 
as  debauchery,  according  to  the  canons  of  the  samurai. 

(3)  Offenders  against  the  law  are  not  to  be  harboured  in  feudal  domains. 

Law  is  the  very  foundation  of  ceremonial  decorum  and  of  social  order.  To  infringe  the 
law  in  the  name  of  reason  is  as  bad  as  to  outrage  reason  in  the  name  of  law.  To  disregard 
the  law  (laid  down  by  us)  is  an  offence  which  will  not  be  treated  with  leniency. 

This  provision  was  directly  suggested  by  the  Government's  desire  to  suppress 
Christianity* 

(4)  Throughout  the  domains  whether  of  the  greater  or  lesser  barons  (daimyo  and  shomyo) 
or  of  thelholders  of  minor  benefits,  if  any  of  the  gentry  or  soldiers  (shi  and  sotsu)  in  their 
service  be  guilty  of  rebellion  or  murder,  such  offenders  must  be  at  once  expelled  from  their 
domain. 

Fellows  of  savage  disposition  (being  retainers)  are  an  apt  weapon  for  overthrowing  the 
domain  or  the  family  employing  them, 'and  a  deadly  instrument  for  cutting  off  the  common 
people.  How  can  such  be  tolerated? 

CO''1'''  '^i  T'l'fli/  riiqm')  •£&&&  rtf^w!^tfru3ififlryj;ii  VUIILKI  jswjsguilo  I  i: 
In  the  early  days  of  the  Yedo  Bakufu  it  was  not  uncommon  for  a  feudatory  to 
enrol  among  his  vassals  refugee  samurai  who  had  blood  on  their  hands.  These 
would  often  be  pursued  into  the  fiefs  where  they  had  taken  refuge,  and  much 
disorder  resulted.  The  above  provision  removed  these  murderers  from  the 
protection  of  the  feudatory  in  whose  service  they  had  enlistec^-ipy-!  ,-,,, 

(5)  Henceforth  no  social  intercourse  is  to  be  permitted  outside  of  one's  own  domain 
with  the  people  (gentry  and  commoners)  of  another  domain. 

In  general,  the  customs  of  the  various  domains  are  all  different  from  one  another,  each 
having  its  own  peculiarities.  To  divulge  the  secrets  of  one's  own  domain  is  a  sure  indication 
of  an  intent  to  curry  favour. 

It  has  been  shown  that  by  the  Chinese  masters  of  strategy  whose  works  were 
studied  in  Japan  the  art  of  espionage  was  placed  on  a  high  pinnacle.  This 
teaching  appears  to  have  produced  such  evil  results  that  the  Tokugawa  legislated 
against  it. 

(6)  The  residential  castles  in  the  domains  may  be  repaired;  but  the  matter  must  invari- 

t1  The  translation  of  these  laws  is  taken  from  a  paper  read  by  Mr.  Consul-General  J.  C.  Hall 
and  recorded  in  the  "Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan  "  for  1911.] 


575 

ably  be  reported.  Still  more  imperative  is  it  that  the  planning  of  structural  innovations  of 
any  kind  must  be  absolutely  avoided. 

A  castle  with  a  parapet  exceeding  three  thousand  feet  by  ten  is  a  bane  to  a  domain.  Cren- 
elated walls  and  deep  moats  (of  castles)  are  causes  of  anarchy.  -:,t  «»v jyj  (maiMop)  .nornd-H 

• 

This  provision  was  important  as  a  means  of  enfeebling  the  barons.  They  were 
not  at  liberty  to  repair  even  a  fence  of  the  most  insignificant  character  or  to 
dredge  a  moat,  much  more  to  erect  a  parapet,  without  previous  sanction  from 

the  Bakufu. 

•  -..  .ii-    -.'••; -'  •  '•:•>•(<;>  it-,  its  biia  ,?.--'->nJyt.mf '^if.i'lo  o\rttun^  ;M!)  biBWJo't 

(7)  If,  in  a  neighbouring  domain,  innovations  are  being  hatched  or  cliques  being  formed, 
the  fact  is  to  be  reported  without  delay. 

Men  are  always  forming  groups;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  few  ever  come  to  anything. 
On  this  account,  they  fail  to  follow  their  lords  or  fathers,  and  soon  come  into  collision  with 
those  of  neighbouring  villages.  If  the  ancient  prohibitions  are  not  maintained,  somehow  or 
other  innovating  schemes  will  be  formed. 

.'t  tiicyml  sjaiJsmq  o)  JIB  paonivoiq  orU  taoiIjjnpfrfT  jjyvuium  erf'f     (£J) 
Everything  in  the  form  of  combination,  whether  nominally  for  good  or  for 

evil,  was  regarded  with  suspicion  by  the  Bakufu,  and  all  unions  were  therefore 
interdicted.  Of  course,  the  most  important  incident  which  the  law  was  intended 
to  prevent  took  the  form  of  alliances  between  barons  of  adjacent  provinces;1 

,0.     _       .          ••'••»•.'•  3vr^'3-j-) i r>  vdpbijra.siow  8*10^9  gi/oi/naita  Dnfi  *floirp-ji'5 

(8)  Marriages  must  not  be  contracted  at  private  convenience. 

Now,  the  marriage  union  is  a  result  of  the  harmonious  blending  of  the  In  and  Yd  (i.  e. 
the  Yin  and  Yang  of  Chinese  metaphysics,  the  female  and  male  principles  of  nature).  It. 
is  therefore  not  a  matter  to  be  lightly  undertaken.  It  is  said  in  the  "Scowling"  passage  of 
the  (Chow)  Book  of  Changes,  "Not  being  enemies  they  unite  in  marriage."  Whilst  (the 
elders  are)  thinking  of  making  advances  to  the  opponent  (family),  the  proper  time  (for  the 
marriage  of  the  young  couple)  is  allowed  to  slip  by.  In  the  "Peach  Young"  poem  of  the 
Book  of  Odes  it  is  said,  "If  the  man  and  woman,  duly  observing  what  is  correct,  marry  at  the 
proper  time  of  life,  there  will  be  no  widows  in  the  land."  To  form  cliques  (political  parties) 
by  means  of  matrimonial  connexions  is  a  source  of  pernicious  stratagems,  hioi  oriT 

This  provision  was,  in  fact,  a  codification  of  the  veto  pronounced  by  Hideyoshi 
on  his  death-bed  against  marriages  between  the  families  of  different  daimyo.'' 
leyasu  himself  had  been  the  first  to  violate  the  veto,  and  he  was  the  first  to  place 
it  subsequently  on  the  statute  book.  The  third  Tokugawa  shogun,  lemitsu, 
extended  the  restriction  by  ordering  that  even  families  having  estates  of  only 
three  thousand  koku  should  not  intermarry  without  Yedo's  previous  consent. 

Ml  od   YJCfll  S7/T;I  \O  ybod  QVo'dj!  OfIT 

(9)  As  to  the  rule  that  the  daimyo  shall  come  (to  the  shogun's  court  at  Yedo)  to  do 

S  Gl*  VI C  6 

In  the  Shoku  Nihongi  (The  Continuation  of  the  Chronicles  of  Japan)  it  is  recorded  amongst 
the  enactments, 

"Except  when  entrusted  with  some  official  duty  to  assemble,  no  one  (dignitary)  is  allowed 
at  his  own  pleasure  to  assemble  his  tribe  within  the  limits  of  the  capital,  no  one  is  to  go  about 
attended  by  more  than  twenty  horsemen,  etc."?)  no 

Hence  it  is  not  permissible  to  lead  about  a  large  force  of  soldiers.  For  daimyo  whose 
revenues  range  from  1,000,000  koko  down  to  200,000  koku,  the  number  of  twenty  horsemen 
is  not  to  be  exceeded.  For  those  whose  revenues  are  100,000  koku  and  under,  the  number  is 
to  be  in  the  same  proportion.  J  rig 

On  occasions  of  official  service,  however  (i.  e.  in  time  of  warfare),  the  number  of  followers 
is  to  be  in  proportion  to  the. social  standing  of  each  daimyo. 

The  above  rule  of  repairing  to  the  capital  to  pay  respects  (go-sankiri)  was  an  old 
fashion,  and  barons  were  accustomed  to  go  with  large  retinues.  Thus,  it  often 
happened  that  collisions  occurred  between  the  corteges  of  hostile  feudatories, 
and  it  was  to  prevent  these  sanguinary  encounters  that  the  Tokugawa  set 
strict  limits  to  the  number  of  samurai  accompanying  a  military  chief. 

(10)  There  must  be  no  confusion  in  respect  of  dress  uniforms,  as  regards  the  materials 
thereof.  jrf.j  n£ 

The  distinction  between  lord  and  vassal,  between  superior  and  inferior,  must  be  clearly 
marked  by  the  apparel.  Retainers  may  not,  except  in  rare  cases  by  special  favour  of  their 
lords,  indiscriminately  wear  silk  stuffs,  such  as  shiro-aya  (undyed  silk  with  woven  patterns), 


576  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ahiro-kosode  (white  wadded  silk  coats),  murasaki-awase  (purple  silk  coats,  lined),  muroso&t-ura 
(silk  coats  lined  with  purple);  nori  (white  gloss  silk),  mumon  (silk  coat  without  the  wearer's 
badge  dyed  on  it),  kosode  (a  coloured  silk-wadded  coat).  In  recent  times,  retainers  and 
henchmen  (soldiers)  have  taken  to  wearing  rich  damasks  and  silk  brocade.  This  elaborate 
display  was  not  allowed  by  the  anciejit  laws  and  it  must  be  severely  kept  within  bounds. 

(11)  Miscellaneous  persons  are  not  at  their  pleasure  to  ride  in  palanquins. 

(i\  -There  are  families  who  for  special  reasons  from  of  old  have  (inherited)  the  privilege  of 
riding  in  palanquins  without  permission  from  the  authorities:  and  there  are  others  who  by 
permission  of  the  authorities  exercise  that  privilege.  But,  latterly,  even  sub-vassals  and 
henchmen  of  no  rank  have  taken  to  so  riding.  This  is  a  flagrant  impertinence.  Hence- 
forward the  daimyo  of  the  provinces,  and  such  of  4;heir  kinsfolk  as  are  men  of  distinction  sub- 
ordinate to  them,  may  ride  without  applying  for  Government  permission.  Besides  those, 
the  following  have  permission,  viz.,  vassals  and  retainers  of  high  position  about  their  lords; 
doctors  and  astrologers;  persons  of  over  sixty  years  of  age,  and  sick  persons  and  invalids. 
If  ordinary  retainers,  or  inferior  henchmen  (sotsu)  are  allowed  to  ride  in  palanquins,  it  will  be 
considered  to  be  the  fault  of  their  lords. 

This  proviso,  however,  does  not  apply  to  Court  nobles,  abbots,  or  ecclesiastics  in  general. 

(12)  The  samurai  throughout  the  provinces  are  to  practise  frugality. 

Those  who  are  rich  like  to  make  a  display,  whilst  those  who  are  poor  are  ashamed  of 
not  being  on  a  par  with  the  others.  There  is  no  other  influence  so  pernicious  to  social  observ- 
ances as  this;  and  it  must  be  strictly  kept  in  check. 

Frugality  always  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  the  Bakufu's  list  of  essentials. 
Frequent  and  strenuous  efforts  were  made  by  successive  shoguns  to  encourage 
people  in  this  virtue,  but  with  the  long  peace  enjoyed  by  the  country  under 
Tokugawa  rule,  a  tendency  to  increasing  luxury  constantly  prevailed,  and  the 
Government's  aims  in  this  respect  were  not  realized  except  for  brief  periods. 
During  the  administration  of  the  first  three  Tokugawa  shoguns,  and  under  the 
eighth  shogun  (Yoshimune),  some  success  attended  official  injunctions  of  economy, 
but  on  the  whole  a  steady  growth  of  extravagance  characterized  the  era. 

(13)  The  lords  of  domain  (kokushu,  masters  of  provinces)  must  select  men  of  capacity 
for  office. 

The  way  to  govern  is  to  get  hold  of  the  proper  men.  The  merits  and  demerits  (of  retainers) 
•should  be  closely  scanned,  and  reward  or  reproof  unflinchingly  distributed  accordingly.  If 
there  be  capable  men  in  the  administration,  that  domain  is  sure  to  flourish;  if  there  be  not 
capable  men,  then  the  domain  is  sure  to  go  to  ruin.  This  is  an  admonition  which  the  wise 
ones  of  antiquity  all  agree  in  giving  forth. 

The  tenor  of  the  foregoing  rules  must  be  obeyed. 

Keicho,  20th  year,  7tli  month  (September  23,  1615). 

The  above  body  of  laws  may  be  regarded  as  the  Tokugawa  Constitution. 
They  were  re-enacted  by  each  shogun  in  succession  on  assuming  office.  The 
custom  was  to  summon  all  the  daimyo  to  Yedo,  and  to  require  their  attendance 
at  the  Tokugawa  palace,  where,  in  the  presence  of  the  incoming  shogun,  they 
listened  with  faces  bowed  on  the  mats  to  the  reading  of  the  laws.  Modifications 
and  additions  were,  of  course,  made  on  each  occasion,  but  the  provisions  quoted 
above  remained  unaltered  in  their  essentials.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  third 
shogun  (lemitsu),  the  duty  of  reading  aloud  the  laws  at  the  solemn  ceremonial 
of  the. new  shogun' s  investiture  devolved  on  a  high  Buddhist  priest,  but  it  was 
thereafter  transferred  to  the  representative  of  the  Hayashi  family  (to  be  present- 
ly spoken  of).  Any  infraction  of  the  laws  was  punished  mercilessly,  and  as 
their  occasionally  loose  phraseology  left  room  for  arbitrary  interpretation,  the 
provisions  were  sometimes  utilized  in  the  interest  of  the  shogun  and  at  the 

expense  of  his  enemies. 

tea  J8Wf.sj;;-foT  o-rft  fcr.rft   -/i , 

."foirfo  y.isii{ifii  i-  : 

RULES    FOR  THE    IMPERIAL    COURT    AND    COURT    NOBLES 
skihotfloi  orf*  ri-,  j-'x-j-t  ~.K  .*-<r>  i  ni  noirimK>>  or  «K!  .tenut  eiodT 

In  the  same  month  of  the  same  year  there  was  promulgated  a  body  of  laws 
called  the  "Rules  of  the  Imperial  Court,  and  the  Court  Nobles"  (Kinchu 
narabi  ni  Kugeshu  Sho-hatto).  This  enactment  bore  the  signatures  of  the 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  577 

kwampaku  and  the  shogun  and  had  the  Imperial  sanction.  It  consisted  of 
seventeen  articles,  but  only  five  of  them  had  any  special  importance :  — 

(1)  Learning  is  the  most  essential  of  all  accomplishments.     Not  to  study  is  to  be  ignorant 
of  the  doctrines  of  the  ancient  sages,  and  an  ignorant  ruler  has  never  governed  a  nation  peace- 
fully. 

;-]LT>ial  9ft;  •  uu  :'!•;  roob  fioqjj  1638  fioiminoy 

This  specious  precept  was  not  intended  to  be  literally  obeyed.  The  shoguns 
had  no  desire  for  an  erudite  Emperor.  Their  conception  of  learning  on  the  part 
of  the  sovereign  was  limited  to  the  composition  of  Japanese  verselets.  A  close 
study  of  the  doctrines  of  the  ancient  Chinese  sages  might  have  exposed  the 
illegitimacy  of  the  Bakufu  administration.  Therefore,  Yedo  would  have  been 
content  that  the  Mikado  should  think  only  of  spring  flowers  and  autumn 
moonlight,  and  should  not  torment  his  mind  by  too  close  attention  to  the 
classics. 

(2)  A  man  lacking  in  ability  must  not  be  appointed  to  the  post  of  regent  or  minister  of 
State  even  though  he  belong  to  the  Go-sekke  (Five  Designated  Families),  and  it  is  needless  to 
say  that  none  but  a  member  of  those  families  may  serve  in  such  a  position. 

(3)  A  man  of  ability,  even  though  he  be  old,  shall  not  be  allowed  to  resign  the  post  of 
regent  or  minister  of  State  in  favour  of  another.     If  he  attempts  to  resign,  his  resignation 
should  be  refused  again  and  again. 

The  above  two  provisions  practically  conferred  on  the  Bakufu  the  power  of  not 
only  appointing  the  regent  and  ministers  of  State  but  also  of  keeping  them  in 
office.  For,  as  the  law  had  been  framed  in  Yedo,  in  Yedo  also  was  vested  com- 
petence to  judge  the  ability  or  disability  of  a  candidate.  Hence,  when  the 
Emperor  proposed  to  appoint  a  regent  or  a  minister,  the  Bakufu  had  merely  to 
intimate  want  of  confidence  in  the  nominee's  ability;  and  similarly,  if  the 
sovereign  desired  to  dismiss  one  of  those  high  officials,  the  shogun  could  interfere 
effectually  by  reference  to  the  letter  of  the  law.  Thus,  the  power  of  appointing 
and  dismissing  the  great  officials  in  Kyoto,  which  is  one  of  the  important  pre- 
rogatives of  the  crown,  was  practically  usurped  by  the  shogun. 

(4)  An  adopted  son  shall  always  be  chosen  from  the  family  of  his  adopter;  and  a  female 
shall  never  be  adopted  to  be  the  head  of  a  family,  no  such  custom  having  existed  in  Japan 
at  any  time. 

This  provision  had  two  main  objects.  The  first  was  to  avert  adoptions  having 
the  effect  of  combinations;  the  second,  to  prevent  adoption  of  Imperial  princes 
into  other  families.  The  Bakufu  sought,  as  far  as  possible,  to  bring  about  the 
taking  of  the  tonsure  by  all  princes  of  the  Blood  who  were  not  in  the  direct 
line  of  the  succession,  and  to  keep  these  princes  from  attaining  to  the  posts  of 
regents  or  ministers  of  State. 

(5)  All  reports  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Emperor  by  the  regent,  the  denso,  or  an  admin- 
istrator (bugyo).    Any  other  person  who,  in  disregard  of  this  rule,  attempts  to  address  the 
Throne  direct,  shall  be  sent  into  exile,  whatever  his  rank. 

The  denso  mentioned  in  this  provision  was  an  official  appointed  by  the  Bakufu 
for  that  special  purpose.  The  whole  arrangement  as  to  communication  with  the 
Throne  constituted  a  powerful  buttress  of  Bakufu  influence.  Generally,  the 
latter  could  contrive,  as  has  been  shown  above,  to  control  the  appointment  and 
continuance  in  office  of  a  regent  or  a  minister,  while  as  for  the  administrators 
(bugyo),  they  were  nominees  of  Yedo.  It  thus  resulted  that  the  Throne  was 
approachable  through  the  channel  of  the  Bakufu  only, 
onolfnu  bavkmoi  il  .o-A-ns\o^?>  ydt  aii  mtoti'A  w, ••/  !oorf':>?  o.-ft  b0J3  tyoftlq.ftiid 

n-r   Qtmrr   -L>\  o-i^cnr    KrtD    nf\rft^,-\'<  ^    a^^if  <T     &'ff(*T>r  r-Jfi'P   Qffi    Irt  phflPvH   irff   if.   '•''(  Tiff i'f,t£fT 

LAWS  WITH  REFERENCE  TO  BUDDHISM 

jeo-The  above  laws  remained  unchanged  throughout  the  Tokugawa  era.  A 
special  law  was  also  enacted  with  reference  to  Buddhist  sects  and  the  principal 


578  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Buddhist  temples.  leyasU  secured  to  these  temples  the  possession  of  their 
manors  by  granting  title-deeds  bearing  what  was  called  the  "go-shivinji,"  or 
i  "vermilion  signature. "  The  term  was  not  really  applicable  in  the  case  of  ley  asu. 
It  is  true  that  Hideyoshi,  doubtless  in  imitation  of  Chinese  custom,  stamped  a 
vermilion  seal  upon  documents  of  this  character ;  but  the  Tokugawa  shoguns  em- 
ployed a  black  signature  written  with  a  pen.  Nevertheless,  the  term  "'grb- 
shuinji"  continued  to  be  used  from  the  time  of  the  Taiko  downwards.  It  was  an 
outcome  of  leyasu  's  astuteness  that  the  great  Hongwan  temple  was  divided  into 
two  branches,  eastern  and  western,  by  which  process  its  influence  was  prevented 
from  becoming  excessive.  During  the  administration  of  the  third  shogun, 
every  daimyo  was  required  to  adhere  to  a  definite  sect  of  Buddhism,  and  to  the 
Buddhist  and  Shinto  temples  was  entrusted  the  duty  of  keeping  an  accurate 
census  of  their  parishioners.  The  direct  purpose  of  these  latter  laws  was  to 
facilitate  the  extermination  of  Christianity.  Anyone  whose  name  was  not 
enrolled  on  one  of  the  above  lists  fell  under  suspicion  of  embracing  the  foreign 
faith.  Ion  Hjflrib 

iiuitimsiesi  eid  .ngia^-i  oi  ft-qrnsJte  crl'l-l     .•;?•:!  .-o .?;,  K>  -,>  c- 

A  JAPANESE  HISTORIAN'S  OPINION 

Referring  to  the  above  laws  the  Tokugawa  Jidaishi  says :  — 

The  above  laws  and  regulations  were  the  Constitution  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu.  By 
the  aid  of  their  provisions  the  influence  of  Yedo  was  extended  to  every  part  of  the  nation 
from  the  Imperial  Court  to  the  world  of  religion.  No  such  codes  had  ever  previously  existed 
in  Japan.  Any  unit  of  the  nation,  whether  a  Court  noble,  a  great  feudatory,  a  priest,or  a 
common  samurai,  had  to  yield  implicit  obedience  oi-  to  suffer  condign  punishment.  Thus, 
it  fell  out  that  everybody  being  anxious  to  conform  with  the  rules,  the  universal  tendency  was 
to  share  in  preserving  the  peace.  From  the  point  of  view  of  this  system,  leyasu  was  emi- 
nently above  all  modern  and  ancient  heroes.  Hideyoshi  won  brilliant  victories  in  war,  but 
he  saw  no  better  method  of  maintaining  peace  at  home  than  to  send  the  country's  armies  to 
fight  abroad.  He  seems  to  have  conceived  a  hope  that  his  generals  would  find  goals  for 
their  ambition  in  Korea  or  China,  and  would  exhaust  their  strength  in  endeavouring  to 
realize  their  dreams.  But  his  plan  brought  about  the  contrary  result;  for  the  generals 
formed  fresh  enmities  among  themselves,  and  thus  the  harvest  that  was  subsequently 
reaped  at  Sekigahara  found  hands  to  sow  it. 

leyasu,  however,  prized  literature  above  militarism.  He  himself  became  a  pioneer  of 
learning,  and  employed  many  scholars  to  assist  in  constructing  a  solid  framework  of  peace. 
The  territorial  nobles  had  to  follow  his  example.  Even  Kato  Kiyomasa,  Asano  Yukinaga, 
and  Kuroda  Nagamasa,  each  of  whom  during  his  lifetime  was  counted  a  divinely  inspired 
general,  found  themselves  constrained  to  study  the  Chinese  classics  under  the  guidance  of 
Funabashi  Hidekata  and  Fujiwara  Seigwa.  How  much  more  cogent,  then,  was  the  similar 
necessity  under  which  lesser  men  laboured.  Thus,  leyasu's  love  of  literature  may  be  regarded 
as  a  cause  of  the  peace  that  prevailed  under  the  Tokugawa  for  260  years. 


-rn 


leyasu  employed  four  instruments  for  educational  purposes  —  the  establish- 
ment of  schools,  the  engagement  of  professors,  the  collection  of  ancient  literary 
works,  and  the  printing  of  books.  In  accordance  with  his  last  will  his  son 
Yoshinao,  daimyo  of  Owari,  built,  in  1636,  the  Daiseiden  College  beside  the 
temple  of  Kiyomizu  in  Ueno  Park,  near  the  villa  of  Hayashi  Kazan,  the 
celebrated  Confucian  scholar;  but,  in  1691,  the  college  was  moved  to  the  slope 
called  Shohei-zaka,  where  a  bridge  —  Shohei-bashi — >was  thrown  across  the 
river.  "Shohei"  is  the  Japanese  pronunciation  of  "Changping,"  Confucius's 
birthplace,  and  the  school  was  known  as  the  Shohei-ko.  It  received  uniform 
patronage  at  the  hands  of  the  Tokugawa,  whose  kinsmen  and  vassals  were  re- 
quired to  study  there,  their  proficiency,  as  determined  by  its  examinations, 
being  counted  a  passport  to  office.  Yoshinao  laid  the  foundation  of  a  great 
library  at  the  school  and  the  number  of  volumes  was  constantly  increased. 


COSTUMES 


Samurai     in     Hunting    Robe 


Imperial    Court    noble 


Samurai    in  .Court  Robe 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  579 

During  the  lifetime  of  leyasu,  one  of  the  most  noted  scholars  was  Fujiwara 
Seigwa.  By  the  invitation  of  the  Tokugawa  chief  he  lectured  on  the  classics 
in  Kyoto,  and  it  is  recorded  that  leyasu,  who  had  just  (1600)  arrived  in  that 
city,  attended  one  of  these  lectures,  wearing  his  ordinary  garments.  Seigwa  is 
related  to  have  fixed  his  eyes  on  leyasu  and  addressed  him  as  follows:  "The 
greatest  work  of  Confucius  teaches  that  to  order  oneself  is  the  most  essential  of 
achievements.  How  shall  a  man  who  does  not  order  himself  be  able  to  order 
his  country?  I  am  lecturing  on  ethics  to  one  who  behaves  in  a  disorderly  and 
discourteous  manner.  I  believe  that  I  preach  in  vain."  leyasu  immediately 
changed  his  costume,  and  the  event  contributed  materially  to  the  reputation 
alike  of  the  intrepid  teacher  and  of  the  magnanimous  student j  as  well  as  to  the 
popularity  of  Seigwa's  doctrines. 

Hayashi  Kazan  was  a  disciple  of  Seigwa  whose  reputation  as  a  scholar  he 
rivalled.  leyasu  employed  him  extensively  in  drafting  laws;  and  many  of  his 
disciples  subsequently  served  as  teachers  of  the  Chinese  classics.  The  scripture 
of  Hayashi's  school  of  ethics  was  Chu  Hi's  commentary  on  the  "  Great  Learning" 
of  Confucius.  In  this  system,  ethics  become  a  branch  of  natural  philosophy. 
"  Corresponding  to  the  regular  change  of  the  seasons  in  nature  is  right  action 
in  man  (who  is  the  crown  of  nature),  in  the  relation  of  sovereign  and  subject, 
parent  and  child,  elder  brother  and  younger  brother,  husband  and  wife,  friend 
and  friend.  To  his  sovereign,  or  lord,  he  is  bound  to  be  faithful;  to  his  parents, 
dutiful,  and  to  his  elder  brother,  respectful.  Affection  should  characterize  the 
relations  of  husband  and  wife  and  trust  those  of  friend  with  friend." 

A  moment's  consideration  of  this  ethical  system  shows  that  it  cannot  be 
reconciled  with  such  a  form  of  administration  as  that  existing  under  the  Bakufu. 
Genuine  loyalty  to  the  sovereign  found  no  place  in  the  practical  code  of  Toku- 
gawa. Whether  leyasu  appreciated  that  fact  or  whether  he  ignored  it  in  con- 
sideration of  the  civilizing  and  tranquillizing  influences  of  Confucianism,  there 
is  nothing  to  show.  Ultimately,  however,  it  was  to  the  ethics  of  the  Chinese 
sage  that  the  Tokugawa  downfall  became  indirectly  attributable. 

leyasu  showed  much  earnestness  in  searching  for  and  collecting  ancient  books. 
Before  and  after  the  war  of  Osaka,  he  ordered  priests  to  copy  old  books  and 
records  preserved  in  Buddhist  temples  and  noblemen's  houses.  Subsequently, 
during  the  Kwanei  era  — 1621-1643  —  there  was  built  within  the  castle  of 
Yedo  a  library  called  Momijiyama  Bunko  where  the  books  were  stored. 
He  was  also  instrumental  in  causing  the  compilation  and  publication  of  many 
volumes  whose  contents  contribute  materially  to  our  historical  knowledge.  The 
writing  of  history  in  the  Imperial  Court  had  been  abandoned  for  many  years, 
and  the  scholars  employed  by  leyasu  had  recourse  to  private  diaries  for  materials. 
Hayashi  Kazan  (Doshuri)  was  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  distinguishing  between 
the  true  and  the  false  in  using  these  records,  and  there  resulted  two  memorable 
works.  The  second  of  these 'consisted  in  the  main  of  genealogical  tables]  'Uti 
extended  to  372  volumes  and  subsequently  became  the  Kwanei  Shoke  Keizu-den. 
The  first,  a  national  history,  was  originally  called  the  Honcho  Hennen-roku. 
Before  its  compilation  Kazan  (Ddshuri)  died,  and  the  book  was  concluded  by 
his  son,  Harukatsu,  in  the  year  1635.  It  consisted  of  three  hundred  volumes 
in  all,  and  covered  the  period  from  the  age  of  the  Gods  to  the  year  1610.  It  is 
now  known  as  the  Honcho  Tsugan.  The  two  works  having  been  published  to 
the  order  and  under  the  patronage  of  the  Bakufu,  their  contents  were  by  no 
means  free  from  the  stain  of  favour  and  affection,  but  they  nevertheless  possess 
inestimable  historical  value.  ^  *t>b 


580  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE  :, 

THE  SECOND  TOKUGAWA SffOQUN,  HIDETADA 
pjjlo  orfi  i'<)  0  .  T'»ifl')  ev/jjgrjJioTsnj  To  noiTmr/fi. 

Hidetada,  third  son  of  leyasu,  was  born  in  1579;  succeeded  to  the  shogunate 
in  1605;  abdicated  in  1622,  and  died  in  1632.  His  appearance  on  the  historical 
stage  was  not  very  glorious,  for,  as  already  shown,  when  marching  to  join  his 
father's  army  before  the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  he  allowed  himself  to  be  detained 
so.  long  at  the  siege  of  Ueda  Castle  that  he  failed  to  be  present  at  the  great 
combat,  and  leyasu,  as  a  mark  of  displeasure,  refused  to  meet  him  until  Honda 
Masazumi  pleaded  Hidetada's  cause.  During  the  first  eleven  years  of  his 
shogunate  he  exercised  little  real  authority,  the  administration  being  conducted 
by  leyasu  himself  from  his  nominal  place  of  retirement  in  Sumpu.  Thus,  the 
period  of  Hidetada's  independent  sway  extended  over  six  years  only.  But 
during  the  ten  subsequent  years  he  continued  to  exercise  much  camera  influence 
over  the  Government,  though  his  power  was  inferior  to  that  which  had  been 
wielded  by  leyasu  in  nominal  retirement.  Honda  Masazumi,  who  had  befriend- 
ed him  at  the  critical  time  mentioned  above,  occupied  the  highest  post  in  the 
administration,  the  second  place  being  assigned  to  Sakai  Tadayo,  while  in  Kyoto 
the  Tokugawa  interests  were  guarded  by  Itakura  Katsushige  and  Matsudaira 
Masatsuna. 

The  era  of  Hidetada  was  essentially  one  of  organization,  and  by  the  exercise 
of  sincerity  and  justice  he  contributed  much  to  the  stability  of  the  Tokugawa 
rule.  Not  the  least  memorable  step  taken  by  him  related  to  the  fortress  of  Yedo. 
In  the  year  following  his  succession,  he  ordered  the  feudatories  of  the  east  to 
construct  the  castle  which  remains  to  this  day  one  of  the  marvels  of  the  world. 
"Around  it  stretched  a  triple  line  of  moats,  the  outermost  measuring  nine  and  a 
half  miles  in  length,  the  innermost  one  and  a  half,  their  scarps  constructed  with 
blocks  of  granite  nearly  as  colossal  as  those  of  the  Osaka  stronghold,  though  in 
the  case  of  the  Yedo  fortification  every  stone  had  to  be  carried  hundreds  of  miles 
over  the  sea.  The  gates  were  proportionately  as  huge  as  those  at  Osaka, 
well-nigh  the  most  stupendous  works  ever  undertaken,  not  excepting  even  the 
Pyramids  of  Egypt.  There  is  not  to  be  found  elsewhere  a  more  striking  monu- 
ment of  military  power,  nor  can  anyone  considering  such  a  work,  as  well  as  its 
immediate  predecessor,  the  Taiko's  stronghold  at  Osaka,  and  its  numerous  con- 
temporaries of  lesser  but  still  striking  proportions  in  the  principal  fiefs,  refuse  to 
credit  the  Japanese  with  capacity  for  large  conceptions  and  competence  to  carry 
them  into  practice." 
oiiT  .osbfjlv/xnijl  Lp/jhoteiif  ujo  ot  yJkhoJBm  oJucfhinoo  gjnyiiioo 

CONJUGAL  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  IMPERIAL  FAMILY  AND  THE  TOKUGAWA 

It  had  been  one  of  the  most  cherished  wishes  of  leyasu  to  follow  the  Fujiwara 
precedent  by  establishing  conjugal  relations  between  the  Imperial  family  and 
the  Tokugawa.  But  the  ex-Emperor,  Go-Yozei,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  this  pro- 
posal on  the  ground  that  a  lady  born  in  a  military  house  had  never  been  chosen 
consort  of  a  sovereign.  leyasu,  however,  did  not  abandon  his  purpose.  He 
entrusted  its  prosecution  to  Todo  Takatora,  and  in  1616,  the  year  of  leyasu's 
death,  Todo  induced  Konoe  Nobuhiro,  minister  of  the  Right,  to  promote  this 
undertaking.  Nobuhiro,  being  the  Emperor's  younger  brother,  was  able  to 
exert  much  influence,  and  finally  the  ex-Emperor  gave  his  consent.  In  June, 
1620,  Kazuko,  daughter  of  Hidetada,  became  first  lady-in-waiting,  and  ultimate- 
ly Empress  under  the  name  of  Tofuku-mon-in.  It  is  recorded  that  1180  chests 
were  required  to  carry  her  trousseau  from  Yedo,  and  that  the  costs  of  her  outfit 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  581 

and  of  her  journey  to  Kyoto  aggregated  more  than  a  million  sterling.  She  gave 
birth  to  two  princes  and  five  princesses,  and  the  house  of  Konoe,  which  had 
been  instrumental  in  procuring  her  summons  to  the  Court,  became  the  leader 
of  the  Go-sekke. 


DEATH  OF  HIDETADA  AND  HIS  CHARACTER 

After  resigning  the  shogunate  in  1622,  Hidetada  retired  to  the  inner  castle 
(Nishi  Maru)  in  Yedo  and  there  continued  to  direct  affairs.  He  died  ten  years 
later,  at  the  age  of  fifty-eight,  and  was  interred  at  the  temple  Zojo-ji,  in  the  Shiba 
district  of  the  eastern  capital.  Japanese  historians  agree  that  Hidetada's  char- 
acter was  adapted  for  the  work  of  consolidation  that  fell  to  his  lot.  He  re- 
sembled his  father,  leyasu,  in  decision  and  perseverance;  he  never  dealt  lightly 
with  any  affair,  and  while  outwardly  gentle  and  considerate,  he  was  at  heart 
subtle  and  uncompromising.  An  interesting  illustration  of  the  administrative 
canons  of  the  time  is  afforded  in  the  advice  said  to  have  been  given  by  Hosokawa 
Tadaoki  when  consulted  by  Hidetada.  "There  is  an  old  proverb,"  Tadaoki 
replied,  "that  if  a  round  lid  be  put  on  a  square  vessel,  those  within  will  have 
ease;  but  if  a  square  lid  be  used  to  cover  a  square  vessel,  there  will  result  a 
feeling  of  distress."  Asked  for  a  standard  by  which  to  judge  qualifications  for 
success,  the  same  nobleman  answered  that  an  oyster  shell  found  on  the  Akashi 
shore  is  the  best  type  of  a  man  qualified  to  succeed,  for  the  shell  has  been  deprived 
of  all  its  angles  by  the  beating  of  the  waves.  Of  Hidetada  himself  there  is  told  an 
anecdote  which  shows  him  to  have  been  remarkably  free  from  superstition.  A 
comet  made  its  appearance  and  was  regarded  with  anxiety  by  the  astrologists 
of  Kyoto,  who  associated  its  advent  with  certain  misfortune.  Hidetada  ridiculed 
these  fears.  "What  can  we  tell,"  he  said,  "about  the  situation  of  a  solitary 
star  in  the  wide  universe,  and  how  can  we  know  that  it  has  anything  to  do  with 
this  little  world?" 

iilOI  '3i\j  lo  tfigitf  sHj  flo  bile  <din;o4  odJ  at. mid  vafiqrnOooiB  .bit/oils 

THE  THIRD  SHOGUN,  lEMITSl/^^ 

1'jnJoni  ?i  'noinG-iti!/.  .(ooifiT-'/TJint  DOSJJ)  jjQOfJi&isl/. 

lemitsu,  son  of  Hidetada,  was  born  in  1603;  succeeded  to  the  sh5gunate  hi 
1622,  and  held  that  post  until  his  death,  in  1651.  His  principal  ministers  were 
li  Naotaka  (who  had  occupied  the  post  of  premier  since  the  days  of  leyasu), 
Matsudaira  Nobutsuna,  and  Abe  Tadaaki,  one  of  the  ablest  officers  that  served 
the  Tokugawa.  He  devoted  himself  to  consolidating  the  system  founded  by 
his  grandfather,  leyasu,  and  he  achieved  remarkable  success  by  the  exercise  of 
exceptional  sagacity  and  determination.  In  1626,  he  proceeded  to  Kyoto  at 
the  head  of  a  large  army,  simply  for  the  purpose  of  conveying  to  the  feudal 
nobles  a  significant  intimation  that  he  intended  to  enforce  his  authority  without 
hesitation.  Up  to  that,  time  the  feudal  chiefs  were  not  officially  required  to 
reside  in  Yedo  for  any  fixed  time  or  at  any  fixed  interval.  But  now  it  was 
clearly  enacted  that  the  feudatories  of  the  east  and  those  of  the  west  should 
repair  to  the  Bakufu  capital,  at  different  seasons  in  the  year;  should  remain 
there  a  twelvemonth, —  in  the  case  of  feudal  lords  from  the  Kwanto  only  six 
months  —  and  should  leave  their  wives  and  families  as  hostages  during  the 
alternate  period  of  their  own  absence  from  the  shogun's  city,  which  they  spent 
in  the  provinces. 

This  system  was  technically  called  sankin  kotai,  that  is  "  alternate  residence 
in  capital."  From  the  point  of  view  of  the  Tokugawa  the  plan  was  eminently 


582  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

wise,  for  it  bound  the  feudal  chiefs  closer  to  the  shogun,  keeping  them  under  his 
eye  half  the  time  and  giving  hostages  for  their  good  behaviour  the  other  half; 
and  it  helped  the  growth  of  Yedo  both  in  financial  and  political  power,  by  bring- 
ing money  into  it  and  by  making  it  more  than  before  an  administrative  head- 
quarters. On  the  other  hand  there  was  a  corresponding  drain  on  the  provinces, 
all  the  greater  since  the  standard  of  living  at  Yedo  was  higher  than  in  rural 
districts  and  country  nobles  thus  learned  extravagance.  To  prevent  other 
families  from  growing  too  rich  and  powerful  seems  to  have  been  a  part  of  leyasu's 
definite  plan  for  holding  in  check  possible  rivals  of  the  Tokugawa,  so  that  it  is 
not  impossible  that  he  foresaw  this  very  result.  At  any  rate  it  is  known  that  in 
the  instructions  for  government  which  he  handed  down  to  his  successors  he 
urged  them  to  keep  strict  surveillance  over  their  feudal  lords  and  if  any  one  of 
them  seemed  to  be  growing  rich  to  impose  upon  him  such  a  burden  of  public 
works  as  would  cripple  him. 

In  1632,  lemitsu  made  another  military  demonstration  at  Kyoto,  and  on  this 
occasion  the  Emperor  would  have  conferred  on  him  the  post  of  prime  minister 
(dajo  daijiri).  But  he  refused  to  accept  it.  This  refusal  was  subsequently 
explained  as  a  hint  to  the  feudal  chiefs  that  inordinate  ambition  should  be 
banished  from  their  bosoms;  but  in  reality  lemitsu  was  influenced  by  the 
traditional  principle  that  the  Throne  had  no  higher  gift  to  bestow  on  a  subject 
than  the  shogunate. 
ijovhq->b  #•><*(!  :>1  ifvwnup.  ot  hen\ileiq>  from  R  V  •  « ;-,  i  t 

rtft  bfo?  zi  oiorlt  HesmiK  fibp.f'.>hiH  lO     .g^v.*;?/  O-M  if.  :<•?,• 

PROMINENT  FEATURES  OF  THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  IEMITSU 
f\       .iii  HJT,        *r^i ',  ~  mo  i  r  *r  n  i  .  . 

The  prominent  feature  of  this  able  ruler's  administration  was  that  he  thor- 
oughly consolidated  the  systems  introduced  by  his  grandfather  and  confirmed 
by  his  father.  From  the  time  of  lemitsu  downwards,  cardinal  forms  were  never 
changed,  alterations  being  confined  to  non-essentials.  On  his  death-bed  he 
desired  that  his  prime  minister,  Hotta  Masamori,  and  several  other  notables 
should  accompany  him  to  the  tomb,  and  on  the  night  of  the  10th  of  June,  1651, 
Hotta  Masamori  (aged  forty-six),  Abe  Shigetsugu  (aged  fifty-two),  Uchida 
Masanobu  (aged  thirty-three),  Masamori's  mother  (aged  sixty-three),  Saegusa 
Moriyoshi,  and  Okuyama  Yasushige  all  committed  suicide.  Their  tombs  stand 
to  this  day  in  Nikko. 

*I-!o'  evfib  9ff f  sortie  iofifl'/icj-  3o  faoq 

f**vi9*  iki'  te-Adfi  adt  k>  eno  .rAndwl'  -nlA.  bm:  ,r.nu*.iij<{c>/ 

vd  bobfUJOi  it:  THE  NIKKO  SHRINE  AND  THE  KWANEI  TEMPLE 

It  has  been  related  how  largely  leysau  was  aided  against  the  Osaka  party  by 
Tengai,  abbot  of  Enryaku-ji.  This  priest  it  was  that  devised  the  singular 
accusation  connected  with  the  inscription  on  a  bell  at  Hoko-ji.  He  received  from 
leyasu  the  diocese  of  NikkS  in  Shimotsuke  province,  where  he  built  a  temple 
which  ultimately  served  as  the  shrine  of  leyasu.  But  the  first  Tokugawa 
shogun,  faithful  to  his  frugal  habits,  willed  that  the  shrine  should  be  simple  and 
inexpensive,  and  when  Hidetada  died,  his  mausoleum  (mitamaya)  at  the  temple 
Zojo-ji  in  Yedo  presented  by  its  magnificence  such  a  contrast  to  the  unpretend- 
ing tomb  at  Nikko,  that  lemitsu  ordered  Akimoto  Yasutomo  to  rebuild  the  latter, 
and  issued  instructions  to  various  feudal  chiefs  to  furnish  labour  and  materials. 
The  assistance  of  even  Korea,  Ryukyu,  and  Holland  was  requisitioned,  and 
the  Bakufu  treasury  presented  700,000  ryo  of  gold.  The  shrine  was  finished 
in  1636  on  a  scale  of  grandeur  and  artistic  beauty  almost  unsurpassed  in  any 
other  country.  The  same  priest,  Tengai,  was  instrumental  in  building  the  tern- 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  583 

pie  known  as  Kwanei-ji,  and  at  his  suggestion,  Hidetada  asked  the  Imperial 
Court  to  appoint  a  prince  to  the  post  of  abbot  (raonsw);rhoH  t.iailj< 

This  system  already  existed  in  the  case  of  Enryaku-ji  on  Hiei-zan  in  Kyoto, 
and  it  was  Tengai's  ambition  that  his  sect,  the  Tendai,  should  possess  in  Yedo 
a  temple  qualified  to  compete  with  the  great  monastery  of  the  Imperial  capital. 
Thus,  Ueno  hill  on  which  the  Yedo  structure  stood  was  designated  "Toei-zan," 
as  the  site  of  the  Kyoto  monastery  was  designated  "  Hiei-zan,"  and  just  as  the 
temple  on  the  latter  received  the  name  of  "Enryaku-ji,"  after  the  era  of  its 
construction  (Enryaku),  so  that  in  Yedo  was  named  "  Kwanei-ji,"  the  name  of 
the  year  period  of  its  foundation  being  Kwanei.  Finally,  the  Kwanei-ji  was 
intended  to  guard  the  "Demon's  Gate"  of  the  Bakufu  city  as  the  Enryaku-ji 
guarded  the  Imperial  capital.  Doubtless,  in  furthering  this  plan,  lemitsu  had 
for  ultimate  motive  the  association  of  an  Imperial  prince  with  the  Tokugawa 
family,  so  that  in  no  circumstances  could  the  latter  be  stigmatized  as  "rebels.' 
Not  until  the  day  of  the  Tokugawa's  downfall  did  this  intention  receive  practical 
application,  when  the  priest-prince  of  Ueno  (Prince  Kitashirakawa)  was  set  up 
as  their  leader  by  the  remnants  of  the  Bakufu  army. 

•art?  jju  .  •j3v/'jt>2fu*loT  !>ii),lo  ?yv7D(.f  ytlt  i>jjl^x9  foiid,  eifv/  irajLtiral 
M-  Hfia  L's.hwikiH  hfY  :i.:-2il  «,Yi\ot  ,adT     .yysuofi  vi^jilki 

Atew  y/rfw^Gfl  ,wU    ISE  AND  NIKKO  ^jUxsiU 

Through  many  centuries  it  had  been  the  custom  of  the  Imperial  Court  to 
worship  at  the  great  shrine  of  Ise  and  to  offer  suitable  gifts.  This  ceremony  was 
long  suspended,  however,  on  account  of  continuous  wars  as  well  as  the  im- 
pecunious condition  of  the  Court.  Under  the  sway  of  the  Oda  and  the  Toyo- 
tomi,  fitful  efforts  were  made  to  renew  the  custom,  but  it  was  left  for  the  Toku- 
gawa to  re-establish  it.  The  third  shogun,  lemitsu,  petitioned  the  Court  in  that 
sense,  and  assigned  an  estate  in  Yamashiro  as  a  means  of  defraying  the  necessary 
expenses,  the  Fujinami  family  being  appointed  to  perform  the  ceremony  hered- 
itarily. At  the  same  time  lemitsu  petitioned  that  the  Court  should  send 
an  envoy  to  worship  at  Nikko  every  year  on  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of 
leyasu,  and  this  request  having  been  granted,  Nikko  thenceforth  became 
to  the  Tokugawa  what  Ise  was  to  the  Imperial  Court. 

jteglymoiq  ffijjgr>  'yiyw  &w&l  oasj.t  iHjjrto^A-o\V&.p-A^&  3o  slJiJ  sift 


...  .  . 

BUDDHISM  AND  CHRISTIANITY^  , 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  Shimabara  revolt  finally  induced  the  Bakufu 
Government  to  adopt  the  policy  of  international  seclusion  and  to  extirpate 
Christianity.  In  carrying  out  the  latter  purpose,  extensive  recourse  was  had 
to  the  aid  of  Buddhism.  The  chief  temple  of  each  sect  of  that  religion  was 
officially  fixed,  as  were  also  the  branch  temples  forming  the  parish  of  the  sect; 
every  unit  of  the  nation  was  required  to  register  his  name  in  the  archives  of  a 
temple,  and  the  Government  ordered  that  the  priests  should  keep  accurate 
lists  of  births  and  deaths.  Anyone  whose  name  did  not  appear  on  these  lists 
was  assumed  to  belong  to  the  alien  faith.  This  organization  was  completed 
in  the  time  of  lemitsu. 

-fLtiw  39ort.Bi{{,B  LaifloranJjsfli  nnol  'ion  i-ii/m  talf>iof&o  foiilo  lisdi  bnB  <*nom  10  M  Ao'A 
bna  vli-iifoini^  rfo,jyr  a  .jfjrfJ    'tfoiagmnsq  fc'ms'oos'i?.  odt  jj;o 
3W  FOURTH  SHOGW,  iETsuNAT9gdo  ^oos  fli  byYod<> 

letsuna,  the  fourth  Tokugawa  shogun,  eldest  son  of  lemitsu,  was  born  in 
1642  and  succeeded  to  the  office  in  1651,  holding  it  until  his  death  in  1680.  In 
bequeathing  the  administrative  power  to  a  youth  in  his  tenth  year,  lemitsu 


JT,  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPIJRHI1 

clearly  foresaw  that  trouble  was  likely  to  arise.  He  therefore  instructed  his 
younger  brother,  Hoshina  Masayuki,  baron  of  Aizu,  to  render  every  assistance 
to  his  nephew,  and  he  appointed  li  Naotaka  to  be  prime  minister,  associating 
with  him  Sakai  Tadakatsu,  Matsudaira  Nobutsuna,  Abe  Tadaaki,  and  oth«-r 
statesmen  of  proved  ability.  These  precautions  were  soon  seen  to  be  necessary, 
for  the  partisans  of  the  Toyotomi  seized  the  occasion  to  attempt  a  coup.  The 
country  at  that  time  swarmed  with  reran  /(wave-men) ;  that  is  to  say,  samurai 
who  were,  for  various  reasons,  roving  free-lances.  There  seems  to  have  been 
a  large  admixture  of  something  very  like  European  chivalry  in  the  make  up  of 
these  ronin,  for  some  of  them  seem  to  have  wandered  about  merely  to  right 
•wro'ngs  and  defend  the  helpless.  Others  sought  adventure  for  adventure's 
sake  and  for  glory's,  challenging  the  best  swordsman  in  each  place  to  which 
they  came.  Many  seem  to  have  taken  up  the  lives  of  wanderers  out  of  a  notion 
of  loyalty;  the  feudal  lords  to  whom  they  had  owed  allegiance  had  been  crushed 
by  the  Tokugawa  and  they  refused  to  enter  the  service  of  the  shogun. 

The  last-named  reason  seems  to  have  been  what  prompted  the  revolt  of 
1651,  when  letsuna,  aged  ten,  had  just  succeeded  in  the  shogunate  his  father 
lemitsu  who  had  exalted  the  power  of  the  Tokugawa  at  the  expense  of  their 
military  houses.  The  ronin  headed  by  Yui  Shosetsu  and  Marubashi  Chuya 
plotted  to  set  fire  to  the  city  of  Yedo  and  take  the  shogun' s  castle.  The  plot 
was  discovered.  Shosetsu  committed  suicide,  and  Chuya  was  crucified.  In 
the  following  year  (1652)  another  intrigue  was  formed  under  the  leadership  of 
Bekki  Shoetnon,  also  a  ronin.  On  this  occasion  the  plan  was  to  murder  li 
Naotaka,  the  first  minister  of  State,  as  well  as  his  colleagues,  and  then  to  set 
fire  to  the  temple  Zojo-ji  on  the  occasion  of  a  religious  ceremony.  But  this  plot, 
also,  was  discovered  before  it  matured,  and  it  proved  to  be  the  last  attempt 
that  was  made  to  overthrow  the  Bakufu  by  force  until  more  than  two  hundred 
years  had  passed.,  ft  irri  »t  b  itaioqc 

brros  hhirorfe  -ftacO  sdi  Sadi  tonofti? 

THE  LEGISLATION  OF  IEMITSU  AND  IETSUNA 
onifr06u   .  'jTriBia  noorJ  arri 

On  the  5th  of  August,  1635,  a  body  of  laws  was  issued  by  lemitsu  under 
the  title  of  Buke  Sho-hatto,  and  these  laws  were  again  promulgated  on  June  28, 
1665,  by  the  fourth  shogun,  letsuna,  with  a  few  alterations.  The  gist  of  the 
code  of  lemitsu  was  as  follows:  That  literature  and  arms  were  to  be  the  chief 
object  of;  cultivation;  that  the  great  and  small  barons  were  to  do  service  by 
turns  in  Yedo,  strict  limits  being  set  to  the  number  of  their  retainers;  that  all 
work  on  new  castles  was  strictly  interdicted,  and  that  all  repairs  of  existing  castles 
must  not  be  undertaken  without  sanction  from  the  Yedo  administration;  that 
in  the  event  of  any  unwonted  occurrence,  all  barons  present  at  the  scene  must 
remain  and  await  the  shogun's  orders;  that  no  person  other  than  the  officials  in 
.charge  might  be  present  at  an  execution;  that  there  must  be  no  scheming  inno- 
vations, forming  of  parties,  or  taking  of  oaths;  that  private  quarrels  were  strict- 
ly interdicted,  and  that  all  matters  difficult  of  arrangement  must  be  reported 
to  the  Yedo  administration;  that  barons  having  an  income  of  ten  thousand 
koku  or  more,  and  their  chief  officials,  must  not  form  matrimonial  alliances  with- 
out the  shogun' s  permission;  that  greater  simplicity  and  economy  must  be 
obeyed  in  social  observances,  such  as  visits  of  ceremony,  giving  and  receiving 
presents,  celebrating  marriages,  entertaining  at  banquets,  building  residences, 
?and  general  striving  after  elegance;  that  there  must  be  no  indiscriminate  inter- 
mingling (of  ranks) ;  that,  as  regards  the  materials  of  dress,  undyed  silk  with 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  585 

woven  patterns  (shiro  aya)  must  be  worn  only  by  Court  nobles  (kuge)  and  others 
of  the  highest  ranks;  that  wadded  coats  of  undyed  silk  might  be  worn  by 
daimyo  and  others  of  higher  rank;  that  lined  coats  of  purple  silk,  silk  coats 
with  the  lining  of  purple,  white  gloss  silk,  and  coloured  silk  coats  without  the 
badge  were  not  to  be  worn  at  random;  that  coming  down  to  retainers,  hench- 
men, and  men-at-arms,  the  wearing  by  such  persons  of  ornamental  dresses  such 
as  silks,  damask,  brocade,  or  embroideries  was  quite  unknown  to  the  ancient 
laws,  and  a  stop  must  be  put  to  it;  that  all  the  old  restrictions  as  to  riding  in 
palanquins  must  be  observed;  that  retainers  who  had  a  disagreement  with 
their  original  lord  were  not  to  be  taken  into  employment  by  other  daimyo;  that 
if  any  such  was  reported  as  having  been  guilty  of  rebellion  or  homicide,  he  was 
to  be  sent  back  (to  his  former  lord);  that  any  who  manifests  a  refractory 
disposition  must  either  be  sent  back  or  expelled ;  that  where  the  hostages  given 
by  sub-vassals  to  their  mesne  lords  had  committed  an  offence  requiring  punish- 
ment by  banishment  or  death,  a  report  in  writing  of  the  circumstances  must 
be  made  to  the  administrators'  office  and  their  decision  awaited;  that  in  case 
the  circumstances  were  such  as  to  necessitate  or  justify  the  instant  cutting-down 
of  the  offender,  a  personal  account  of  the  matter  must  be  given  to  the  adminis- 
trator; that  lesser  feudatories  must  honestly  discharge  the  duties  of  their 
position  and  refrain  from  giving  unlawful  or  arbitrary  orders  (to  the  people  of 
their  fiefs);  .that  they  must  take  care  not  to  impair  the  resources  or  well-being 
of  the  province  or  district  in  which  they  are;  that  roads,  relays  of  post-horses, 
boats,  ferries,  and  bridges  must  be  carefully  attended  to,  so  as  to  ensure  that 
there  should  be  no  delays  or  impediments  to  quick  communication;  that  no 
private  toll-bars  might  be  erected  or  any  existing  ferry  discontinued;  that  no 
vessels  of  over  five  hundred  koku  burden  were  to  be  built;  that  the  glebe  lands 
of  shrines  and  temples  scattered  throughout  the  provinces,  having  been  attached 
to  them  from  ancient  times  to  the  present  day,  were  not  to  be  taken  from  them; 
that  the  Christian  sect  was  to  be  strictly  prohibited  in  all  the  provinces  and  in 
all  places;  that  in  case  of  any  unfilial  conduct  the  offender  should  be  dealt  with 
under  the  penal  law;  that  in  all  matters  the  example  set  by  the  laws  of  Yedo 
was  to  be  followed  in  all  the  provinces  and  places. 

As  has  been  noted  above,  this  same  body  of  laws  was  re-enacted  under  the 
authority  of  letsuna,  with  the  following  slight  alterations,  namely,  that  the 
veto  was  removed  from  the  wearing  of  costly  ornamented  dresses  by  retainers, 
henchmen,  and  men-at-arms,  and  that  the  restriction  as  to  size  should  not  apply 
to  a  cargo  vessel.  At  the  same  time  a  prohibition  ofjunshi  (following  in  death) 
was  issued  in  these  terms :  — 

That  the  custom  of  following  a  master  in  death  is  wrong  and  unprofitable  is  a  caution 
which  has  been  at  times  given  from  of  old;  but  owing  to  the  fact  that  it  has  not  actually  been 
prohibited,  the  number  of  those  who  cut  their  belly  to  follow  their  lord  on  his  decease  has 
become  very  great.  For  the  future,  to  those  retainers  who  may  be  animated  by  such  an 
idea,  their  respective  lords  should  intimate,  constantly  and  in  very  strong  terms,  their  dis- 
approval of  the  .custom.  If,  notwithstanding  this  warning,  any  instance  of  the  practice 
should  occur,  it  will  be  deemed  that  the  deceased  lord  was  to  blame  for  unreadiness.  Hence- 
forward, moreover,  his  son  and  successor  will  be  held  blameworthy  for  incompetence,  as  not 
having  prevented  the  suicides.1 .  .^^ 

9ff i  H997/'i9d  ^ilguiio  ,ol<TO9q  lc>  s-b/ifieUorU  .ioiJfii§iifiaoo  Jii3i§  Qdi  to  noiafiooo  oili 

RELEASE  OF  HOSTAGES  tla&d  19VI 

Another  memorable  step  was  taken  during  the  administrative  period  of 
letsuna.  It  had  been  the  custom  to  require  that  all  the  great  nobles  should 

P  From  a  paper  read  by  Mr.  Consul-General  J.  0.  Hall  and  recorded  in  the  "Transactions 
;he  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan"  for  1911.] 


586  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE  Mil 

send  a  number  of  their  chief  retainers  or  the  latter's  fathers,  brothers,  and  sons 
to  Yedo,  where  they  were  held  as  hostages  for  the  peaceful  conduct  of  their 
feudal  chiefs.  But  when  the  system  of  sankin  kdtai  had  been  in  operation  for 
some  time,  and  when  the  power  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu  had  been  fully  consol- 
idated, this  practice  of  exacting  hostages  became  superfluous  and  vexatious. 
It  was  therefore  abandoned  in  the  year  1665  and  the  hostages  were  all  suffered 
to  leave  Yedo.  "Ofla 
o7  jifsibh  • 

THE  MING  DYNASTY 

The  fall  of  the  Ming  dynasty  in  China  took  place  in  the  thirteenth  year  of 
letsuna's  succession,  and  for  a  moment  it  seemed  that  Japan  might  possibly 
take  the  -field  against  the  conquering  Tatars.  A  Chinese  immigrant  who  had 
settled  in  the  island  of  Hirado,  in  Hizen,  married  the  daughter  of  a  Japanese 
farmer,  and  had  a  son  by  her.  The  immigrant's  name  was  Cheng  Chi-lung, 
and  when  the  partisans  of  the  Ming  dynasty  made  their  last  stand  at  Foochaw, 
they  chose  Cheng  for  general,  through  him  soliciting  aid  from  the  Yedo  Bakufu. 
Their  request  was  earnestly  discussed  in  Yedo,  and  it  is  possible  that  had  the 
Ming  officers  held  out  a  little  longer,  Japan  might  have  sent  an  expedition 
across  the  sea.  Cheng  Chi-lung's  son,  Cheng  Cheng-kung,  resisted  to  the 
last,  and  when  he  fell  fighting  at  Macao,  his  Japanese  mother  committed 
suicide.  Other  fugitives  from  China,  notably  an  able  scholar  .named  Chu 
Chi-yu,  settled  in  Japan  at  this  time,  and  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  promo- 
tion of  art  and  literatum'>bn;; 

otf'vtfliri/"  ;ri0M/i^ffnj£mflo»  -bbiup  o^  RtfQrmF^jqmr  TO  evr,!  b  on 
ocr  fort*  -  ftaattitaAWarTfel-flffeba  YE"P°  »  iv-.jj-n  ; 


The  influence  of  the  sankin  kdtai  system  upon  the  prosperity  of  Yedo,  as 
well  as  upon  the  efficiency  of  the  Tokugawa  administration,  has  already  been 
noticed.  Indeed,  Yedo  hrthe  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  one  of  the 
most  populous  and  prosperous  cities  in  the  world.  But  very  little  intelligence 
had  been  exercised  in  planning  it.  The  streets  were  narrow  and  there  were  no 
bridges  across  the  main  river.  Thus,  in  1657,  a  fire  broke  out  which,  being 
fanned  by  a  violent  wind,  burned  for  two  days,  destroying  the  greater  part  of 
the  city  together  with  the  residences  of  nearly  all  the  daimyo.  The  calamity 
occurred  in  the  month  of  February  and  was  accompanied  by  a  violent  snow- 
storm, which  greatly  increased  the  sufferings  of  the  citizens.  Tradition  says 
that  108;000  persons  lost  their  lives,  but  that  number  is  probably  an  exaggera- 
tion. In  the  following  year,  another  similar  catastrophe  occurred  on  almost 
the  same  scale,  and  it  seemed  as  though  Yedo  could  never  rise  from  its  ashes. 
Yet  the  result  of  these  calamities  was  salutary.  The  Bakufu  selected  suitable 
situations  for  the  residences  of  the  daimyo,  and  issued  a  law  requiring  that 
the  main  thoroughfares  must  have  a  width  of  sixty  feet  and  even  the  by-streets 
must  not  be  narrower  than  from  thirty  to  thirty-six  feet.  Moreover,  three 
bridges,  namely,  the  Ryogoku,  the  Eitai,  and  the  Shin-o,  were  thrown  across 
the  Sumida.  This  river,  which  formed  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  city,  had 
hitherto  been  left  unbridged  for  military  reasons,  and  the  result  was  that  on 
the  occasion  of  the  great  conflagration  thousands  of  people,  caught  between  the 
flames  and  the  river  bank,  had  to  choose  death  by  burning  or  by  drowning. 
Nevertheless,  some  officials  opposed  the  building  of  bridges,  and  were  only 
silenced  by  the  astute  remark  of  Sakai  Tadakatsu  that  if  Yedo  was  ever  to  be 
a  great  city,  the  convenience  of  its  inhabitants  must  be  first  consulted,  for,  after 
all,  the  people  themselves  constituted  the  best  stronghold.  This  may  be  re- 


-^        mm 

TOKUGAWA  SHRINE  AT  NiKKO 


587 

garded  as  an  evidence  of  the  deference  that  was  beginning  then  to  be  paid  to 
the  non-military  classes  by  the  samurai. 

It  was  at  this  time  (1658),  also,  that  the  city  of  Yedo  obtained  its  first  supply 
of  good  water.  There  was  already  an  aquaduct  from  Inokashira  Lake  to  the 
Kanda  district  of  the  city,  but  it  carried  only  a  very  small  volume  of  water,  and 
the  idea  of  harnessing  the  Tama-gawa  to  supply  the  town  was  due  to  two  citi- 
zens, Shoemon  and  Seiemon,  who  subsequently  received  the  family  name  of 
Tamagawa.  The  Bakufu  granted  a  sum  of  '7500  ryo  towards  the  expense, 
and  on  the  completion  of  the  work  within  two  years,  gifts  of  300  ryo  were  made 
to  the  two  projectors.  The  -water  had  to  be  carried  through  a  distance  of  over 
thirty  miles,  and  the  enterprise  did  high  credit  to  the  engineering  skill  of  the 
men  of  the  time. 

<  ,;;  '•':>  .u  of'uSifi  »>>v/  a-x^rnuq  Qvodxj  out  loT:  b'jbt/cnq 

as 


The  era  of  this  fourth  Tokugawa  shogun,  letsuna,  was  remarkable  for  things 
other  than  the  lawlessness  of  the  "wave-men."  From  that  time  the  Tokugawa 
began  to  fare  as  nearly  all  great  families  of  previous  ages  had  fared:  the  sub- 
stance of  the  administrative  power  passed  into  the  hands  of  a  minister,  its 
shadow  alone  remaining  to  the  shogun.  .  Sakai  Tadakiyo  was  the  chief  author 
of  this  change.  Secluded  from  contact  with  the  outer  world,  letsuna  saw  and 
heard  mainly  through  the  eyes  and  ears  of  the  ladies  of  his  household.  But 
Tadakiyo  caused  an  order  to  be  issued  forbidding  all  access  to  the  Court  ladies 
except  by  ministerial  permit,  and  thenceforth  the  shogun  became  practically 
deaf  and  dumb  so  far  as  events  outside  the  castle  were  concerned.  Some 
Japanese  historians  describe  this  event  as  an  access  of  "weariness"  on  the  sho- 
gun's  part  towards  the  duties  of  administration.  This  is  a  euphemism  which 
can  be  interpreted  by  what  has  been  set  down  above.  From  1666,  when  he  be- 
came prime  minister  in  Yedo,  Sakai  Tadakiyo  seems  to  have  deliberately  planned 
the  relegation  of  his  master  to  the  position  of  a  faineant  and  the  succession 
of  the  shogun's  son  to  supreme  power.  Tadakiyo's  lust  of  authority  was 
equalled  only  by  his  cupidity.  Everything  went  to  the  highest  bidder.  It  had 
gradually  become  the  fashion  that  the  daimyo  should  invite  to  their  Yedo 
residences  all  the  leading  administrators  of  the  Bakufu.  On  these  entertain- 
ments great  sums  were  squandered  and  valuable  presents  were  a  feature  of 
the  fetes.  It  also  became  fashionable  to  pay  constant  visits  at  the  mansions 
of  the  chief  officials  and  these  visits  were  always  accompanied  with  costly 
gifts.  It  is  recorded  that  the  mansion  of  Tadakiyo  was  invariably  so  crowded 
by  persons  waiting  to  pay  their  respects  that  a  man  repairing  thither  at  day- 
break could  scarcely  count  on  obtaining  access  by  evening-fall.  The  depraved 
state  of  affairs  brought  the  administration  of  the  Tokugawa  into  wide  disrepute, 
and  loyal  vassals  of  the  family  sadly  contrasted  the  evil  time  with  the  days  of 
leyasu,  seventy  years  previously. 


_   - 

THE  COURTS  OF  KYOTO  AND  OF  YEDO 

The  great  financial  straits  to  which  the  Imperial  Court  was  reduced  during 
the  time  of  the  Muromachi  shoguns  have  been  already  described.  Both  Oda 
Nobunaga  and  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi  made  some  endeavours  to  correct  this 
evil  state  of  affairs,  and  when  Tokugawa  leyasu  came  into  power  he  adopted 
still  more  liberal  methods.  In  1604,  he  increased  the  revenue  of  the  Court  by 


588  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

10,000  koku  annually,  and  in  the  course  of  the  next  few  years  he  caused  the 
palace  to  be  rebuilt  on  a  scale  of  considerable  grandeur.  The  same  policy  was 
pursued  by  the  second  shogun,  Hidetada,  who  assigned  to  the  ex-Emperor  an 
income  of  3000  koku  and  made  various  allowances  to  princes  and  other  members 
of  the  Imperial  family.  The  recipients  of  these  allowances  totalled  140,  ami 
it  is  on  record  that,  in  the  year  1706,  the  revenues  of  the  Imperial  Court  ag- 
gregated 29,000  koku;  those  of  the  ex-Emperor  15,000;  those  of  the  princes  and 
Court  nobles,  44,000;  those  of  therMonzeki1  temples,  19,000;  those  of  the 
Court  ladies  and  Imperial  nuns,  7500,  and  those  of  the  Court  officials  2300, 
the  whole  making  a  total  of  about  120,000  koku.  The  income  of  the  retired 
shogun  alone  equalled  that  amount,  and  it  was  enormously  surpassed  by  the 
revenues  of  many  of  the  daimyo.  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that  although 
the  rice  provided  for  the  above  purposes  was  made  a  charge  upon  the  Kinai 
provinces  as  well  as  upon  Tamba  and  Omi,  neither  to  the  Emperor  nor  to  the 
Imperial  princes  nor  to  the  Court  nobles  were  estates  granted  directly.  These 
incomes  were  collected  and  transmitted  by  officials  of  the  Bakufu,  but  not  a 
tsubo  of  land  was  under  the  control  of  either  sovereign  or  prince. 

Military  affairs,  civil  administration,  financial  management,  including  the 
casting  of  coins,  judicial  and  legislative  affairs,  the  superintendence  of  temples, 
and  so  forth,  were  all  in  the  hands  of  the  Bakufu  in  Yedo  or  of  provincial  officials 
nominated  by  the  shogun.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  complete  than  the 
exclusion  of  the  Kyoto  Court  from  the  whole  realm  of  practical  government; 
nor  could  any  system  have  contrasted  more  flagrantly  with  the  theory  of  the 
Daika  reforms,  according  to  which  every  acre  of  land  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  empire  was  the  property  of  the  sovereign.  It  might  have  been 
expected  that  the  Tokugawa  shoguns  would  at  least  have  endeavoured  to  soften 
this  administrative  effacement  by  pecuniary  generosity;  but  so  little  of  that 
quality  did  they  display  that  the  Emperor  and  the  ex-Emperor  were  perpetually 
in  a  state  of  financial  embarrassment.  As  for  the  Court  nobles,  their  incomes 
did  not  always  suffice  even  for  the  needs  of  every-day  life,  and  they  were  obliged 
to  have  recourse. to  various  devices,  such  as  marrying  their  daughters  to  pro- 
vincial governors  or  selling  professional  diplomas,  the  right  of  conferring  which 
was  vested  in  their  families. 
-mn.nMfw  ssoilt  nO  .\s\v^R  oilt  lo  gioteTtatnimhc:  gnib/iol  9dj 

THE  SBKKB.  DElrtd,  AND  SHOSHIDAI 
pnoisriiim  9flj  je  gtfu-iv  3m:J;-r^'j  vcq  or  ou  <       - 

The  sole  functions  left  to  the  Imperial  Court  were  those  of  appointing  the 
shogun  —  which  of  course  was  only  formal  —  conferring  ranks,  fixing  the  name 
of  year-periods,  ordering  the  calendar,  taking  part  in  ceremonials,  nominating 
priests  and  officials,  and  sanctioning  the  building  of  temples.  Thus,  the  regent 
(kwampaku)  was  the  sovereign's  appointee.  He  had  to  be  chosen  in  succession 
from  one  of  the  five  families  —  Konoe,  Takatsukasa,  Kujo,  Nijo,  and  Ichijo, 
to  which  the  general  name  Go-sekke  (the  Five  Regent  Families)  was  given.  But 
the  regent  was  practically  without  power  of  any  kind.  Very  different  was  the 
case  of  the  denso,  who  had  direct  access  to  the  Throne.  Appointed  by  the 
shogun  from  one  of  seventeen  families'  closely  related  to  the  Tokugawa,  a  denso, 
before  entering  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  was  obliged  to  swear  that  he  would 
minutely  and  unreservedly  report  to  the  Bakufu  everything  coming  to  his 
knowledge.  His  principal  duty  was  to  communicate  direct  with  the  Throne. 
There  was  also  another  Bakufu  nominee  called  the  gisd,  who  administered 
[l  Temples  governed  by  Imperial  priaces.J  '  '  -••.•  •  i 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  589 

the  affairs  of  the  Imperial  Court,  and  who  held,  in  addition,  the  post  of  dai-^nagon, 
chu-nagon,  or  sho-nagon,  which  offices  were  reserved  for  members  of  the  Tokugawa 
family.  Yet  another  official  representing  the  Bakufu  was  the  shoshidai,  who 
managed  all  matters  connected  with  the  guarding  of  the  Imperial  Court  and 
the  Court  nobles,  at  the  same  time  transacting  financial  business.  In  the 
event  of  any  disturbance  occurring  in  Court  circles  in  Kyoto,  it  was  reported, 
first,  to  the  shoshidai  and,  then,  by  him,  to  the  senior  officials  in  Yedo,  while 
any  disturbance  occurring  in  Yedo  was  equally  reported,  first  to  the  shoshidai 
and  afterwards  by  the  latter  to  the  sovereign.  The  shoshidai  was  in  fact  a 
governor-general,  with  powers  far  superior  to  those  of  any  Court  noble,  and 
his  sway  extended  to  the  eight  provinces  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kyoto.  By 
means  of  the  shoshidai  all  circumstances  of  the  Imperial  Court  were  fully  con- 
veyed to  the  Bakufu  in  Yedo  and  complete  control  was  exercised  over  thfc 
Imperial  capital  and  its  environs.  The  Bakufu  were  careful  to  choose  for  this 
post  a  man  whose  loyalty  and  ability  stood  beyond  question.  Finally,  reference 
may  be  made  to  the  administrator  of  the  reigning  sovereign's  Court  (Kinri^-zuki 
bugyo)  and  the  administrator  of  the  ex-Emperor's  court  (Sendo-zuki  bugyd), 
both  of  whom  were  Bakufu  nominees^ 

o'iq  biuovf  ,>s\vr,\nil  arij  yxJ  bahoqqua  ^gsniinq  odi  lo  bficrf^mi  on;  .-jimis 

"  A^toi'djifU  fti  'iBv/Ticr  sldfpiriv.ffi 
THE  107TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  GO-YOZEI  (A.D.   1586-1611) 

This  Emperor  held  the  sceptre  throughout  the  memorable  epoch  from 
the  death  of  Nobunaga  till  that  of  leyasu,  and  he  continued  to  exercise  power 
during  six  years  after  his  abdication.  It  was  he  that  conferred  the  post  of 
shogun  on  leyasu  and  gave  him  his  posthumous  title  of  Tosho  Gongen.  His 
Majesty  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  Emperor  Okimachi.  He  surrendered  the 
throne  to  his  third  son  in  1611,  dying  at  the  age  of  forty-seven^  in  1617. 

•i  ni-trrron-A  ei  orlw  .^wfrrrq  eMtii  orft  bfiR  (irAo'A  OOO.fU  to 

THE   108TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  GO-MIZU-NO-O  (A.D.   1611-1629) 

!  '  *'  *O       *    '-  LlO 

This  sovereign  had  for  consort  a  daughter  of  the  shogun  Hidetada,  as 
already  described.  The  wedding  took  place  in  the  year  1620,  and  its  magnifi- 
cence offered  a  theme  for  enthusiastic  comment  by  contemporary  historians. 
The  shogun  was  careful  to  surround  the  Imperial  bride  with  officials  of  his  own 
choosing,  and  these,  joining  hands  with  the  shoshidai  and  the  denso,  constituted 
an  entourage  which  ordered  everything  at  Kyoto  in  strict  accordance  with  the 
interests  of  the  Tokugawa.  The  new  Empress  was  dowered  with  an  estate  much 
larger  than  that  of  the  Emperor  himself,  although  the  latter's  allowance  was 
increased  by  ten  thousand  koku.  It  is  related  that  his  Majesty's  impecuniosity 
compelled  the  curtailment  of  various  ceremonies  and  prevented  the  giving  of 
presents  in  the  ordinary  routine  of  social  conventions,  so  that  it  became  neces- 
sary to  replenish  the  Imperial  purse  by  lending  rice  and  money  to  the  citizens 
at  high  rates  of  interest. 

A  serious  collision  occurred  during  Go-Mizu-no-o's  reign  between  the  Courts 
of  Kyoto  and  Yedo.  The  Emperor,  who  inclined  to  literature  and  /religion, 
conceived  a  profound  reverence  for  two  Buddhist  prelates  of  great  learning  and 
conspicuously  holy  lives.  To  these  priests,  Takuan  and  Gyokushitsu,  his 
Majesty  presented  purple  robes,  a  mark  of  the  highest  distinction,  in  apparently 
unwitting  violation  of  the  ecclesiastical  laws  promulgated  by  leyasu,  which 
forbade  the  giving  of  such  robes  to  any  bonzes  except  those  of  Kennin-ji.  On 
learning  of  the  incident,  the  Bakufu  summoned  these  prelates  to  Yedo,  deprived 


590  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE-HIT 

them  of  the  robes,  and  sent  them  into  banishment.  The  Emperor,  naturally 
much  offended,  declared  that  he  would  no  longer  occupy  the  throne,  and  in 
1629,  the  year  of  the  two  priests'  transportation,  he  carried  out  his  threat, 
abdicating  in  favour  of  the  Imperial  princess,  Oki,  his  eldest  daughter  by  the 
Tokugawa  Empress. 


wls  vQoti  -'.K     ft 

ohflY'  i£t  ^Sf-i'irfto'ioin-iP  *rttfr  iii  L-n>; 

THE  109TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPRESS  MY5SHO  (A.D.    1629-1643) 
iin?  <iaJ  01  T-  >qn  vifiuipg  FRY:  oDsTni  s*m' 

The  Princess  Oki,  eldest  daughter  of  Tokufu-mon-in  and  the  Emperor 
Go-Mizu-no-o,  was  only  seven  years  of  age  when  thus  called  on  to  occupy  the 
throne.  During  eight  hundred  years  no  female  had  wielded  the  sceptre  of 
Japan,  and  the  princess  was  not  without  a  brother  older  than  herself,  though 
born  of  a  different  mother.  Thus,  the  announcement  of  the  Emperor's  intention 
created  profound  astonishment  in  the  Imperial  Court.  The  partisans  of  the 
Bakufu  supported  the  project,  but  the  friends  of  the  Imperial  family  denounced 
it  strenuously.  Nothing  moved  the  Emperor,  however.  His  Majesty  appears 
to  have  thought  that  to  bestow  the  princess'  hand  on  a  subject  and  to  elevate 
her  elder  brother  to  the  throne  would  surely  be  productive  of  serious  mischief, 
since  the  husband  of  the  princess,  supported  by  the  Bakufu,  would  prove  an 
invincible  power  hi  the  State.  " 

As  for  the  Tokugawa  statesmen,  some  accounts  allege  that  they  objected 
to  the  Emperor's  project,  but  others  say  that  when  the  matter  was  reported 
in  Yedo,  the  shogun  signified  that  his  Majesty  might  consult  his  own  judgment. 
What  is  certain  is  that  the  Bakufu  sent  to  Kyoto  the  prime  minister,  Sakai 
Tadakiyo,  with  three  other  representatives,  and  that  shortly  after  their  arrival 
in  the  Imperial  capital,  arrangements  were  completed  for  the  proposed  change. 
The  Imperial  consort,  Tofuku-mon-in,  was  declared  ex-Empress  with  a  revenue 
of  10,000  koku,  and  the  little  princess,  who  is  known  in  history  as  Myosho, 
received  an  income  of  20,000  koku;  while  to  the  ex-Emperor,  Go-Mizu-no-o, 
only  3000  koku  were  allotted.  Not  until  1634,  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  made 
by  lemitsu,  was  this  glaring  contrast  corrected  :  the  shogun  then  increased 
the  ex-Emperor's  allowance  to  7000  koku,  and  his  Majesty  continued  to  ad- 
minister public  affairs  from  his  place  of  retirement  until  1680,  when  he  died 
hi  his  eighty-fifth  year. 
fa-iji/titanoo  ,6'Mvsb  oift  baa  i»bV$V^oAa  edi  ifory  abaarf  gain  lor,  ,OK'>rfi  bru 

THE  110TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  GO-KOMYO  (A.D.  1643-1654) 

•  oil  v  ivyi  •>•'-••>(  i  ••• 

This  sovereign  was  a  brother  of  the  Empress  Myosho  but  of  a  different 
mother.  He  was  brought  up  by  Tofuku-mon-in  as  though  he  were  her  real 
child,  until  he  succeeded  to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  eleven,  occupying  it  for 
eleven  years.  Form  his  earliest  youth  he  showed  sagacity,-  magnanimity,  and 
benevolence.  His  love  of  literature  was  absorbing,  and  he  studied  earnestly, 
taking  the  priests  of  the  Five  Temples  as  his  teachers.  He  is  said  to  have 
arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  a  sovereign  should  never  study  any  useless  branch 
of  learning,  and  as  he  failed  to  see  the  utility  of  Buddhism,  he  turned  to  Con- 
fucianism in  preference.  Moreover,  dissatisfied  with  the  old  commentaries 
of  the  Han  and  Tang  dynasties,  he  chose  in  their  stead  the  new  classics  composed 
by  Chengtsz  and  Chutsz;  and  as  for  Japanese  literature,  he  condemned  as 
grossly  misleading  works  like  the  Genji  Monogatari  and  the  Ise  Monogatan. 

'  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  sovereign  conceived  the  ambition  of  recover- 
ing the  administrative  authority.     His  reign  extended  from  the  twenty-second 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  591 

year  of  lemitsu's  sway  to  the  fifth  of  letsuna's,  and  in  the  troubles  of 
that  period  he  thought  that  he  saw  his  opportunity.  It  is  related 
that  he  devoted  much  attention  to  sword  exercise,  and  the  shoshidai 
Itakura  Shigemune  warned  him  that  the  study  of  military  matters 
did  not  become  the  Imperial  Court  and  would  probably  provoke  a  re- 
monstrance from  Yedo  should  the  fact  become  known  there.  The  Emperor 
taking  no  notice  of  this  suggestion,  Shigemune  went  so  far  as  to  declare  his 
intention  of  committing  suicide  unless  the  fencing  lessons  were  discontinued. 
Thereupon  the  young  Emperor  calmly  observed:  "  I  have  never  seen  a  military- 
man  kill  himself,  and  the  spectacle  will  be  interesting.  You  had  better  have  a 
platform  erected  in  the  palace  grounds  so  that  your  exploit  may  be  clearly 
witnessed."  When  this  incident  was  reported  by  the  shoshidai  to  Yedo,  the 
Bakufu  concluded  that  some  decisive  measure  must  be  taken,  but  before  their 
resolve  had  materialized  and  before  the  sovereign's  plans  had  matured,  he  died 
of  small-pox,  in  1654,  at  the.  age  of  twenty-two,  having  accomplished  nothing 
except  the  restoration  and  improvement  of  certain  Court  ceremonials,  the 
enactment  of  a  few  sumptuary  laws,  and  the  abandonment  of  cremation  in  the 
case  of  Imperial  personages.  ,gm/Ij 


;   ovr.t   '"ll    ff'V>7/t'M:t  f-lmt-n'  ttif-iil  ^fij   Ss'rijj  afi-irv/7  p#    tem 

THE   111TH    SOVEREIGN,    THE    EMPEROR   GO-SAIEN  (A.D.  1654-1663)  AND    THE 
112TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  REIGEN  (A.D.  1663-1686) 

Go-Saien  was  the  sixth  son  of  the  Emperor  Go-Mizu-no-o.  His  reign  is 
remarkable  in  connexion  with  the  attitude  of  the  Yedo  Bakufu  towards  the 
Throne.  In  1657,  as  already  related,  Yedo  was  visited  by  a  terrible  conflagra- 
tion, and  another  of  scarcely  less  destructive  violence  occurred  in  the  same 
city  the  following  year,  while,  in  1661,  the  Imperial  palace  itself  was  burned 
to  the  ground,  the  same  fate  overtaking  the  principal  Shinto  shrine  in  Ise,  and 
nearly  every  province  suffering  more  or  less  from  a  similar  cause.  Moreover, 
in  1662,  a  series  of  earthquakes  disturbed  the  country  throughout  a  whole 
month,  and  the  nation  became  almost  demoralized  in  the  face  of  these  numerous 
calamities.  Then  the  Bakufu  took  an  extraordinary  step.  They  declared  that 
such  visitations  must  be  referred  to  the  sovereign's  want  of  virtue  and  that 
the  only  remedy  lay  in  his  abdication.  The  shogun,  letsuna,  was  now  ruling 
in  Yedo.  He  sent  envoys  to  Kyoto  conveying  an  order  for  the  dethronement 
of  the  Emperor,  and  although  his  Majesty  was  ostensibly  allowed  to  abdicate 
of  his  own  will,  there  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  real  circumstances  of  the  case. 
His  brother,  Reigen,  succeeded  him,  and  after  holding  the  sceptre  for  twenty- 
four  years,  continued  to  administer  affairs  from  his  place  of  retirement  until 
his  death,  in  1732.  oiq  •ji-.iilJ- 

^fiibfliy  ad  o  1  btfaim  i»irrAf  wHsav.  'to  ir  _    i  "vtuinoY  ^xiwoib  /f^/igio  Dill 

SANKE  AND  SANKYO 
*aifj  O  J  11)  I  '  J  f  1  J   •  * 

When  leyasu,  after  the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  distributed  the  fiefs  throughout 
the  Empire,  he  gave  four  important  estates  to  his  own  sons,  namely,  Echizen 
to  Hideyasu;  Owari  to  Tadayoshi;  Mito  to  Nobuyoshi,  and  Echigo  to  Tadateru. 
Subsequently,  after  the  deaths  of  Tadayoshi  and  Nobuyoshi,  he  assigned  Owari 
to  his  sixth  son,  Yoshinao,  and  appointed  his  seventh  son,  Yorinobu,  to  the 
Kii  fief,  while  to  his  eighth  son,  Yorifusa,  Mito  was  given.  These  last  three 
were  called  the  Sanke  (the  Three  Families).  From  them  the  successor  to  the 
shogunate  was  chosen  in  the  event  of  failure  of  issue  in  the  direct  line.  After- 
wards this  system  was  extended  by  the  addition  of  three  branch-families  (San- 


592  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE  jiil 

kyo),  namely  those  of  Tayasu  and  Hitotsubashi  by  Munetake  and  Munetada, 
respectively,  sons  of  the  shogun  Yoshimune,  and  that  of  Shimizu  by  Shigeyoshi, 
son  of  the  shogun  leshige.  It  was  enacted  that  if  no  suitable  heir  to  the  sho- 
gunate  was  furnished  by  the  Sanke,  the  privilege  of  supplying  one  should 
devolve  on  the  Sankyd,  always,  however,  in  default  of  an  heir  in  the  direct  line. 
The  representatives  of  the  Sanke  had  their  estates  and  castles,  but  no  fiefs  were 
assigned  to  •  the  Sankyo;  they  resided  in  Yedo  close  to  the  shogun1  s  palace, 
and  received  each  an  annual  allowance  from  the  Bakufu  treasury. 
"rrCit'iiifn  £  ,4oa§  lyva^j  9V,*'.  :i)ov;v-.oro  */'':  .  .  :  n  ><•  .:.-,•.  ',<' 

6  ovtti  19-iJ'jd  buii  i;oY     .axii  j^vi'jjui  yi  1L 


THE  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA 

J'J    v(J     /  1  ui    . 

It  has  been  shown  that  in  distributing  the  fiefs  leyasu  aimed  at  paralyzing 
the  power  of  the  tozama  daimyo  and  vitalizing  that  of  the  fudai  barons.  This 
he  effected,  as  far  as  concerned  the  tozama  feudatories,  by  isolating  them  from 
each  other,  or  by  placing  those  of  equal  strength  in  juxtaposition,  so  that  they 
might  become  rivals;  while  in  the  case  of  fudai  barons,  he  established  an  effective 
system  of  communications  between  them,  so  that  co-operation  and  concentra- 
tion of  forces  were  facilitated.  Broadly  speaking,  this  method  had  for  result 
the  planting  of  the  tozama  daimyo  in  the  west  and  of  the  fudai  barons  in  the 
east,  as  well  as  along  the  main  roads  between  the  two  capitals.  The  plan 
worked  admirably  during  270  years,  but  at  the  Restoration,  in  1867,  the  western 
daimyo  combined  to  overthrow  the  shogunate. 

Very  noticeable  were  the  steps  taken  to  provide  facilities  for  communication 
between  Yedo  and  Kyoto.  No  less  than  fifty-three  posting  stations  were  estab- 
lished along  the  road  from  the  Bakufu  capital  to  the  Imperial  city,  and  at 
several  places  barriers  were  set  up.  Among  these  latter,  Hakone  was  considered 
specially  important.  The  duty  of  guarding  the  barrier  there  was  assigned  to 
the  Okubo  family,  who  enjoyed  the  full  confidence  of  the  Tokugawa  and  wrho 
had  their  castle  in  Odawara.  No  one  could  pass  this  barrier  without  a  permit. 
Women  were  examined  with  signal  strictness,  they  being  regarded  as  part  of 
the  system  which  required  that  the  wives  of  the  daimyo  should  live  in  Yedo  as 
hostages.  Thus,  whereas  a  man  was  granted  ingress  or  egress  if  he  carried 
a  passport  signed  by  his  own  feudal  chief  and  addressed  to  the  guards  at  the 
barrier,  a  woman  might  not  pass  unless  she  was  provided  with  an  order  signed 
by  a  Bakufu  official.  Moreover,  female  searchers  were  constantly  on  duty 
whose  business  it  was  to  subject  women  travellers  to  a  scrutiny  of  the  strictest 
character,  involving,  even,  the  loosening  of  the  coiffure.  All  these  precautions 
formed  part  of  the  sankin  kotai  system,  which  proved  one  of  the  strongest 
buttresses  of  Tokugawa  power'.  But,  from  the  days  of  letsuna,  the  wives  and 
children  of  the  daimyo  were  allowed  to  return  to  their  provinces,  and  under 
the  eighth  shogun,  Yoshimune,  the  system  of  sankin  kotai  ceased  to  be  binding. 
This  was  because  the  Tokugawa  found  themselves  sufficiently  powerful  to  dis- 
pense with  such  artificial  aids. 

sid  oJ-wi.,.  uju,,,,..  i  u-nari 


were  certain  general  divisions  of  the  feudatories.  Everyone  possess- 
ing a  fief  of  10,000  koku  or  upwards  was  called  a  daimyo.  The  title  included 
the  Sanke,  the  Sankyd,  the  gokemon  (governor  of  Echizen),  the  fudai  (hereditary 
vassals),  and  the  tozama.  These  were  again  subdivided  into  three  classes 
according  to  the  sizes  of  their  fiefs.  In  the  first  class  stood  the  kokushu  (called 
also  kuni-mochi,  or  provincial  barons)  who  possessed  revenues  of  at  least  300,000 


593 

koku.  The  second  class  consisted  of  the  joshu  (called  also  shiro-mochi,  or  castle- 
owning  barons)  whose  incomes  ranged  between  100,000  and  300,000  koku. 
Finally,  the  third  class  was  composed  of  the  ryoshu  (sometimes  known  as  shiro- 
nashi,  or  castleless  barons),  whose  revenues  ranged  from  10,000  to  100,000  koku. 
These  feudatories  might  be  recommended  by  the  shdgun  for  Court  rank  in 
Kyoto,  but  the  highest  office  thus  conferred  was  that  of  dainagon  (great  council- 
lor) ,  from  which  fact  the  attitude  of  the  feudatories  towards  imperially  conferred 
distinctions  can  be  easily  appreciated.  Nevertheless,  the  rules  of  etiquette 
were  strictly  observed  by  provincial  magnates  attending  Court  functions. 
They  had  to  conform  carefully  to  the  order  of  their  precedence  and  with  the 
sumptuary  rules  as  to  colour  and  quality  of  garments,  and  any  departure  from 
these  conventions  was  severely  punished.  . 

;)  vot&ai  silifl  woii  gfiiv/'oifg  batoup'  vd  aHjnm  Kaoiu.taai  isrftG 

SUCCESSION  ^^'k 

"  .;     0';'7   •-;!!" r/fii1          !•;*;•;:•.!    r;a"   fv.iffil  P-fUjia   oJiK-tlJO  i.tfiiii  bii',3  od 

-If  a  feudatory  committed  some  crime  or  died  childless,  the  law  required 
that  he  should  be  transferred  to  another  province,  or  that  his  successor  should 
suffer  a  considerable  reduction  of  revenue.  Experience  showed,  however, 
that  as  many  of  the  feudatories  died  childless,  there  were  numerous  losses  of 
fiefs,  and  ultimately  it  was  enacted  that  a  baron  might  adopt  a  successor  by 
way  of  precaution,  unless  he  deferred  that  step  until  he  lay  dying  or  sought 
permission  to  take  it  before  he  reached  the  age  of  seventeen.  This  meant 
that  if  any  feudal  chief  died  before  reaching  his  seventeenth  year,  his  estate 
was  lost  to  his  family.  By  way  of  correcting  such  a  hardship,  the  adoption  of 
an  heir  was  afterwards  sanctioned  without  reference  to  the  age  of  the  adopter, 
and  it  was  further  decided  that  a  man  of  fifty  or  upwards  might  adopt  a  son  even 
on  his  death-bed.  Finally,  in  the  year  1704,  all  these  restrictions  were  virtually 
abolished,  and  especially  the  rule  that  an  adopted  son  must  necessarily  belong 
to  the  family  of  his  adopter. 
fl9flv7  ,£801  nl  .boilftinimib  iraotu^oT  oifilo  l^di  ,b'j»wv*al  >-/// u,yu./{c>T  fniJ  looune 

SEVERITY  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  TOWARDS  THE  FEUDATORIES 

jjnc  jfloanojis  sBoio  fitrv/ ,H8J;  sg^A-rrg  rjjflop  edj 

Although  leyasu  and  his  successors  in  the  shogunate  did  not  fail  to  provide 
large  estates  for  their  own  kith  and  kin,  they  never  showed  any  leniency  in  deal- 
ing with  the  latter's  offences.  leyasu  professed  to  believe  in  the  potency  of 
justice  above  all  administrative  instruments,  and  certainly  he  himself  as  well  as 
his  successors  obeyed  that  doctrine  unswervingly  in  so  far  as  the  treatment  of 
their  own  families  was  concerned.  They  did  not  hesitate  to  confiscate  fiefs, 
to  pronounce  sentence  of  exile,  or  even  to  condemn  to  death.  Thus,  in  the  year 
of  leyasu's  decease,  his  sixth  son,  Matsudaira  Tadateru,  was  deprived  of  his 
fief  —  610,000  koku  —  and  removed  from  Echigo  to  Asama,  in  Ise.  Tadateru's 
offence  was  that  he  had  unjustly  done  a  vassal  of  the  shdgun  to  death,  and  had 
not  moved  to  the  assistance  of  the  Tokugawa  in  the  Osaka  War.  Moreover, 
when  his  elder  brother,  the  shdgun  Hidetada,  repaired  to  the  Imperial  palace, 
Tadateru  had  pretended  to  be  too  ill  to  accompany  him,  though  in  reality  he 
was  engaged  in  a  hunting  expedition.  This  was  the  first  instance  of  the  Bakufu 
punishing  one  of  their  own  relatives.  .'••• : 

.  Another  example  was  furnished  in  1623  when  Matsudaira  Tadanao,  lord  of 
Echizen,  was  sentenced  to  confinement  in  his  own  house  and  was  ordered  to 
hand  over  his  fief  of  750,000  koku  to  his  heir.  This  Tadanao  was  a  grandson 
of  leyasu,  and  had  shown  himself  a  strong  soldier  in  the  Osaka  War.  But 


594  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

subsequently  he  fell  into  habits  of  violence  and  lawlessness,  culminating  in  neglect 
of  the  sankin  kotai  system.  His  uncle,  the  shogun  Hidetada,  sentenced  him  as 
above  described.  Under  the  administration  of  lemitsu  this  unflinching  attitude 
towards  wrongdoers  was  maintained  more  relentlessly  than  ever.  The  dai  nagon, 
Tadanaga,  lord  of  Suruga  and  younger  brother  of  lemitsu  by  the  same  mother, 
received  (1618)  in  Kai  province  a  fief  of  180,000  koku,  and,  seven  years  later, 
this  was  increased  by  Suruga  and  Totomi,  bringing  the  whole  estate  up  to  500,000 
koku.  He  resided  in  the  castle  of  Sumpu  and  led  an  evil  life,  paying  no  atten- 
tion whatever  to  the  remonstrances  of  his  vassals.  In  1632,  lemitsu  confiscated 
his  fief  and  exiled  him  to  Takasaki  in  Kotsuke,  where  he  was  compelled  to  under- 
go confinement  in  the  Yashiki  of  Ando  Shigenaga.  Fourteen  months  later, 
sentence  of  death  was  pronounced  against  him  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-eight. 

Other  instances  might  be  quoted  showing  how  little  mercy  the  Tokugawa 
shoguns  extended  to  wrongdoers  among  their  own  relatives.  It  need  hardly 
be  said  that  outside  clans  fared  no  better.  Anyone  who  gave  trouble  was 
promptly  punished.  Thus,  in  1614,  Okubo  Tadachika,  who  had  rendered 
good  service  to  the  Bakufu  in  early  days,  and  who  enjoyed  the  full  confidence 
of  the  shogun,  was  deprived  of  his  castle  at  Odawara  and  sentenced  to  con- 
finement for  the  comparatively  trifling  offence  of  contracting  a  private  marriage. 
Again,  in  1622,  the  prime  minister,  Honda  Masazumi,  lord  of  Utsunomiya, 
lost  his  fief  of  150,000  koku  and  was  exiled  to  Dawe  for  the  sin  of  rebuilding  his 
castle  without  due  permission,  and  killing  a  soldier  of  the  Bakufu.  To  persons 
criticising  this  latter  sentence  as  too  severe,  Doi  Toshikatsu  is  recorded  to  have 
replied  that  any  weakness  shown  at  this  early  stage  of  the  Tokugawa  rule  must 
ultimately  prove  fatal  to  the  permanence  of  the  Bakufu,  and  he  expressed 
the  conviction  that  none  would  approve  the  punishment  more  readily  than 
Masazumi's  dead  father,  Masanobu,  were  he  still  living  to  pass  judgment. 

Doubtless  political  expediency,  not  the  dictates  of  justice,  largely  inspired  the 
conduct  of  the  Bakufu  in  these  matters,  for  in  proportion  as  the  material  influ- 
ence of  the  Tokugawa  increased,  that  of  the  Toyotomi  diminished.  In  1632,  when 
the  second  shogun,  Hidetada,  died,  it  is  related  that  the  feudal  barons  observed 
the  conduct  of  his  successor,  lemitsu,  with  close  attention,  and  that  a  feeling 
of  some  uneasiness  prevailed.  lemitsu,  whether  obeying  his  own  instinct  or 
in  deference  to  the  advice  of  his  ministers,  Sakai  Tadakatsu  and  Matsudaira 
Nobutsuna,  summoned  the  feudal  chiefs  to  his  castle  in  Yedo  and  addressed 
them  as  follows:  "My  father  and  my  grandfather,  with  your  assistance  and 
after  much  hardship,  achieved  their  great  enterprise  to  which  I,  who  have  fol- 
lowed the  profession  of  arms  since  my  childhood,  now  succeed.  It  is  my  purpose 
to  treat  you  all  without  distinction  as  my  hereditary  vassals.  If  any  of  you 
object  to  be  so  treated,  let  him  return  to  his  province  and  take  the  conse- 
quences." 

Date  Masamune  assumed  the  duty  of  replying  to  that  very  explicit  state- 
ment. "There  is  none  here,"  he  said,  "that  is  not  grateful  for  the  benevolence 
he  has. received  at  the  hands  of  the  Tokugawa.  If  there  be  such  a  thankless 
and  disloyal  person,  and  if  he  conceive  treacherous  designs,  I,  Masamune,  will 
be  the  first  to  attack  him  and  strike  him  down.  The  shogun  need  not  move  so 
much  as  one  soldier."  With  this  spirited  reply  all  the  assembled  daimyo 
expressed  their  concurrence,  and  lemitsu  proceeded  to  distribute  his  father's 
legacies  to  the  various  barons  and  their  vassals.  Very  soon  after  his  accession 
he  had  to  order  the  execution  of  his  own  brother,  Tadanaga,  and  the  banishment 
of  Kato  Tadahiro,  son  of  the  celebrated  Kato  Kiyomasa.  The  latter  was 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU 


595 


punished  on  the  ground  that  he  sent  away  his  family  from  Yedo  during  the 
time  of  mourning  for  the  late  shogun,  Hidetada.  He  was  deprived  of  his  estate 
at  Kumamoto  in  Higo  and  was  exiled  to  Dewa  province. 

The  punishment  of  these  two  barons  is  said  to  have  been  in  the  sequel  of  a 
device  planned  by  lemitsu  and  carried  out  by  Doi  Toshikatsu.  The  latter, 
being  accused  of  a  simulated  crime,  was  sentenced  to  confinement  in  his  man- 
sion. Thence  he  addressed  to  all  the  daimyo  a  secret  circular,  urging  them  to 
revolt  and  undertaking  to  make  Tadanaga  shogun  instead  of  lemitsu.  With  two 
exceptions  every  baron  to  whose  hands  this  circular  came  forwarded  it  to 
the  Bakufu  in  Yedo.  The  exceptions  were  Tadanaga  and  Tadahiro,  who  con- 
sequently fell  under  the  shogun's  suspicion.  Thereafter,  it  is  related  that  some 
of  the  barons  set  themselves  to  deceive  the  Bakufu  by  various  wiles.  Thus, 
Maeda  Toshinaga  had  recourse  to  the  manoeuvre  of  allowing  the  hair  in  his 
nostrils  to  grow  long,  a  practice  which  speedily  earned  for  him  the  reputation 
of  insanity,  and  Date  Masamune  conceived  the  device  of  carrying  a  sword 
with  a  wooden  blade.  The  apprehensions  of  which  such  acts  were  indicative 
cannot  be  considered  surprising  in  view  of  the  severe  discipline  exercised  by  the 
Bakufu.  Thus,  during  the  shogunate  of  Hidetada,  no  less  than  forty  changes 
are  recorded  to  have  been  made  among  the  feudatories,  and  in  the  time  of 
lemitsu  there  were  thirty-five  of  such  incidents.  History  relates  that  to  be 
transferred  from  one  fief  to  another,  even  without  nominal  loss  of  revenue, 
was  regarded  as  a  calamity  of  ten  years'  duration.  All  this  was  partly  prompted 
by  the  Bakufu1  s  policy  of  weakening  the  feudatories.  To  the  same  motive 
must  be  assigned  constant  orders  for  carrying  out  some  costly  public  work. 


L'1TCXAHO 


A7 


cni/: 


M  '  V3  AMY 


n  nIHOTS  S1H1\ 


"THE  BOQAKU,"  ANCIENT  DANCINQ  AND  Music 


CHAPTER  XL 

MIDDLE    PERIOD  _OF    THE    TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU;    FROM 

THE  FIFTH  SHOGUN,  TSUNAYOSHI,   TO  THE  TENTH 

SHOGUN,  IEHARU   (1680-1786) 


ACCESSION  OF  TSUNAYOSHI 


IN  1680,  the  fourth  shogun,  letsuna,  fell  dangerously  ill,  and  a  council  of 
the  chief  Bakufu  officials  was  held  to  decide  upon  his  successor.  The  Bakufu 
prime  minister,  Sakai  Tadakiyo,  proposed  that  the  example  of  Kamakura 
should  be  followed,  and  that  an  Imperial  prince  should  be  invited  to  assume 
the  office  of  shogun.  Thereupon  Hotta  Masatoshi,  one  of  the  junior  ministers, 
vehemently  remonstrated.  "Is  the  prime  minister  jesting?"  he  is  reported 
to  have  asked.  "There  is  no  question  whatever  as  to  the  succession.  That 
dignity  falls  to  Tsunayoshi  and  to  Tsunayoshi  alone.  He  is  the  legitimate 
son  of  the  late  shogun,  lemitsu,  and  the  only  brother  of  the  present  shogun, 
letsuna.  If  the  minister  is  not  jesting,  his  proposition  is  inexplicable."  This 
bold  utterance  was  received  with  profound  silence,  and  after  a  few  moments 
Sakai  Tadakiyo  retired  from  the  council  chamber. 

It  has  to  be  remembered  in  connexion  with  this  incident,  that  Tadakiyo 
exercised  almost  complete  sway  in  the  Bakufu  Court  at  that  time,  and  the  fact 

596 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  597 

that  he  yielded  quietly  to  Hotta  Masatoshi's  remonstrance  goes  far  to  acquit 
him  of  any  sinister  design  such  as  securing  the  whole  administrative  power  for 
himself  by  setting  up  an  Imperial  prince  as  a  mere  figurehead.  The  more  prob- 
able explanation  is  that  as  one  of  the  consorts  of  the  shogun  letsuna  was  enceinte 
at  that  time,  the  Bakufu  prime  minister  desired  to  postpone  any  family  decision 
until  the  birth  of  her  child,  since  to  dispense  with  an  Imperial  prince  would  be 
as  easy  to  procure  one,  whereas  if  one  of  the  shogun's  lineage  were  nominated, 
he  would  be  difficult  to  displace.  There  had  been  born  to  lemitsu  five  sons, 
of  whom  the  eldest,  letsuna,  had  succeeded  to  the  shogunate,  and  three  others 
had  died,  the  only  one  remaining  alive  being  Tsunayoshi,  who,  having  been 

born  in  1646,  was  now  (1680)  in  his  thirty-fourth  year. 

T  ^ms  oru  vtofiVnl     .BMBY/O! 

JoT  d&H6  vim  i  ig^/ighd  grfJ  lc 

:  'r     HOTTA  MASATOSHI 

On  Tsunayoshi's  accession  the  prime  minister,  Sakai  Tadakiyo,  was  released 
from  office,  and  Hotta  Masatoshi  became  his  successor.  Naturally,  as  Masato- 
shi  had  been  instrumental  in  obtaining  the  succession  for  Tsunayoshi,  his  influ- 
ence with  the  latter  was  very  great.  But  there  can  be  no  question  that  he 
deserves  to  rank  as  one  of  Japan's  leading  statesmen  in  any  age,  and  that  he 
devoted  his  signal  abilities  to  the  cause  of  progress  and  administrative  purity. 
The  result  of  his  strenuous  services  was  to  check  the  corruption  which  had 
come  to  pervade  every  department  of  State  in  the  closing  years  of  the  fourth 
shogun's  sway,  and  to  infuse  the  duties  of  government  with  an  atmosphere  of 
diligence  and  uprightness. 

.••lino1".-!  <m  witiluup  ffgiri  eiH     .\rAo;\  000(U£I  to  90119791 
/no  oil)  nurf.t  'jiom  bfixi  yd  .tedt  mufa  oj  3903 

THE  ECHIGO  COMPLICATION 

For  several  years  prior  to  the  accession  of  Tsunayoshi,  the  province  of 
Echigo  had  been  disturbed  by  an  intrigue  in  the  family  of  Matsudaira  Mitsu- 
naga.  It  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into  further  details.  The  incident  was  typical 
of  the  conditions  existing  in  many  of  the  barons'  households,  and  the  history 
of  Japan  furnishes  numerous  parallel  cases.  But  connected  with  this  particular 
example  is  the  remarkable  fact  that  the  shogun  himself  finally  undertook  in  the 
hall  of  justice  to  decide  the  issue,  and  that  the  rendering  of  justice  by  the  chief 
of  the  Bakufu  became  thenceforth  a  not  infrequently  practised  habit.  In- 
structed by  his  prime  minister,  the  shogun  swept  aside  all  the  obstacles  placed 
in  the  path  of  justice  by  corruption  and  prejudice;  sentenced  the  principal 
intriguer  to  death;  confiscated  the  Mitsunaga  family's  estate  of  250,000  koku 
on  the  ground  of  its  chief's  incompetence,  and  severely  punished  all  the  Bakufu 
officials  who  had  been  parties  to  the  plot. 

•t  sbinilfiig  qyjfo  gnigasiqjcs  vhiyrnirjob  £  mwii>q  a'l/airfcBSfiM  no  bfiuot 
vino  J.cft.j  giii-usi-mi  i»iiK  ,m5\y,S(\>.  •>.'!)  ?<<  't  tfi  b^vioooT  hnri  sti  ziuovsti 

:    9$  -mi/tel   S-tBIl;    THE  ATAKA   MARU 

Another  act  of  Tsunayoshi  stands  to  the  credit  of  his  acumen.  Although 
the  third  shogun,  lemitsu,  had  vetoed  the  building  of  any  vessels  exceeding 
five  hundred  koku  capacity,  his  object  being  to  prevent  oversea  enterprise,  he 
caused  to  be  constructed  for  the  use  of  the  Bakufu  a  great  ship  called  the  Ataka 
Maru,  which  required  a  crew  several  hundred  strong  and  involved  a  yearly 
outlay  figuring  in  the  official  accounts  at  one  hundred  thousand  koku.  One  of 
Tsunayoshi's  first  orders  was  that  this  huge  vessel  should  be  broken  up,  and  when 
his  ministers  remonstrated  on  the  ground  that  she  would  be  invaluable  in  case 


598  -y^a   HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

of  emergency,  he  replied  that  if  an  insurrection  could  not  be  suppressed  without 
such  extraordinary  instruments,  the  Bakufu  might  step  down  at  once  from  the 
seats  of  power.  "As  for  me,"  he  added,  "I  have  no  desire  to  preserve  such  an 
evidence  of  constant  apprehension  and  at  such  a  charge  on  the  coffers  of  the 
State." 

ENCOURAGEMENT  OF  VIRTUE 

Tsunayoshi  also  instructed  his  officials  to  search  throughout  the  empire  for 
persons  of  conspicuous  filial  piety  and  women  of  noted  chastity.  To  these  he 
caused  to  be  distributed  presents  of  money  or  pensions,  and  he  directed  the 
litterateurs  of  the  Hayashi  family  to  write  the  biographies  of  the  recipients  of 
such  rewards.  In  fact,  the  early  years  of  the  shogun's  administration  constitute 
one  of  the  brightest  periods  in  the  history  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu. 

ASSASSINATION  OF  HOTTA  MASATOSHI 

On  the  8th  of  October,  1684,  the  Bakufu  prime  minister,  Hotta  Masatoshi, 
was  assassinated  in  the  shogun's  palace  by  one  of  the  junior  ministers,  Inaba 
Masayasu,  who  met  his  death  immediately  at  the  hands  of  the  bystanders. 
This  extraordinary  affair  remains  shrouded  in  mystery  until  the  present  day. 
Hotta  Masatoshi  was  the  third  son  of  Masamori,  who  died  by  his  own  hand  to 
follow  his  master,  lemitsu,  to  the  grave.  Masatoshi,  inheriting  a  part  of  his 
father's  domain,  received  the  title  of  Bitchu  no  Kami,  and  resided  in  the  castle 
of  Koga,  ultimately  (1680)  becoming  prime  minister  (dairo)  with  an  annual 
revenue  of  130,000  koku.  His  high  qualities  are  recorded  above,  but  everything 
goes  to  show  that  he  had  more  than  the  ordinary  reformer's  stubbornness, 
and  that  tolerance  of  a  subordinate's  errors  was  wholly  foreign  to  his  disposi- 
tion. Even  to  the  shogun  himself  he  never  yielded  in  the  smallest  degree,  and 
by  the  majority  of  those  under  him  he  was  cordially  detested.  The  records 
say  that  on  one  occasion,  when  remonstrated  with  by  his  friend,  the  daimyo 
of  Hirado,  who  warned  him  that  his  hardness  and  severity  might  involve  him 
in  trouble,  Masatoshi  replied,  "  I  thank  you  for  your  advice,  but  so  long  as  I  am 
endeavouring  to  reform  the  country,  I  have  no  time  to  think  of  myself." 

It  is  easy  to  understand  that  a  man  of  such  methods  had  enemies  sufficiently 
numerous  and  sufficiently  resolute  to  compass  his  death.  On  the  other  hand, 
Masayasu,  his  assassin,  was  related  to  him  by  marriage,  and  possessed  an 
estate  of  25,000  koku,  as  well  as  holding  the  position  of  junior  minister  of  State. 
It  is  extremely  unlikely  that  a  man  in  such  a  position  would  have  resorted  to 
such  a  desperate  act  without  great  provocation  or  ample  sanction.  The  ques- 
tion is,  was  the  shogun  himself  privy  to  the  deed?  It  is  recorded  that  there  was 
found  on  Masayasu's  person  a  document  expressing  deep  gratitude  for  the 
favours  he  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  shogun,  and  declaring  that  only 
by  taking  the  life  of  Masatoshi  could  any  adequate  return  be  made.  It  is 
further  recorded  that  the  steward  of  the  Bakufu,  addressing  the  corpse  of  Ma- 
sayasu, declared  that  the  deceased  had  shown  unparallelled  loyalty.  Again, 
history  says  that  Mitsukuni,  daimyo  of  Mito,  repaired  to  the  Inaba  mansion 
after  the  incident,  and  expressed  to  Masayasu's  mother  his  condolences  and 
his  applause.  Finally,  after  Masatoshi's  death,  his  son  was  degraded  in  rank 
and  removed  to  a  greatly  reduced  estate.  All  these  things  are  difficult  to 
explain  except  on  the  supposition  that  the  shogun  himself  was  privy  to  the 
assassination. 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  599 

sdi  nr  •-.!:><*  id  ffyJfjD 


ENCOURAGEMENT  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


The  third  shogun,  lemitsu,  addressing  the  mother  of  his  son,  Tsimayoshi, 
is  said  to  have  expressed  profound  regret  that  his  own  education  had  been 
confined  to  military  science.  "That  is  to  me,"  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "a 
source  of  perpetual  sorrow,  and  care  should  be  taken  that  Tsunayoshi,  who  seems 
to  be  a  clever  lad,  should  receive  full  instruction  in  literature."  In  compliance 
with  this  advice,  steps  were  taken  to  interest  Tsunayoshi  in  letters,  and  he  became 
so  attached  to  this  class  of  study  that  even  when  sick  he  found  solace  in  his 
books.  The  doctrines  of  Confucius  attracted  him  above  all  other  systems  of 
ethics.  He  fell  into  the  habit  of  delivering  lectures  on  the  classics,  and  to  show 
his  reverence  for  the  Chinese  sages,  he  made  it  a  rule  to  wear  full  dress  on  these 
occasions,  and  to  worship  after  the  manner  of  all  Confucianists.  It  has  already 
been  related  that  a  shrine  of  Confucius  was  built  in  Ueno  Park  by  the  Tokugawa 
daimyo  of  Owari,  and  that  the  third  shogun,  lemitsu,  visited  this  shrine  in  1633 
to  offer  prayer.  Fifty  years  later,  the  fifth  shogun,  Tsunayoshi,  followed  that 
example,  and  also  listened  to  lectures  on  the  classics  by  Hayashi  Nobuatsu. 
Subsequently  (1691),  a  new  shrine  was  erected  at  Yushima  in  the  Kongo  district 
of  Yedo,  and  was  endowed  with  an  estate  of  one  thousand  koku  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  the  spring  and  autumn  festivals.  Further,  the  daimyo  were  required 
to  contribute  for  the  erection  of  a  school  in  the  vicinity  of  the  shrine.  At  this 
school  youths  of  ability,  selected  from  among  the  sons  of  the  Bakufu  officials 
and  of  the  daimyo,  were  educated,  the  doctrines  of  Confucius  being  thus  rendered 
more  and  more  popular. 

Under  Tsunayoshi  's  auspices,  also,  many  books  were  published  which 
remain  to  this  day  standard  works  of  their,  kind.  Another  step  taken  by  the 
shogun  was  to  obtain  from  the  Court  in  Kyoto  the  rank  of  junior  fifth  class  for 
Hayashi  Nobuatsu,  the  great  Confucian  scholar,  who  was  also  nominated 
minister  of  Education  and  chief  instructor  at  Kongo  College.  Up  to  that  time 
it  had  been  the  habit  of  Confucianists  and  of  medical  men  to  shave  their  heads 
and  use  titles  corresponding  to  those  of  Buddhist  priests.  In  these  circumstances 
neither  Confucianists  nor  physicians  could  be  treated  as  samurai,  and  they  were 
thus  excluded  from  all  State  honours.  The  distinction  conferred  upon  Hayashi 
Nobuatsu  by  the  Imperial  Court  effectually  changed  these  conditions.  The 
Confucianists  ceased  to  shave  their  heads  and  became  eligible  for  official  posts. 
Thereafter,  ten  of  Hayashi's  disciples  were  nominated  among  the  shogun'  s 
retainers,  and  were  required  to  deliver  lectures  periodically  at  the  court  of  the 
Bakufu.  In  short,  in  whatever  related  to  learning,  Tsunayoshi  stands  easily  at 
the  head  of  all  the  Tokugawa  shoguns. 


to  ll&d  'b&ooesr^rfit  ot  iiwob  viotshi  'S&fiRqal  lo  trnmf>*>fr'>rnrrror>  sift  moY?  '- 

9*f  t'3  '^tetoe  :?b*t«toib  O-i     CHANGE  OF  CAI,ENDAR:it 

A  noteworthy  incident  of  Tsunayoshi  's  administration  was  a  change  of 
calendar,  effected  in  the  year  1683.  The  credit  of  this  achievement  belongs  to 
a  mathematician  called  Shibukawa  Shunkai.  A  profound  student,  his  researches 
had  convinced  him  that  the  Hsuan-ming  calendar,  borrowed  originally  from 
China  and  used  in  Japan  ever  since  the  year  A.D.  861,  was  defective.  He 
pointed  out  some  of  its  errors  in  a  memorial  addressed  to  the  Bakufu  under  the 
sway  of  the  fourth  shogun,  but  the  then  prime  minister,  Sakai  Tadakiyo,  paid 
no  attention  to  the  document.  Shunkai,  however,  did  not  desist.  In  1683,  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon  took  place,  and  he  demonstrated  that  it  was  erroneously 


600  HISTORY  OF    THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE:!  CUM 

calculated  in  the  Chinese  calendar.  The  fifth  shogun,  Tsunayoshi,  was  then  in 
power,  and  the  era  of  his  reforming  spirit  had  not  yet  passed  away.  He  adopted 
Shunkai  's  suggestion  and  obtained  the  Imperial  sanction  for  a  change  of  calendar 
so  that  the  Husan-ming  system  went  out  of  force  after  :822  years  of  use  in  Japan. 

si  9ii  "<em  o)  ai  tenT  "     .oonsios  yift.tilim  o,t  banftnoo 


JAPANESE  LITERATURE  < 
'jorwMlmoo  al     l\  9'iu  fanotifm  noitoi/tjftfii  llui  -r^j^n 


< 

b' 

•  •HiTsunayoshi  did  not  confine  his  patronage  to  Chinese  literature;  he  devoted 
much  energy  to  the  encouragement  of  Japanese  classical  studies,  also.  Thus, 
in  1689,  he  invited  to  Yedo  Kitamura  Kigin  and  his  son  Shuncho  and  bestowed 
upon  the  former  the  title  of  Horn  together  with  a  revenue  of  five  hundred  koku. 
This  marked  the  commencement  of  a  vigorous  revival  of  Japanese  literature  in 
the  Bakufu  capital.  Moreover,  in  Osaka  a  scholar  named  Keichu  Ajari  pub- 
lished striking;  annotations  of  the  celebrated  anthologies,  the  Manyo-shu  and  the 
Kokin-shU,  which  attracted  the  admiration  of  Tokugawa  Mitsukuni,  baron  of 
Mito.  He  invited  Keichu  to  his  castle  and  treated  him  with  marked  consideration. 
These  litterateurs  were  the  predecessors  of  the  celebrated  Kamo  and  Motoori, 
of  whom  there  will  be  occasion  to  speak  by  and  by. 

Ofit  -J99OT  0-1  M3\G';\  bill  *-0  (Ifi  iiYrf!   bo*'/<; 

mtDpO'  FINE  ARTS 

feiiij  JA    .aaiicfa'  srij  lo  Yjfixrioiv  orTi  n  i;  lo  ridjtocno  or! 

,.;r-iT£iunayoshi's  patronage  extended  also  to  the  field  of  the  fine  arts.  The 
Tokugawa  Bakufu  had  hitherto  encouraged  the  Kano  School  only  whereas  the 
Tosa  Academy  was  patronized  by  the  Court  at  Kyoto*  This  partiality  was 
corrected  by  Tsunayoshi.  ,  He  invited  Sumiyoshi  Gukei  —  also  called  Hirozumi 
--;  the  most  distinguished  pupil  of  Tosa  Mitsuoki,  bestowed  on  him  a  revenue 
of  two  hundred  koku,  and  gave  him  the  official  position  of  chief  artist  of  the 
Tosa-ryu,  placing  him  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  chief  of  the  Kano-ryu.  It 
was  at  this  time  also  that  the  ukiyoe  (genre  picture)  may  be  said  to  have  won 
popular  favour.  Contemporaneously  there  appeared  some  dramatic  authors 
of  high  ability,  and  as  the  ukiyoe  and  the  drama  appealed  mainly  to  the  middle 
and  lower  classes,  the  domain  of  literature  and  the  fine  arts  received  wide 
extension.  Thus,  Chikamatsu  Monzaemon,  of  Osaka,  the  greatest  dramatist 
that  his  country  ever  possessed,  composed  plays  which  have  earned  for  him  the 
title  of  the  ".Shakespeare  of  Japan;"  and  as  for  the  light  literature  of  the  era. 
though  it  was  disfigured  by  erotic  features,  it  faithfully  reflected  in  other 
respects  the  social  conditions  and  sentiments  of  the  time. 
•JB  y[i8jj9  abfieJa  iffaovpfwaT  ,Sflifn/ioI  oj  boifiloi 

THE  MERCANTILE  CLASS 

From  the  commencement  of  Japanese  history  down  to  the  second  half  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  the  canons  and  customs  were  dictated  solely  by  the 
upper:  class,  and  neither  merchants  nor  artisans  were  recognized  as  possessing 
any  social  or  literary  influence  whatever.  But  in  the  middle  period  of  the 
Tokugawa  Bakufu  —  the  Genroku  period,  as  it  is  commonly  called  —  the  trades- 
man became  a  comparatively  conspicuous  figure.  For  example,  in  the  realm 
of  poetry,  hitherto  strictly  reserved  for  the  upper  classes,  the  classic  verse  called 
renga  (linked  song)  was  considered  to  be  sullied  by  the  introduction  of  any 
common  or  every-day  word,  and  therefore  could  be  composed  only  by  highly 
educated  persons.  This  now  found  a  substitute  in  the  haikai,  which  admitted 
language  taken  from  purely  Japanese  sources  and  could  thus  be  produced  with- 


601 

out  any  exercise  of  special  scholarship.  Afterwards,  by  the  addition  of  the 
hokku,  an  abbreviation  of  the  already  brief  renga  and  haikai,  which  adapted 
itself  to  the  capacities  of  anyone  possessing  a  nimble  wit  or  a  sparkling  thought, 
without  any  preparation  of  literary  study,  the  range  of  poetry  was  still  .further 
extended.  Matsuo  Basho  Was  the  father  of  the  haikai  and  the  hokku,  and  his 
mantle  descended  upon  Kikaku,  Ransetsu,  Kyoriku,  and  other  celebrities. 
They  travelled  round  the  country  popularizing  their  art  and  immensely  expand- 
ing the  field  of  literature.  The  craft  of  penmanship  flourished  equally,  and  was 
graced  by  such  masters  as  Hosoi  Kotaku  and  Kitamura  Sessan.  Yedo,  the 
metropolis  of  wealth  and  fashion,  became  also  the  capital  of  literature  and  the 
fine  arts,  and  a  characteristic  of  the  era  was  the  disappearance  of  charlatans, 
whether  laymen  or  bonzes,  who  professed  to  teach  the  arcana  of  special  accom- 
plishments. In  short,  every  branch  of  study  passed  out  of  the  exclusive  control 
of  one  or  two  masters  and  became  common  property,  to  the  great  advantage  of 
original  developments]  i< 

REMOVAL  OF  THE  ifl/ff 

What  has  thus  far  been  written  depicts  the  bright  side  of  Tsunayoshi 's 
administration.  It  is  necessary  now  to  look  at  the  reverse  of  the  picture. 
There  we  are  first  confronted  by  an  important  change  of  procedure.  It  had 
been  the  custom  ever  since  the  days  of  leyasu  to  conduct  the  debates  of  the 
council  of  ministers  (Roju)  in  a  chamber  adjoining  the  shogun's  sitting-room, 
so  that  he  could  hear  every  word  of  the  discussion,  and  thus  keep  himself  au 
courant  of  political  issues.  After  the  assassination  of  Hotta  Masatoshi  this 
arrangement  was  changed.  The  council  chamber  was  removed  to  a  distance, 
and  guards  were  placed  in  the  room  where  it  had  originally  assembled,  special 
officials  being  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  communications  between 
the  shogun  and  the  Roju.  This  innovation  was  nominally  prompted  by  solici- 
tude for  the  shogun's  safety,  but  as  its  obvious  result  was  to  narrow  his  sources 
of  information  and  to  bring  him  under  the  direct  influence  of  the  newly  appointed 
officials,  there  is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  the  measure  was  a  reversion  to  the 
evil  schemes  of  Sakai  Tadakiyo,  who  plotted  to  usurp  the  shogun's  authority. 

ateiosuqqrtot  irr.jpd  •' 3imi*b  arf*  &d&-sob  teovimf  ot  aqyJ*  oti  tr.M 

'  ^NAGISAWA  YASUAKI 
.....  f)qfi)YO'vJi  SOD"  •    •  O'CniJOi/3 

,  Tsunayoshi  had  at  that  time  a  favourite  attendant  on  whom  he  conferred 
the  rank  of  Dewa  no  Kami  with  an  estate  at  Kawagoe  which  yielded  100,- 
000  koku  annually.  The  friendship  of  the  shogun  for  this  most  corrupt  official 
had  its  origin  in  community  of  literary  taste.  Tsunayoshi  lectured  upon  the 
"Doctrine  of  the  Mean,"  and  Yasuaki  on  the  Confucian  "Analects,"  and 
after  these  learned  discourses  a  Sarugaku  play,  or  some  other  form  of  light 
entertainment,  was  organized.  The  shogun  was  a  misogynist,  and  Yasuaki 
understood  well  that  men  who  profess  to  hate  women  become  the  slave  of  the 
fair  sex  when  their  alleged  repugnance  is  overcome.  He  therefore  set  himself 
to  lead  the  shogun  into  licentious  habits,  and  the  lecture-meetings  ultimately 
changed  their  complexion.  Tsunayoshi,  giving  an  ideograph  from  his  name 
to  Yasuaki,  called  him  Yoshiyasu,  and  authorized  him  to  assume  the  family 
name  of  Matsudaira,  conferring  upon  him  at  the  same  time  a  new  domain  in  the 
province  of  Kai  yielding  150,000  koku.  Thenceforth,  the  administration  fell 
entirely  into  the  hands  of  this  schemer.  No  prime  minister  (dairo)  was  appoint- 
ed after  the  assassination  of  Hotta  Masatoshi;  the  council  of  ministers  became 


602  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

a  mere  echo  of  Yoahiyasu  's  will  and  the  affairs  of  the  Bakufu  were  managed  by 
one  man  alone. 


DOG  MANIA 

Tsunayoshi  lost  his  only  son  in  childhood  and  no  other  being  born  to  him, 
he  invited  a  high  Buddhist  priest  to  pray  for  an  heir  to  the  shogunate.  This 
priest,  Ryuko  by  name,  informed  Tsunayoshi  that  his  childless  condition  was  a 
punishment  for  taking  animal  life  in  a  previous  state  of  existence,  and  that 
if  he  wished  to  be  relieved  of  the  curse,  he  must  show  mercy,  particularly  to 
dogs,  as  he  had  been  born  in  the  year  whose  zodiacal  sign  was  that  of  the  "Dog." 
It  seems  strange  that  such  an  earnest  believer  in  the  Confucian  doctrine  should 
have  had  recourse  to  Buddhism  in  this  matter.  But  here  also  the  influence  of 
Yoshiyasu  is  discernible.  At  his  suggestion  the  shogun  built  in  Yedo  two  large 
temples,  Gokoku-ji  and  Goji-in,  and  Ryuko  was  the  prelate  of  the  former.  An 
order  was  accordingly  issued  against  slaughtering  dogs  or  taking  life  in  any  form, 
the  result  being  that  all  wild  animals  multiplied  enormously  and  wrought  great 
damage  to  crops.  Thereupon  the  Bakufu  issued  a  further  notice  to  the  effect  that 
in  case  wild  animals  committed  ravages,  they  might  be  driven  away  by  noise, 
or  even  by  firing  blank  cartridges,  provided  that  an  oath  were  made  not  to  kill 
them.  Should  these  means  prove  defective,  instructions  must  be  sought  from 
the  judicial  department.  Moreover,  if  any  animal  's  life  was  taken  under  proper 
sanction,  the  carcass  must  be  buried  without  removing  any  part  of  its  flesh  or 
skin.  Violations  of  this  order  were  to  be  severely  punished,  and  it  was  enacted 
that  an  accurate  register  must  be  kept  of  all  dogs  owned  by  the  people,  strict 
investigations  being  made  in  the  event  of  the  disappearance  of  a  registered  dog, 
and  the  officials  were  specially  warned  against  permitting  one  animal  to  be 
substituted  for  another.  Strange  dogs  were  to  be  well  fed,  and  any  person 
neglecting  this  obligation  was  to  be  reported  to  the  authorities. 

At  first  these  orders  were  not  very  seriously  regarded,  but  by  and  by,  when 
many  persons  had  been  banished  to  Hachijo-jima  for  killing  dogs;  when  several 
others  had  been  reproved  publicly  for  not  giving  food  to  homeless  animals,  and 
when  officials  of  the  supreme  court  were  condemned  to  confinement  for  having 
taken  no  steps  to  prevent  dog-fights,  the  citizens  began  to  appreciate  that  the 
shogun  was  in  grim  earnest.  A  huge  kennel  was  then  constructed  in  the  Nakano 
suburb  of  Yedo  as  a  shelter  for  homeless  dogs.  It  covered  an  area  of  about  138 
acres,  furnished  accommodation  for  a  thousand  dogs,  and  was  under  the  manage- 
ment of  duly  appointed  officials,  while  the  citizens  had  to  contribute  to  a  dog- 
fund,  concerning  which  it  was  said  that  a  dog  's  ration  for  a  day  would  suffice  a 
man  for  a  day  and  a  half. 

Tsunayoshi  came  to  be  spoken  of  as  Inu-kubo  (Dog-shogun)  ,  but  all  his  meas- 
ures did  not  bring  him  a  son;  neither  did  their  failure  shake  his  superstitious 
credulity.  Solemn  prayers  were  offered  again  and  again  with  stately  pomp 
and  profuse  circumstance,  and  temple  after  temple  was  built  or  endowed  at 
enormous  cost,  while  the  laws  against  taking  animal  life  continued  in  force  more 
vigorously  than  ever.  Birds  and  even  shell-fish  were  included  in  the  provisions, 
and  thus  not  only  were  the  nation's  foodstuffs  diminished,  but  also  its  crops  lay 
at  the  mercy  of  destructive  animals  and  birds.  It  is  recorded  that  a  peasant 
was  exiled  for  throwing  a  stone  at  a  pigeon,  and  that  one  man  was  put  to  death 
for  catching  fish  with  hook  and  line,  while  another  met  the  same  fate  for  injuring 
a  dog,  the  head  of  the  criminal  being  exposed  on  the  public  execution  ground 
and  a  neighbour  who  had  reported  the  offence  being  rewarded  with  thirty  ryo. 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  603 

We  read,  also,  of  officials  sentenced  to  transportation  for  clipping  a  horse  or 
furnishing  bad  provender.  The  annals  relate  a  curious  story  connected  with 
these  legislative  excesses.  The  Tokugawa  baron  of  Mito,  known  in  history  as 
.Komon  Mitsukurii,  on  receiving  evidence  as  to  the  monstrous  severity  with 
which  the  law  protecting  animals  was  administered,  collected  a  large  number  of 
men  and  organized  a  hunting  expedition  on  a  grand  scale.  Out  of  the  animals 
killed,  twenty  dogs  of  remarkable  size  were  selected,  and  their  skins  having  been 
dressed,  were  packed  in  a  case  for  transmission  to  Yanagisawa  Yoshiyasu,  whom 
people  regarded  as  chiefly  responsible  for  the  shogun  's  delirium.  The  messengers 
to  whom  the  box  was  entrusted  were  ordered  to  travel  with  all  speed,  and,  on 
arriving  in  Yedo,  to  repair  forthwith  to  the  Yanagisawa  mansion,  there  handing 
over  the  skins  with  a  written  statement  that  the  Mito  baron,  having  found  such 
articles  useful  in  the  cold  season,  availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  submit 
his  experience  together  with  a  parcel  of  dressed  hides  to  the  shogun  through 
Yoshiyasu.  It  is  said  that  the  recipient  of  this  sarcastic  gift  conceived  a  suspi- 
cion of  the  Mito  baron 's  sanity  and  sent  a  special  envoy  to  examine  his  condition. 

>  -ed$  'io.jB*{>i •  .n.8 .  vsvnpo  n.t 
FINANCE 

In  the  sequel  of  this  corrupt  administration,  this  constant  building  of  temples, 
and  this  profusion  of  costly  ceremonials,  the  shogun' s  Government  found  itself 
seriously  embarrassed  for  money.  leyasu  had  always  made  frugality  and 
economy  his  leading  principles.  He  had  escaped  the  heavy  outlays  to  which  his 
fellow  barons  were  condemned  in  connexion  with  the  Korean  campaign,  since 
his  share  in  the  affair  did  not  extend  beyond  collecting  a  force  in  the  province 
of  Hizen.  Throughout  his  life  he  devoted  much  attention  to  amassing  a  reserve 
fund,  and  it  is  said  that  when  he  resigned  the  shogunate  to  his  son,  he  left  150,000 
gold  oban  (one  and  a  half  million  ryd),  and  nearly  two  million  ounces  (troy) 
of  silver  in  the  treasury.  Further,  during  his  retirement  at  Sumpu,  he  saved 
a  sum  of  one  million  ryd.  The  same  economy  was  practised  by  the  second 
shogun,  although  he  was  compelled  to  spend  large  sums  in  connexion  with  his 
daughter's  promotion  to  be  the  Emperor's  consort,  as  well  as  on  the  repairs  of 
Yedo  Castle  and  on  his  several  progresses  to  Kyoto.  On  the  occasion  of  these 
progresses,  Hidetada  is  said  to  have  distributed  a  total  of  4.217,400  ryd  of  gold 
and  182,000  ryd  of  silver  among  the  barons  throughout  the  empire.  The  third 
shogun,  lemitsu,  was  open  handed.  We  find  him  making  frequent  donations' 
of  5000  kwamme  of  silver  to  the  citizens  of  Kyoto  and  Yedo;  constructing  the 
inner  castle  at  Yedo  twice;  building  a  huge  warship;  entertaining  the  Korean 
ambassadors  with  much  pomp;  disbursing  400.000  ryd  on  account  of  the  Shima- 
bara  insurrection,  and  devoting  a  million  ryd  to  the  construction  and  embellish- 
ment of  the  mausolea  at  Nikko.  Nevertheless,  on  the  whole  lemitsu  must  be 
regarded  as  an  economical  ruler. 

As  for  his  successor,  letsuna,  he  had  to  deal  with  several  calamitous  oc- 
currences. After  the  great  fire  in  Yedo,  he  contributed  160,000  ryd  for  the  relief 
of  the  sufferers;  he  rebuilt  Yedo  Castle,  and  he  reconstructed  the  Imperial 
palace  of  Kyoto  twice.  In  the  Empd  era  (1673-1680),  the  country  was  visited 
by  repeated  famines,  which  had  the  effect  of  reducing  the  yield  of  the  taxes  and 
calling  for  large  measures  of  relief.  In  these  circumstances,  a  proposal  was 
formally  submitted  recommending  the  debasement  of  the  gold  coinage,  but 
it  failed  to  obtain  official  consent.  It  may  be  mentioned  that,  in  the  year  1659, 
the  treasury  was  reduced  to  ashes,  and  a  quantity  of  gold  coin  contained  therein 


604  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLED  I JM 

was  melted.  With  this  bullion  a  number  of  gold  pieces  not  intended  for  ordinary 
circulation  were  cast,  and  stamped  upon  them  were  the  words,  "To  be  used 
only  in  cases  of  national  emergency."  The  metal  thus  reserved  is  said  to  have 
amounted  to  160,000  ryo.  The  register  shows  that  when  the  fifth  sho</nn 
succeeded  to  power,  there  were  3,850,000  gold  ryo  in  the  treasury.  But  this 
enormous  sum  did  not  long  survive  the  extravagance  of  Tsunayoshi. 

After  the  assassination  of  Hotta  Masatoshi,  the  administrative  power  fell 
entirely  into  the  hands  of  Yanagisawa  Yoshiyasu,  and  the  example  set  by  him 
for  those  under  his  guidance,  and  by  his  master,  the  shogun,  soon  found  followers 
among  all  classes  of  the  people.  As  an  instance  of  ludicrous  luxury  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  the  timbers  intended  for  the  repair  of  the  castle  in  Yedo  were 
wrapped  in  wadded  quilts  when  transported  to  the  city  from  the  forest.  Finally, 
the  treasury  became  so  empty  that,  when  the  shogun  desired  to  repair  to  the 
mausolea  at  Nikko,  which  would  have  involved  a  journey  of  ten  days  at  the 
most,  be  was  compelled  to  abandon  the  idea,  as  the  officials  of  the  treasury 
declared  themselves  unable- to  find  the  necessary  funds.  That  sum  was  calculat- 
ed at  100,000  ryo,  or  about  as  many  pounds  sterling,  which  fact  is  alone  sufficient 
to  convey  an  idea  of  the  extravagance  practised  in  everything  connected  with 
the  Government. 

The  immediate  outcome  of  this  incident  was  the  summoning  of  a  council  to 
discuss  the  financial  situation,  and  after  much  thought  the  suggestion  of  Hagi- 
wara  Shigehide,  chief  of  the  Treasury,  was  accepted,  namely,  wholesale  debase- 
ment of  the  gold,  silver,  and  copper  coins.  The  old  pieces,  distinguished  as 
"Keicho  coins,"  that  being  the  name  of  the  year  period  (1596-1614)  when  they 
were  minted,  were  replaced  by  greatly  inferior  "Genroku  coins"  (1688-1703), 
with  the  natural  results  —  appreciation  of  commodities  and  much  forging  of 
counterfeit  coins.  Presently  the  Government  is  found  levying  a  tax  upon 
27,200  sake  brewers  within  the  Kwanto,  and,  in  1703,  fresh  expedients  became 
necessary  to  meet  outlays  incurred  owing  to  a  great  earthquake  and  conflagration 
which  destroyed  a  large  part  of  Yedo  Castle  and  of  the  daimyo's  mansions. 
Further  debasement  of  the  currency  was  resorted  to,  the  new  coins  being  dis- 
tinguished by  the  term  "  Hoei,"  after  the  name  of  the  year-period  when  they  were 
minted.!  n,  i 

About  this  time  several  of  the  feudatories  found  themselves  in  such  straits 
that  they  began  to  issue  paper  currency  within  their  dominions,  and  this 
practice  having  been  interdicted  by  the  Bakufu,  the  daimyo  fell_back  upon  the 
expedient  of  levying  forced  loans  from  wealthy  merchants  in  Osaka.  Mean- 
while, the  crime  of  forgery  became  so  prevalent  that,  in,  the  interval  between 
1688  and  171 5,  no  less  than  541  counterfeiters  were  crucified  within  the  districts 
under  the  direct  control  of  the  Bakufu.,  The  feudatory  of  Satsuma  is  credited 
with  having  justly  remarked  that  the  victims  of  this  cruel  fate  suffered  for  their 
social  status  rather  than  for  their  offence  against  the  law,  the  real  counterfeiters 
being  Yanagisawa  and  Hagiwara,  who  were  engaged  continuously  in  uttering 
debased  coins.  00<QO J 

It  must  be  admitted  in  behalf  of  the  financiers  of  that  era  that  their  difficulties 
were  much  accentuated  by  natural  calamities.  The  destructive  earthquake  of 
1703  was  followed,  in  1707,  by  an  eruption  of  Fuji,  with  the  result  that  in  the 
three  provinces  of  Musashi,  Sagami,  and  Suruga,  considerable  districts  were 
buried  in  ashes  to  the  depth  of  ten  feet,  so  that  three  years  and  a  heavy  expendi- 
ture of, money  were  required  to  restore  normal  conditions.  Thenceforth  the 
state  of  the  Bakufu  treasury  went  from  bad  to  worse.  Once  again  Hagiwara 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  605 

Shigehide  had  recourse  to  adulteration  of  the  coinage.  This  time  he  tampered 
mainly  with  the  copper  tokens,  but  owing  to  the  unwieldy  and  impure  character 
of  these  coins,  very  great  difficulty  was  experienced  in  putting  them  into  circula- 
tion, and  the  Bakufu  financiers  finally  were  obliged  to  fall  back  upon  the  reserve 
of  gold  kept  in  the  treasury  for  special  contingencies.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  Japan's  foreign  trade  contributed  materially  to  her  financial  embarrass- 
ment, but  this  subject  will  be  subsequently  dealt  with,  '.j  i,»  u&i-:>h>.te  ^j  yi'im 
•  .1  ;•>?!  oorjEsood  ii -brns  tiioid»jil  'to  tvo  jww  afar,  v-urfillm  sri*  V<  ^oifcwnq 

>J»TNAYOSHrS ^FAVOURItE  >v 
'liiijij  ,<su.:>>}irv!x  -inn1}  Jii-imora  o<fi    c-  noiffep.l  odi  o1  fmoianamib 

When  Tsunayoshi  became  shogun,  Yanagisawa  Yoshiyasu  occupied  the 
position  of  a  low-class  squire  in  the  shogun' s  household  and  was  in  receipt  of  a. 
salary  of  three  hundred  koku  yearly.  Four  years  later,  he  received  the  title  of 
Dewa  no  Kami  and  his  revenue  was  increased  to  100,000  koku.  Finally,  in  1703, 
he  was  appointed  daimyo  of  Kai  province  and  came  into  the  enjoyment  of  a  total 
income  of  150,000  koku.  This  was  the  more  remarkable  inasmuch  as,  owing  to 
the  strategical  importance  of  Kai,  it  had  been  reserved  as  a  fief  for  one  of  the 
Tokugawa  family,  and  its  bestowal  on  a  complete  outsider  was  equivalent  to  the 
admission  of  the  latter  into  the  Tokugawa  circle.  This  remarkable  promotion 
in  rank  and  income  shows  how  completely  the  shogun  had  fallen  under  the 
influence  of  his  favourite,  Yoshiyasu,  who  exhibited  wonderful  skill  in  appealing 
at  once  to  the  passions  and  to  the  intellect  of  his  master.  Some  historians  of 
the  time  relate  that  the  shogun's  infatuation  betrayed  him  into  promising  to 
raise  Yoshiyasu 's  revenue  to  a  million  koku,  and  to  nominate  as  successor  to 
the  shogunate  a  son  borne  by  Yoshiyasu 's  wife  to  Tsunayoshi;  but  according 
to  tradition,  these  crowning  extravagances  were  averted  pn  the  very  night  pre- 
ceding the  day  of  their  intended  consummation,  the  shogun  being  stabbed  to 
death  by  his  wife,  who  immediately  committed  suicide.  This  tale,  however, 
has  been  shown  to  be  an  invention  with  no  stronger  foundation  than  the  fact 
that  Tsunayoshi 's  death  took  place  very  suddenly  at  a  highly  critical  time. 
It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  many  of  the  excesses  and  administrative  blunders 
committed  by  the  fifth  Tokugawa  shogun  were  due  to  the  pernicious  influence 
of  Yanagisawa  Yoshiyasu. 


DECLINE  OF  THE  SAMURAI  SPIRIT 


The  no  dance  was  among  the  indulgences  which  Tsunayoshi  affected  and 
among  the  accomplishments  in  which  he  himself  excelledv  He  took  into  his 
service  a  number  of  skilled  dancers  of  the  no,  and  treated  them  as  hereditary 
vassals,  setting  aside  the  chamber  of  the  Paulownia  for  their  use.  These  per- 
formers, whatever  their  origin,  received  the  treatment  of  samurai,  and  their 
dainty  posturing  in  the  dance  became  a  model  for  the  lords  of  the  Bakufu  Court, 
so  that  the  simple  demeanour  of  military  canons  was  replaced  by  Ja  mincing 
and  meretricious  mien.  Another  favourite  dance  in  Yedo  Castle  was  the  furyu. 
A  book  of  the  period  describes  the  latter  performance  in  these  terms:  "Sixteen 
youths  made  their  appearance;  they  all  wore  wide-sleeved  robes  and  purple 
figured  silk  with  embroidery  of  oak  leaves  in  gold  and  silver  threads.  They 
carried  two  swords  with  gold  mountings  and  scarlet  tassels,  so  that  when  they 
danced  in  harmony  with  the  flutes  and  drums  the  spectacle  presented  was  one 
of  dazzling  brilliancy."  Thenceforth  this  "Genroku  dance,"  as  it  came  to  be 
called,  obtained  wide  vogue.  The  same  is  true  of  the  joruri,  which  is  one  of  the 


606 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


most  emotional  forms  of  chant.  Hitherto  the  samisen  had  been  regarded  as 
a  vulgar  instrument,  and  its  use  had  never  received  the  sanction  of  aristocratic 
circles.  But  it  now  came  into  favour  with  all  classes  of  women  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  and  the  singing  of  the  joruri  was  counted  a  far  more  important 
accomplishment  than  any  kind  of  domestic  education. 

Such  an  appeal  to  the  emotional  side  of  human  nature  could  not  fail  to  under- 
mine the  stoicism  of  the  samurai  and  the  morality  of  society  in  general.  The 
practice  of  the  military  arts  went  out  of  fashion,  and  it  became  an  object  with 
the  bushi  not  only  to  have  his  sword  highly  ornamented,  but  also  to  adapt  its 
dimensions  to  the  fashion  of  the  moment,  thus  sacrificing  utility  to  elegance. 
In  short,  the  Genroku  era  (1688-1703)  was  essentially  a  time  of  luxury  and 
extravagance,  its  literature  abounding  in  theatrical  plays,  songs,  verses,  and 
joruri,  and  its  ideals  involving  the  sacrifice  of  the  noble  to  the  elegant.  Men 
were  promoted  in  rank  not  merely  because  they  could  dance  gracefully,  but  also 
because  they  made  themselves  conspicuous  for  kindness  to  dogs,  in  obedience 
to  the  shogun's  foible,  and  as  many  of  these  men  had  not  learned  to  ride  on  horse- 
back they  petitioned  for  permission  to  use  palanquins.  This  marked  a  signal 
departure  from  the  severe  rules  of  former  days.  Street  palanquins  (machi- 
kago)  ultimately  came  into  use  by  all  who  could  afford  the  luxury.  In  short,  the 
ancient  order  of  educational  precedence  was  reversed,  and  polite  accomplish- 
ments took  the  place  of  military  science; 

' 


;/t  g 


elm  mid 


'THE 


VENDETTA 


Nevertheless,  this  degenerate  era  produced  one  of  the  most  remarkable  acts 
of  self-sacrificing  loyalty  that  stand  to  the  credit  of  Japanese  samurai.  On  the 
7th  of  February,  1703,  forty-seven  bushi,  under  the  leadership  of  Oishi  Yoshio, 

,'iov:)Wod  />IM  &MT 

fif  fffidv 
If 


•id  oj 

FOBTT-SEVBN 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  607 

forced  their  way  into  the  mansion  of  Kira  Yoshihide;  killed  him  in  order  to 
avenge  the  death  of  their  feudal  chief,  Asano  Naganori,  daimyo  of  Ako;  and 
then  surrendered  themselves  to  justice.  Under  the  title  of  The  Forty-seven 
Ronins,  this  story  has  been  told  in  history,  on  the  stage,  and  in  all  forms  of 
literature,  so  that  its  details  need  not  be  repeated  here.  It  will  suffice  to  say  that, 
under  great  provocation,  the  Ako  feudatory  drew  his  sword  in  the  precincts 
of  Yedo  Castle  and  cut  down  Kira  Yoshihide,  for  which  breach  of  court  etiquette 
rather  than  for  the  deed  of  violence,  the  Ako  baron  was  condemned  to  commit 
suicide  and  his  estates  were  confiscated.  Thereupon,  forty-seven  of  his  principal 
vassals  pledged  themselves  to  wreak  vengeance,  and,  after  nearly  two  years  of 
planning  and  watching,  they  finally  succeeded  in  achieving  their  purpose. 
Degenerate  as  was  the  spirit  of  the  time,  this  bold  deed  aroused  universal 
admiration.  The  vendetta  was  not  illegal  in  Japan.  It  had  been  practised 
from  medieval  times  and  often  with  direct  sanction  of  the  authorities.  But  in 
no  circumstances  was  it  officially  permissible  within  the  cities  of  Kyoto,  Yedo, 
Osaka,  and  Sumpu,  or  in  the  vicinity  of  the  shogun  's  shrines.  The  forty-seven 
ronins  had  therefore  committed  a  capital  crime.  Yet  they  had  only  obeyed 
the  doctrine  of  Confucius,  and  the  shogun  therefore  endeavoured  to  save  their 
lives.  More  than  a  year  was  spent  discussing  the  issue,  and  it  is  recorded  that 
Tsunayoshi  appealed  to  the  prince-abbot  of  Ueno  in  order  to  secure  his  inter- 
vention in  the  cause  of  leniency.  The  day  was  ultimately  carried  by  the 
advocates  of  stern  justice,  and  the  forty-seven  ronins  were  ordered  to  commit 
suicide. 

They  obeyed  without  a  murmur.  One  of  them,  Terasaka  Kichiemon  by 
name,  had  been  sent  to  carry  the  news  to  Ako  immediately  after  the  perpetration 
of  the  deed  of  vengeance.  He  returned  when  his  comrades  were  condemned 
and  gave  himself  up  to  the  authorities,  but  they  declined  to  punish  him  on  the 
ground  that  the  case  had  already  been  disposed  of.  The  eminent  Confucian 
scholar,  Hayashi  Nobuatsu,  petitioned  for  the  pardon  of  the  ronins,  and  the 
scarcely  less  celebrated  Muro  Kyuso  compiled  a  book  describing  the  incident; 
but,  for  some  reason  never  fully  explained,  the  noteworthy  scholar,  Ogyu 
Sorai,  took  the  opposite  side.  One  act  of  the  authorities  is  eloquent  as  to  the 
sentiment  prevailing  at  the  time.  They  condemned  Yoshihide 's  son,  Yoshikata, 
to  be  deprived  of  his  ancestral  domain  for  not  having  died  in  company  with 
his  father.  As  for  the  feeling  of  the  nation  at  large,  it  was  abundantly  mani- 
fested by  many  of  the  great  feudatories,  who  vied  with  one  another  in  conferring 
offices  and  revenues  on  the  sons  and  grandsons  of  the  "Forty-seven." 

JJ9SI 

. 
YAMAGA  SOKO 

The  affair  of  the  forty-seven  ronins  helped  to  bring  into  eminence  the  name 
of  Yamaga  Soko,  a  firm  believer  in  Confucianism  and  an  ardent  follower  of 
military  science.  Amid  an  environment  of  unfavourable  conditions  Soko 
preached  the  cult  of  bushido,  and  was  the  first  to  embody  that  philosophy  in  a 
written  system.  His  books  —  the  Shi-do  (Way  of  the  Warrior)  and  Bukyo 
Shogaku  (Military  Primer)  —  contain  minute  instructions  as  to  the  practice 
and  the  morale  of  the  samurai.  Soko  rej  ected  the  Chutsz  interpretation,  then  in 
vogue,  of  the  Chinese  classics,  and  insisted  on  the  pure  doctrine  of  the  ancient 
sages,  so  that  he  found  himself  out  of  touch  with  the  educational  spirit  of  the 
time.  Thus,  falling  under  the  displeasure  of  the  Bakufu,  he  was  charged  with 
propagating  heterodox  views  and  was  sent  to  Ako  to  be  kept  in  custody  by 


608  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE'  JIM 

Asano  Naganori,  who  treated  him  throughout  with  courtesy  and  respect.  In 
return,  Soko  devoted  his  whole  energy  during  nineteen  years  to  the  education 
of  the  Ako  vassals,  and  the  most  prominent  of  the  Forty-seven  Ronins  was 
among  his  pupils. 

THE  SIXTH  SHOGUN,  IENOBU 
Rj*>flir>;ncj  ant  nr  Iriowa  siinv/oiD  v       -.UDJI  1.00.  oifT 

i  Tsunayoshi  died  of  small-pox  in  1709,  after  a  brief  illness.  He  had  no  son, 
and:  five  years  previously,  his  nephew  lenobu  (third  son  of  his  deceased  elder 
brother,  Tsunashige)  had  been  declared  heir  to  the  shogunate.  Having  been 
born  hi  1662,  lenobu  was  hi  his  forty-seventh  year  when  he  succeeded  to  the 
office  of  shogun.  His  first  act  was  to  abolish  Tsunayoshi  's  legislation  for  the 
protection  of  animals.  He  is  said  to  have  offered  the  following  explanation  at 
the  tomb  of  the  deceased  shogun:  "You  desired  to  protect  living  animals  and 
strictly  interdicted  the  slaughter  of  any  such.  You  willed  that  even  after 
your  death  the  prohibition  should  be  observed.  But  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
human  beings  are  suffering  from  the  operation  of  your  law.  To  repeal  it  is  the 
only  way  of  bringing  peace  to  the  nation." 

dtf  bun  ,j-i)fou:h! 


ARAI  HAKUSEKI 

am  ;ni/9'*a  oJ 


lenobu  gave  evidence  of  his  sagacity  by  dismissing  Yanagisawa  Yoshiyasu, 
the  corrupt  favourite  of  the  late  shogun;  by  appointing  hi  his  stead  Manabe 
Norifusa  to  the  office  of  personal  assistant  (soba  yoniri),  and  by  reposing  full 
confidence  in  Arai  Hakuseki.  This  last  is  recognized  by  posterity  as  the  most 
distinguished  among  Japanese  Confucianists.  He  studied  the  literature  of  both 
the  Tang  and  the  Sung  dynasties,  and  he  laboured  to  apply  the  precepts  of 
Chinese  philosophy  to  the  practical  needs  of  his  own  country.  Moreover,  he 
devoted  exceptional  attention  to  the  conditions  existing  in  Occidental  States, 
and  he  embodied  his  thoughts  and  researches  on  the  latter  subject  in  a  book 
called  Sairan  Igen,  the  first  treatise  of  its  kind  published  in  Japan. 

A  practical  illustration  of  his  knowledge  was  furnished  in  connexion  with 
the  reception  of  Korean  envoys.  It  had  been  customary  to  convey  to  these 
officials  an  imposing  conception  of  Japanese  magnificence  by  treating  them  with 
lavish  hospitality.  Hakuseki  was  able  to  detect  that  the  conduct  of  the  en- 
voys violated  in  many  respects  the  rules  of  Chinese  etiquette,  and  having 
obtained  the  shogun  's  nomination  to  receive  the  envoy,  Cho,  he  convinced  the 
latter  that  there  must  be  no  more  neglect  of  due  formalities.  He  then  memorial- 
ized the  shogun  in  the  sense  that  these  Korean  ambassadors  were  merely  Chinese 
spies,  and  that  instead  of  receiving  a  lavish  welcome,  they  should  be  required 
to  limit  their  journey  to  the  island  of  Tsushima,  where  only  a  very  restricted 
ceremonial  should  be  performed  in  their  honour.  This  shrewd,  though  somewhat 
conservative,  suggestion  elicited  general  approval,  but  was  not  carried  into 
effect  until  the  time  of  the  eleventh  shogun. 
a  nr  vi^-roofi;  1-1  0.1  j>.  : 

ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  FINANCES 

iq    fl<:t    fti     r.V.    f.f: 

•It  has  been  shown  above  that  the  fifth  shogun  bequeathed  to  his  successor  a 
much  embarrassed  treasury.  In  this  realm,  also,  the  advice  of  Arai  Hakuseki 
proved  invaluable.  In  his  volume  of  reminiscences  there  is  an  interesting 
statement  connected  with  finance.  It  quotes  Hagiwara  Shigehide,  commis- 
sioner of  the  Treasury,  as  saying  that  the  shogun  's  estate  at  that  time  yielded 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU 


609 


four  million  koku  annually,  in  addition  to  which  there  accrued  from  760,000  ryo 
to  770,000  ryo  in  money,  representing  the  proceeds  of  dues  and  taxes.  In  this 
latter  sum  was  included  40,000  ryo,  customs  duties  collected  at  Nagasaki,  and 
6000  ryo  yielded  by  a  tax  on  sake.  The  same  report  mentions  that  a  sum  of  160,- 
000  ryo  had  been  expended  in  clearing  away  the  volcanic  ashes  which  fell  in  the 
three  provinces  of  Musashi,  Sagami,  and  Suruga  after  the  great  eruption  of  Fuji- 
san.  Arai  Hakuseki  was  able  to  prove  the  erroneous  character  of  this  report,  but 
his  demonstration  did  not  impugn  any  of  the  above  figures.  Incidentally  it  is 
mentioned  in  Arai 's  comments  that 
700,000  ryo  were  allotted  for  build- 
ing an  addition  to  Yedo  Castle,  -^^ 
and  200,000  ryo  for  the  construction 
of  the  deceased  shogun's  mauso- 
leum, out  of  which  total  Hakuseki 
explicitly  charges  the  officials,  high 
and  low  alike,  with  diverting  large 
sums  to  their  own  pockets  in  col- 
lusion with  the  contractors  and 
tradesmen  employed  on  the  works. 
Another  interesting  investiga- 
tion made  by  Arai  Hakuseki  is  in 
connexion  with  the  country's  for- 
eign trade.  He  showed  that  the 
amount  of  coins  exported  from 
Nagasaki  alone,  during  one  year, 
totalled  6,192,800  ryo  of  gold; 
1,122,687  kwamme  of  silver  and 
228,000,000  kin  of  copper.1  He 
alleged  that  the  greater  part  of 
this  large  outflow  of  specie  produced 
nothing  except  luxuries  with  which 


ARAI  HAKUSEKI 


UiSY/  i 

a  t.wH~4^1 

the  nation  could  very  well  dispense,  and  he  therefore  advised  that  the  foreign 
trade  of  Nagasaki  should  be  limited  to  thirteen  Chinese  junks  and  two  Dutch 
vessels  annually,  while  stringent  measures  should  be  adopted  to  prevent  smug- 
gling. 

The  ordinance  based  upon  this  advice  consisted  of  two  hundred  articles, 
and  is  known  in  history  as  the  "New  Nagasaki  Trade  Rules  of  the  Shotoku 
Era"  (1711-1715).  One  portion  of  the  document  ran  as  follows:  "During 
the  Jokyo  era  (1684-1687),  the  trade  with  Chinese  merchants  was  limited  to 
6000  kwamme  of  silver,  and  that  with  Dutch  traders  to  50,000  ryo  of  gold,  while 
the  number  of  Chinese  vessels  was  not  allowed  to  exceed  seventy  per  annum. 
After  a  few  years,  however,  copper  coins  came  into  use  as  media  of  exchange  in 
addition  to  silver,  and  moreover  there  was  much  smuggling  of  foreign  goods. 
Thus,  it  resulted  that  gold,  silver,  and  copper  flowed  out  of  the  country  in  great 
quantities.  Comparing  the  aggregate  thus  exported  during  the  107  years  since 
the  Keicho  era  with  the  amount  coined  in  Japan  during  the  same  interval,  it  is 
found  that  one-quarter  of  the  gold  coins  and  three-quarters  of  the  silver  left  the 
country.  If  that  state  of  affairs  continue,  it  is  obvious  that  after  a  hundred 
years  from  the  present  time  one-half  of  the  empire 's  gold  will  be  carried  away  and 
there  will  be  no  silver  at  all  left.  As  for  copper,  the  sum  remaining  in  the  coun- 

I1  One  kin  equals  1}^  Ibs.] 


610  3  T3 /HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

try  is  insufficient,  not  only  for  purposes  of  trade  but  also  for  the  needs  of  every- 
day life.  It  is  most  regrettable  that  the  nation 's  treasure  should  thus  be  squan- 
dered upon  foreign  luxuries.  The  amount  of  currency  needed  at  home  and  the 
amount  produced  by  the  mines  should  be  investigated  so  as  to  obtain  a  basis  for 
limiting  the  foreign  trade  at  the  open  ports  of  Nagasaki,  Tsushima,  and  Satsuma, 
and  for  fixing  the  maximum  number  of  foreign  vessels  visiting  those  places." 

*mf.heq*tJ»rrt,tlo 

IMPEACHMENT  OF  HAGIWARA  SHIGEHIDE 

In  connexion  with  Arai  Hakuseki  's  impeachment  of  the  Treasury  commis- 
sioner, Hagiwara  Shigehide,  it  was  insisted  that  an  auditor's  office  must  be 
re-established,  and  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  yield  of  rice  from  the  shogun  's 
estates  had  fallen  to  28.9  per  cent,  of  the  total  produce  instead  of  being  forty  per 
cent.,  as  fixed  by  law.  Nevertheless,  the  condition  of  the  farmers  was  by  no 
means  improved,  and  the  inevitable  inference  was  that  the  difference  went  into 
the  pockets  of  the  local  officials.  Similarly,  enormous  expenses  were  incurred  for 
the  repair  of  river  banks  without  any  corresponding  diminution  of  floods,  and 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  bags  of  rice  went  nominally  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea 
without  ever  having  been  shipped.  During  the  year  that  followed  the  recon- 
struction of  the  auditor 's  office,  the  yield  of  the  estates  increased  by  433,400  bags 
of  rice,  and  the  cost  of  riparian  works  decreased  by  38,000  ryo  of  gold,  while,  at 
the  same  time,  the  item  of  shipwrecked  cereals  disappeared  almost  completely 
from  the  ledgers.  In  consequence  of  these  charges  the  commissioner,  Shigehide, 
was  dismissed.  History  says  that  although  his  regular  salary  was  only  3000  koku 
annually,  he  embezzled  260,000  ryo  of  gold  by  his  debasement  of  the  currency, 
and  that  ultimately  he  starved  himself  to  death  in  token  of  repentance. 

lenobu  and  his  able  adviser,  Hakuseki,  desired  to  restore  the  currency  to  the 
system  pursued  in  the  Keicho  era  (1596-1614),  but  their  purpose  was  thwarted 
by  insufficiency  of  the  precious  metals.  They  were  obliged  to  be  content  with 
improving  the  quality  of  the  coins  while  decreasing  their  weight  by  one  half. 
These  new  tokens  were  called  kenji-kin,  as  they  bore  on  the  reverse  the  ideograph 
ken,  signify  ing.  "great  original."  The  issue  of  the  new  coins  took  place  in  the 
year  1710,  and  at  the  same  time  the  daimyo  were  strictly  forbidden  to  issue  paper 
currency,  which  veto  also  was  imposed  at  the  suggestion  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

THE  SEVENTH  SHOGUN,  IETSUGU 

The  seventh  Tokugawa  shogun,  letsugu,  son  of  his  predecessor,  lenobu,  was 
born  in  1709,  succeeded  to  the  shogunate  in  April,  1713,  and  died  in  1716.  His 
father,  lenobu,  died  on  the  13th  of  November,  1712,  so  that  there  was  an  interval 
of  five  months  between  the  demise  of  the  sixth  shogun  and  the  accession  of  the 
seventh.  Of  course,  a  child  of  four  years  who  held  the  office  of  shogun  for  the 
brief  period  of  three  years  could  not  take  any  part  in  the  administration  or  have 
any  voice  in  the  appointment  or  dismissal  of  officials.  Thus,  Arai  Hakuseki 's 
tenure  of  office  depended  upon  his  relations  with  the  other  ministers,  and  as  all 
of  these  did  not  approve  his  drastic  reforms,  he  was  obliged  to  retire,  but  Manabe 
Norifusa  remained  in  office. 

•i|>;  O.'i  '10  %•; 

THE  EIGHTH  SHOGUN,  YOSHIMUNE 

By  the  death  of  letsugu,  hi  1716,  the  Hidetada  line  of  the  Tokugawa  family 
became  extinct,  and  a  successor  to  the  shogunate  had  to  be  sought  from  the 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU 


611 


Tokugawa  of  Kii  province  in  the  person  of  Yoshimune,  grandson  of  Yorinobu 
and  great-grandson  of  leyasu.  Born  in  1677,  Yoshimune,  the  eighth  Tokugawa 
shogun,  succeeded  to  office  in  1716,  at  the  age  of  thirty-nine.  The  son  of  a  concu- 
bine, he  had  been  obliged  to  subsist  on  the  proceeds  of  a  very  small  estate,  and 
he  therefore  well  understood  the  uses  of  economy  and  the  condition  of  the  people. 
His  habits  were  simple  and  plain,  and  he  attached  as  much  importance  as  leyasu 
himself  had  done  to  military  arts  and  literary  pursuits.  It  had  become  a  custom 
on  the  occasion  of  each  shogun'  s  succession  to  issue  a  decree  confirming,  expand- 
ing, or  altering  the  systems  of  the  previous  potentate.  Yoshimune  's  first  decree 


'i9fLfr  bsaufiy  o 

:(TB  ,1£~ 

•;i  Ydsmjri'i 


- 

irfH/8 


.    :ft 

lauo 


03  IOI*L       .fc')8Ofi1iJ([ 

/eb  tn-jl- 


aitiitrt»fioa 
It  o^.^ili-Mil 


placed  special  emphasis  on  the  necessity  of  diligence  in  the  discharge  of  adminis- 
trative functions  and  the  eschewing  of  extravagance.  Always  he  made  it  his 
unflagging  aim  to  restore  the  martial  spirit  which  had  begun  to  fade  from  the 
samurai 's  bosom,  and  in  the  forefront  of  important  reforms  he  placed  frugality. 
The  Bakufu  had  fallen  into  the  habit  of  modelling  their  systems  and  their  proce- 
dure after  Kyoto  examples.  In  fact,  they  aimed  at  converting  Yedo  into  a  repli- 
ca of  the  Imperial  capital.  This,  Yoshimune  recognized  as  disadvantageous  to 
the  Bakufu  themselves  and  an  obstacle  to  the  resuscitation  of  bushido.  There- 
fore, he  set  himself  to  restore  all  the  manners  and  customs  of  former  days,  and 
it  became  his  habit  to  preface  decrees  and  ordinances  with  the  phrase  "  In  pursu- 
ance of  the  methods,  fixed  by  Gongen"  (leyasu).  His  idea  was  that  only  the 
decadence  of  bushido  could  result  from  imitating  the  habits  of  the  Imperial  Court, 
and  as  Manabe  Norifusa  did  not  endorse  that  view  with  sufficient  zeal,  the  shogun 
relieved  him  of  his  office  of  minister  of  the  Treasury. 

One  of  Yoshimune 's  measures  was  to  remodel  the  female  department  of  the 
palace  on  the  lines  of  simplicity  and  economy.  All  the  ladies-in-waiting  were 
required  to  furnish  a  written  oath  against  extravagance  and  irregular  conduct  of 
every  kind,  and  in  the  sixth  year  after  his  accession  the  shogun  ordered  that  a 
list  should  be  furnished  setting  forth  the  names  and  ages  of  such  of  these  ladies 
as  were,  conspicuously  beautiful.  Fifty  were  deemed  worthy  of  inscription,  and 
quite  a  tremor  of  joyful  excitement  was -caused,  the  measure  being  regarded  as 
prefacing  the  shogun's  choice  of  consorts.  But  Yoshimune 's  purpose  was  very 


612 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


different.  He  discharged  all  these  fair-faced  ladies  and  kept  only  the  ill-favoured 
ones,  his  assigned  reason  being  that  as  ugly  females  find  a  difficulty  in  getting 
husbands,  it  would  be  only  charitable  to  retain  their  services. 

He  revived  the  sport  of  hawking,  after  the  manner  of  leyasu,  for  he  counted 
it  particularly  suitable  to  soldiers;  and  he  pursued  the  pastime  so  ardently  that 
men  gave  him  the  nameof  the  Taka-shogun  (Falcon  shogun).  Healso  inaugurated 
a  new  game  called  uma-gari  (horse-hunting) ;  and  it  is  on  record  that  he  required 
the  samurai  to  practise  swimming  in  the  sea.  By  way  of  giving  point  to  his 
ordinances  inculcating  frugality,  he  himself  made  a  habit  of  wearing  cotton 
garments  in  winter  and  hempen  in  summer  —  a  custom  habitually  practised  by 
the  lower  orders  only.  The  very  detailed  nature  of  his  economical  measures  is 
illustrated  by  an  incident  which  has  independent  interest.  Observing  that  the 
fences  erected  on  the  scarp  of  Yedo  Castle  were  virtually  useless  for  pur- 
poses of  defence  and  very  costly  to  keep  in  repair,  he  caused  them  all  to  be 
pulled  down  and  replaced  by  pine  trees.  This  happened  in  1721,  and  the  result 
was  that  the  battlements  of  this  great  castle  were  soon  overhung  by  noble  trees, 
which  softened  and  beautified  the  military  aspect  of  the  colossal  fortress.  To 
the  same  shogun  Yedo  owes  the  cherry  and  plum  groves  of  Asuka-yama,  of  the 
Sumida-gawa,  and  of  Koganei.  The  saplings  of  these  trees  were  taken  from  the 
Fukiage  park,  which  remains  to-day  one  of  the  most  attractive  landscape  gardens 
in  the  world. 


\\ 


OTHER  MEASURES 


For  the  purpose  of  acquiring  accurate  information  about  the  condition  of  the 
people,  Yoshimune  appointed  officials  who  went  by  the  name  of  niwa-ban  (garden 
watchmen) .  They  moved  about  among  the  lower  orders  and  reported  everything 
constituting  knowledge  useful  for  administrative  purposes.  Moreover,  to 
facilitate  the  ends  of  justice,  the  shogun  revived  the  ancient  device  of  petition- 


VABIOOB  OCCUPATIONS  OK  WOMEN,  KYOHO  ERA 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  613 

boxes  (meyasu-bako)  ,  which  were  suspended  in  front  of  the  courthouse  in  order 
that  men  might  lodge  there  a  written  statement  of  all  complaints.  It  was  by 
Yoshimune,  also,  that  the  celebrated  Ooka  Tadasuke,  the  "Solomon  of  Japan," 
was  invited  from  Yamada  and  appointed  chief  justice  in  Yedo.  The  judgments 
delivered  by  him  in  that  capacity  will  be  famous  as  long  as  Japan  exists.  It  has 
to  be  noted,  however,  that  the  progressive  spirit  awakened  by  Yoshimune  's 
administration  was  not  without  untoward  results.  Extremists  fell  into  the  error 
of  believing  that  everything  pertaining  to  the  canons  of  the  immediate  past  must 
be  abandoned,  and  they  carried  this  conception  into  the  realm  of  foreign  trade,  so 
that  the  restrictions  imposed  in  the  Shotoku  era  (1711-1715)  were  neglected. 
It  became  necessary  to  issue  a  special  decree  ordering  the  enforcement  of  these 
regulations,  although,  as  will  presently  be  seen,  Yoshimune  's  disposition  towards 
the  civilization  of  the  Occident  was  essentially  liberal. 

iri  liJfvr  Jftfofc  ocf  lliw  rroi-tqeo 


ri)  i  M  •:;  i  tob  i  i;(]  '^lirtf  cteom  hn&  Jteotfmg  <>rii  lo 
id  erf  laMeroiq  CODE;S  OF  LAW  ;  .ttaaiMo  feboo<3  odt  fev/oa  vlgntt 

By  this  time  the  miscarriages  of  justice  liable  to  occur  when  the  law  is  ad- 
ministered with  regard  to  precedent  only  or  mainly,  began  to  be  plainly  observa- 
ble, and  the  shogun,  appreciating  the  necessity  for  written  codes,  appointed  a 
commission  to  collect  and  collate  the  laws  in  operation  from  ancient  times;  to 
embody  them  in  codes,  and  to  illustrate  them  by  precedents.  Matsudaira 
Norimura,  one  of  the  ministers  of  State,  was  appointed  chief  commissioner,  and 
there  resulted,  after  four  years  of  labour,  the  first  genuine  Japanese  code  (Oshioki 
Ojomoku)  .  This  body  of  laws  was  subsequently  revised  by  Matsudaira  Sadano- 
bu,  and  under  tke  name  of  Osadame  Hyakkajo  ("Hundred  Articles  of  Law"), 
it  remained  long  in  practice. 

iaiomofr  :fu'fi3vo£)  beimoqqa  3 

ftR  ngb-rol  iijr.fi,  ff'ITERATURE  io-gaa^iroa  vlao  -srf*  ' 

Yoshimune  was  not  behind  any  of  his  ancestors  in  appreciation  of  learning. 
In  1721,  when  his  administrative  reforms  were  still  in  their  infancy,  he  invited 
to  Yedo  Kinoshita  Torasuke  (son  of  the  celebrated  Kinoshita  Junan),  Muro 
Nawokiyo,  and  other  eminent  men  of  letters,  and  appointed  them  to  give  period- 
ical lectures.  Nawokiyo  was  named  "adviser  to  the  shogun,"  who  consulted 
him  about  administrative  affairs,  just  as  Arai  Hakuseki  had  been  consulted  by 
lenobu.  In  fact,  it  was  by  th£  advice  of  Arai  Hakuseki  that  Nawokiyo  (whose 
literary  name  was  Kyuso)  ,  entered  the  service  of  Yoshimune.  Contemporaneous 
with  these  litterateurs  was  the  renowned  Ogyu  Sorai,  whose  profound  knowledge 
of  finance  and  of  administrative  affairs  in  general  made  him  of  great  value  to  the 
Bakufu.  He  compiled  a  book  called  Seidan  (Talks  on  Government)  which,  im- 
mediately became  a  classic.  Special  favour  was  shown  to  the  renowned  Con- 
fucianist,  Hayashi  Nobuatsu.  He  and  his  son  were  asked  to  deliver  regular 
lectures  at  the  Shohei  College,  and  these  lectures  were  the  occasion  of  a  most 
important  innovation,  namely,  the  admission  of  all  classes  of  people,  whereas 
previously  the  audience  at  such  discourses  had  been  strictly  limited  to  military 
men. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  in  the  days  of  Yoshimune  's  shogunate  the  philosophy 
of  Chutsz  (Shu-shi)  was  preferred  to  all  others.  It  received  the  official  imprima- 
tur, the  philosophy  of  Wang  Yang-ming  (O  Yo-mei)  being  set  aside.  One  con- 
sequence of  this  selection  was  that  the  Hayashi  family  came  to  be  regarded  as  the 
sole  depositories  of  true  Confucianism.  Yoshimune  himself,  however,^  was  not 
disposed  to  set  any  dogmatic  limits  to  the  usefulness  of  men  of  learning.  He 


614  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

assumed  an  absolutely  impartial  attitude  towards  all  schools;  adopting  the 
good  wherever  it  was  found,  and  employing  talent  to  whatever  school  it  belonged. 
Thus  when  Kwanno  Chqkuyo  established  a  place  of  education  hi  Yedo,  and  Nakai 
Seishi  did  the  same  in  Osaka,  liberal  grants  of  land  were  made  by  the  Bakufu 
to  both  men.  Another  step  taken  by  the  shogun  was  to  institute  a  search  for 
old  books  throughout  the  country,  and  to  collect  manuscripts  which  had  been 
kept  in  various  families  for  generations.  By  causing  these  to  be  copied  or  print- 
ed, many  works  which  would  otherwise  have  been  destroyed  or  forgotten  were 
preserved. 

It  is  notable  that  all  this  admirable  industry  had  one  untoward  result :  Japa- 
nese literature  came  into  vogue  in  the  Imperial  capital,  and  was  accompanied  by 
the  development  of  a  theory  that  loyalty  to  the  sovereign  was  inconsistent  with 
the  administration  of  the  Bakufu.  The  far-reaching  consequences  of  this  con- 
ception will  be  dealt  with  in  a  later  chapter.  Here,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  one 
of  the  greatest  and  most  truly  patriotic  of  the  Tokugawa  shoguns  himself  unwit- 
tingly sowed  the  seeds  of  disaffection  destined  to  prove  fatal  to  his  own  family. 
VY,si  od-j  fiotlv?  •HJoooioJioftfftil.ooiter.'i  }n  ~  >%!;:r  •  ;;n  <  M' 

ADOPTION  OF  WESTERN  LEARNING 

Yoshimune  was  fond  of  astronomy.  He  erected  a  telescope  in  the  observa- 
tory at  Kanda,  a  sun-dial  in  the  palace  park,  and  a  rain-gauge  at  the  same  place. 
By  his  orders  a  mathematician  named  Nakane  Genkei  translated  the  Gregorian 
calendar  into  Japanese,  and  Yoshimune,  convinced  of  the  superior  accuracy  of 
the  foreign  system,  would  have  substituted  it  for  the  Chinese  then  used  in  Japan, 
had  not  his  purpose  excited  such  opposition  that  he  judged  it  prudent  to  desist. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  the  well-informed  Nishikawa  Masayasu  and  Shibukawa 
Noriyasu  were  appointed  Government  astronomers. 

Previously  the  only  sources  of  information  about  foreign  affairs  had  been  the 
masters  of  the  Dutch  ships,  the  Dutch  merchants,  and  the  Japanese  interpreters 
at  Nagasaki.  The  importation  of  books  from  the  Occident  having  been  strictly 
forbidden  by  the  third  shogun,  lemitsu,  Yoshimune  appreciated  the  disadvantage 
of  such  a  restriction,  and  being  convinced  of  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  the 
study  of  foreign  science  and  art,  he  rescinded  the  veto  except  in  the  case  of  books 
relating  to  Christianity.  Thus,  for  the  first  time,  Japanese  students  were  brought 
into  direct  contact  with  the  products  of  Western  intelligence.  In  1744,  Aoki 
Konyo  received  official  orders  to  proceed  to  Nagasaki  for  the  purpose  of  seeking 
instruction  in  Dutch  from  Dutch  teachers.  Shibukawa  and  Aoki  are  regarded 
as  the  pioneers  of  Occidental  learning  in  Japan,  and,  in  the  year  1907,  posthu- 
mous honours  were  conferred  on  them  by  the  reigning  Emperor  of  their  country. 

THE  SANKIN  KdTAI 

TU;  i-,T  M  i 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  the  financial  embarrassment  of  the  Bakufu  in 
Yoshimune 's  time  was  as  serious  as  it  had  been  in  his  predecessor 's  days.  More- 
over, in  1718,  the  country  was  swept  by  a  terrible  tornado,  and  in  1720  and  1721, 
conflagrations  reduced  large  sections  of  Yedo  to  ashes.  Funds  to  succour  the 
distressed  people  being  imperatively  needed,  the  shogun  called  upon  all  the 
feudatories  to  subscribe  one  hundred  koku  of  rice  for  every  ten  thousand  koku  of 
their  estates.  By  way  of  compensation  for  this  levy  he  reduced  to  half  a  year 
the  time  that  each  feudal  chief  had  to  reside  in  Yedo.  This  meant,  of  course,  a 
substantial  lessening  of  the  great  expenses  entailed  upon  the  feudatories  by  the 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  615 

sankin  kotai  system,  and  the  relief  thus  afforded  proved  most  welcome  to  the 
daimyo  and  the  shomyd  alike.  Yoshimune  intended  to  extend  this  indulgence 
ultimately  by  releasing  the  barons  from  the  necessity  of  coming  to  Yedo  more 
than  once  in  from  three  to  five  years,  and,  in  return,  he  contemplated  a  corre- 
sponding increase  of  the  special  levy  of  rice.  But  his  ministers  opposed  the 
project  on  the  ground  that  it  would  dangerously  loosen  the  ties  between  the 
feudatories  and  the  Bakufu,  and  inasmuch  as  events  proved  that  this  result 
threatened  to  accrue  from  even  the  moderate  indulgence  granted  by  the  shogun, 
not  only  was  no  extension  made  but  also,  in  1731,  the  system  of  sankin  kotai 
was  restored  to  its  original  form.  The  experiment,  indeed  proved  far  from 
satisfactory.  The  feudatories  did  not  confine  themselves  to  assertions  of  inde- 
pendence; they  also  followed  the  example  of  the  Bakufu  by  remitting  some  of  the 
duties  devolving  on  their  retainers  and  requiring  the  latter  to  show  their  grati- 
tude for  the  remissions  by  monetary  payments.  Nominally,  these  payments 
took  the  form  of  loans,  but  in  reality  the  amount  was  deducted  from  the  salaries 
of  vassals.  This  pernicious  habit  remained  in  vogue  among  a  section  of  the 
feudatories,  even  after  the  sankin  kotai  had  been  restored  to  its  original  form. 

rot;  "'^fcfr:  tA  "^^^^  Ste^  .     £  ^^^ 

OFFICIAL  SALARIES 

From  ancient  times  it  had  been  the  habit  of  the  Bakufu  to  assign  important 
offices  to  men  who  were  in  enjoyment  of  large  hereditary  incomes.  This  was 
mainly  for  financial  reasons.  Salaries  were  paid  in  the  form  of  additions  to  the 
hereditary  estates  —  in  other  words,  the  emoluments  of  office  became  permanent, 
and  the  charge  upon  the  Bakufu  being  correspondingly  increased,  it  was  obvious- 
ly expedient  to  fill  high  administrative  posts  with  men  already  in  possession  of 
ample  incomes.  This  system  was  radically  changed  by  Yoshimune.  He  enact- 
ed that  a  clear  distinction  should  be  made  between  temporary  salary  and  heredi- 
tary income.  Thenceforth,  salary  was  to  be  received  only  during  the  tenure  of 
office  and  was  to  cease  on  laying  down  official  functions.  This  reform  had  the 
effect  not  only  of  lightening  the  burden  upon  the  Bakufu  income,  but  also  of  open- 
ing high  offices  to  able  men  without  regard  to  their  private  fortunes. 

' 


. 
THE  CURRENCY 

From  the  first  day  of  assuming  administrative  power,  Yoshimune  gave 
earnest  thought  to  reform  of  the  currency.  His  ambition  was  to  restore  the  gold 
and  silver  coins  to  the  quality  and  sizes  existing  in  the  Keicho  era.  This  he 
effected,  though  not  on  a  sufficiently  large  scale.  Each  of  the  new  coins  was 
equal  in  intrinsic  value  to  two  of  the  corresponding  kenji  coins,  and  the  circula- 
tion of  the  latter  was  suspended,  the  new  coins  being  called  Kyoho-kin  after  the 
year-name  of  the  era  (1716-1735)  when  they  made  their  appearance.  It  was  a 
thoroughly  wholesome  measure,  but  the  quality  of  the  precious  metals  available 
did  not  suffice.  Thus,  whereas  the  gold  coins  struck  during  ten  years  of  the 
Kyoho  era  totalled  only  8,290,000  ryo,  a  census  taken  in  1732  showed  a  total 
population  of  26,921,816.  Therefore,  the  old  coins  could  not  be  wholly  with- 
drawn from  circulation,  and  people  developed  a  tendency  to  hoard  the  new  and 
more  valuable  tokens. 

Other  untoward  effects  also  were  produced.  The  shogun  paid  much  attention 
to  promoting  agriculture  and  encouraging  land  reclamation,  so  that  the  yield  of 
rice  increased  appreciably.  But  this  proved  by  no  means  an  unmixed  blessing. 


616 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE  iG I M 


VAMOU8  OCCUPATZON*  OF  WOMEN,  KYCHO  EHA 


Side  by  side  with  an  increase  in  the  quantity  of  rice  appearing  in  the  market,  the 
operation  of  the  new  currency  tended  to  depreciate  prices,  until  a  measure  of 
grain  which  could  not  have  been  bought  at  one  time  for  less  than  two  ryo  became 
purchasable  for  one.  In  fact,  the  records  show  that  a  producer  considered  him- 
self fortunate  if  he  obtained  half  a  ryo  of  gold  for  a  koku  of  rice.  This  meant  an 
almost  intolerable  state  of  affairs  for  the  samurai  who  received  his  salary  in  grain 
and  for  the  petty  farmer.  Thus,  a  man  whose  income  was  three  rations  of 
rice  annually,  and  who  consequently  had  to  live  on  5.4  koku  for  a  whole  year, 
found  that  when  he  set  aside  from  three  to  four  koku  for  food,  there  remained 
little  more  than  one  ryo  of  assets  to  pay  for  salt,  fuel,  clothes,  and  all  the  other 
necessaries  of  life. 

So  acute  was  the  suffering  of  the  samurai  that  a  rice-exchange  was  established 
at  Dojima,  in  Osaka,  for  the  purpose  of  imparting  some  measure  of  stability  to 
the  price  of  the  cereal.  Just  at  this  time  (1732),  the  central  and  western  prov- 
inces were  visited  by  a  famine  which  caused  seventeen  thousand  deaths  and 
reduced  multitudes  to  the  verge  of  starvation.  The  Bakufu  rendered  aid  on  a 
munificent  scale,  but  the  price  of  rice  naturally  appreciated,  and  although  this 
brought  relief  to  the  military  class,  it  was  misconstrued  by  the  lower  orders  as  a 
result  of  speculation  on  'Change.  Riots  resulted,  and  rice-merchants  fearing 
to  make  purchases,  the  market  price  of  the  cereal  fell  again,  so  that  farmers  and 
samurai  alike  were  plunged  into  their  old  difficulties. 

.Ultimately,  in  1735,  the  Bakufu  inaugurated  a  system  of  officially  fixed  prices 
(osadame-soba) ,  according  to  which  1.4  koku  of  rice  had  to  be  exchanged  for  one 
ryo  of  gold  in  Yedo,  the  Osaka  rate  being  fixed  at  forty-two  momme  of  silver  for 
the  same  quantity  of  the  cereal.  Anyone  violating  this  rule  was  fined  ten  momme 
of  silver  for  each  koku  of  rice  purchased  or  sold  by  him.  It  is  related  that  the 
osadame-soba  was  operative  in  name  only,  and  that  the  merchants  secretly  dealt 
in  the  cereal  at  much  lower  prices  than  those  officially  fixed.  The  Yedo  financiers 


617 

now  concluded  that  the  quantity  of  currency  in  circulation  was  insufficient  and 
its  quality  too  good.  Accordingly,  the  gold  and  silver  coins  were  once  more 
reminted,  smaller  and  less  pure  tokens  being  issued  under  the  name  of  bunji-kin 
with  reference  to  the  Genbun  era  (1736-1740)  of  their  issue.  Thus,  the  reform 
of  the  currency,  achieved  with  so  much  difficulty  in  the  early  years  of  Yoshi- 
mune's  administration,  had  to  be  abandoned,  and  things  reverted  to  their  old 
plight. 

If  this  difficulty  operated  so  acutely  under  a  ruler  of  Yoshimune  's  talent,  the 
confusion  and  disorder  experienced  when  he  withdrew  his  able  hand  from  the 
helm  of  State  may  be  imagined.  The  feudatories  were  constantly  distressed  to 
find  funds  for  supporting  their  Yedo  mansions,  as  well  as  for  carrying  out  the 
public  works  imposed  on  them  from  time  to  time,  and  for  providing  the  costly 
presents  which  had  become  a  recognized  feature  of  ordinary  and  extraordinary 
intercourse.  As  an  example  of  the  luxury  of  the  age,  it  may  be  mentioned  that 
when  the  fifth  shogun  visited  the  Kaga  baron,  the  latter  had  to  find  a  sum  of  a 
million  ryo  to  cover  the  expenses  incidental  to  receiving  such  a  guest.  In  these 
circumstances,  there  arose  among  the  feudatories  a  habit  of  levying  monetary 
contributions  from  wealthy  persons  in  their  fiefs,  the  accommodation  thus  afforded 
being  repaid  by  permission  to  carry  swords  or  by  promotion  in  rank.  The  poorer 
classes  of  samurai  being  increasingly  distressed,  they,  too,  borrowed  money  at 
high  rates  of  interest  from  merchants  and  wealthy  farmers,  which  loans  they  were 
generally  unable  to  repay.  Ultimately,  the  Bakufu  solved  the  situation  partially 
by  decreeing  that  no  lawsuit  for  the  recovery  of  borrowed  money  should  be  enter- 
tained —  a  reversion  to  the  tokusei  system  of  the  Ashikaga  shoguns. 

Of  course,  credit  was  completely  undermined  by  the  issue  of  this  decree,  ft 
is  strange  that  such  conditions  should  have  existed  under  such  a  ruler  as  Yoshi- 
mune. But  even  his  strenuous  influence  did  not  suffice  to  stem  the  current  of 
the  time.  The  mercantile  instinct  pervaded  all  the  transactions  of  every-day  life. 
If  a  man  desired  to  adopt  a  son,  he  attached  much  less  importance  to  the  latter 's 
social  status  or  personality  than  to  the  dimensions  of  his  fortune,  and  thus  it  came 
about  that  the  family  names  of  petty  feudatories  were  freely  bought  and  sold. 
Yoshimune  strictly  interdicted  this  practice,  but  his  veto  had  no  efficiency; 
wealthy  farmers  or  merchants  freely  purchased  their  way  into  titled  families. 
From  this  abuse  to  extortion  of  money  by  threats  the  interval  was  not  long, 
and  the  outcome,  where  farmers  were  victims,  took  the  form  of  agrarian  riots. 
It  was  to  the  merchants,  who  stood  between  the  farmers  and  the  samurai,  that 
fortune  offered  conspicuously  favourable  opportunities  in  these  circumstances. 
The  tradesmen  of  the  era  became  the  centre  of  extravagance  and  luxury,  so  that 
in  a  certain  sense  the  history  of  the  Yedo  Bakufu  may  be  said  to  be  the  history 
of  mercantile  development. 

1  ij     .AiJjlJJJ      .  --      Ji±j      ij-  • 

qp  live  a/f-i  grrisjloqoaQOi  fli  hob-.es'wa  ugrr&tf^O  JiraurifiT  ,-363$ 
INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS 

•GO  '3tLt    Q&7I  ni  ( •  >in>i>/i"i  '-ijjltlr-.ol  I/M!//  iuus   OVIJJVI'QILO  iKJ  o^  J 
Yoshimune  devoted  much  attention  to  the  encouragement  of  industrial  prog- 
ress.    Deeming  that  a  large  import  of  drugs  and  sugar  caused  a  ruinous  drain 
of  specie,  he  sent  experts  hither  and  thither  through  the  country  to  encourage 
the  domestic  production  of  these  staples  as  well  as  of  vegetable  wax.     The 
feudatories,  in  compliance  with  his  suggestion,  took  similar  steps,  and  from  this 
time  tobacco  growing  in  Sagami  and  Satsuma;  the  weaving  industry  in  Kotsuke 
and  Shimotsuke;  sericulture  in  Kotsuke,  Shinano,  Mutsu,  and  Dewa;  indigo 
cultivation  in  Awa;  orange  growing  in  Kii,  and  the  curing  of  bonito  in  Tosa  and 
F*.   ' 


618  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE  1U1M 

Satsuma  —  all  these  began  to  flourish.  Another  feature  of  the  time  was  the 
cultivation  of  the  sweet  potato  at  the  suggestion  of  Aoki  Konyo,  who  saw  in  this 
vegetable  a  unique  provision  against  famine.  Irrigation  and  drainage  works 
also  received  official  attention,  as  did  the  reclamation  of  rice-growing  areas  and 
the  storing  of  cereals. 

THE  NINTH  SHdGUN,  IESHIGE 

In  1745,  Yoshimune  resigned  his  office  to  his  son,  leshige,  who,  having  been 
born  in  1702,  was  now  in  his  forty-third  year.  Yoshimune  had  three  sons, 
leshige,  Munetake,  and  Munetada.  Of  these  the  most  promising  was  the  second, 
Munetake,  whose  taste  for  literature  and  military  art  almost  equalled  his  fa- 
ther's. Matsudaira  Norimura,  prime  minister,  recognizing  that  leshige,  who 
was  weak,  passionate,  and  self-willed,  would  not  be  able  to  fill  worthily  the  high 
office  of  shogun,  suggested  to  Yoshimune  the  advisability  of  nominating  Mune- 
take. But  Yoshimune  had  his  own  programme.  leshige 's  son,  leharu,  was  a 
very  gifted  youth,  and  Yoshimune  reckoned  on  himself  retaining  the  direction  of 
affairs  for  some  years,  so  that  leshige 's  functions  would  be  merely  nominal  until 
leharu  became  old  enough  to  succeed  to  the  shogunate. 

Meanwhile,  to  prevent  complications  and  avert  dangerous  rivalry,  Yoshi- 
mune assigned  to  Munetake  and  Munetada  residences  within  the  Tayasu  and  Hi- 
totsubashi  gates  of  the  castle,  respectively,  gave  the  names  of  these  gates  as 
family  titles,  and  bestowed  on  each  a  revenue  of  one  hundred  thousand  koku, 
together  with  the  privilege  of  supplying  an  heir  to  the  shogunate  in  the  event  of 
failure  of  issue  in  the  principal  house  of  Tokugawa  or  in  one  of  the  "Three  Fami- 
lies." The  shogun,  leshige,  followed  the  same  plan  with  his  son,  Yoshishige,  and 
as  the  latter 's  residence  was  fixed  within  the  Shimizu  gate,  there  came  into 
existence  "Three  Branch  Families"  called  the  Sankyo,  in  supplement  of  the 
already  existing  Sanke.1 

Of  course,  the  addition  of  the  Shimizu  family  had  the  approval  of  Yoshimune. 
In  fact,  the  whole  arrangement  as  to  the  Sankyo  was  an  illustration  of  his  faithful 
imitation  of  the  institutions  of  leyasu.  The  latter  had  created  the  Sanke,  and 
Yoshimune  created  the  Sankyo ;  leyasu  had  resigned  in  favour  of  his  son  and 
had  continued  to  administer  affairs  from  Sumpu,  calling  himself  0-gosho;  Yoshi- 
mune followed  his  great  ancestor 's  example  in  all  these  respects  except  that  he 
substituted  the  western  part  of  Yedo  Castle  for  Sumpu.  leshige 's  most  salient 
characteristic  was  a  passionate  disposition.  Men  called  him  the  "  short-tempered 
shogun"  (kanshaku  kubo).  He  gave  himself  up  to  debauchery,  and  being  of 
delicate  physique,  his  self-indulgence  quickly  undermined  his  constitution.  So 
long  as  Yoshimune  lived,  his  strong  hand  held  things  straight,  but  after  his  death, 
in  1751,  the  incompetence  of  his  son  became  very  marked.  He  allowed  himself 
to  fall  completely  under  the  sway  of  his  immediate  attendants,  and,  among 
these,  Tanuma  Okitsugu  succeeded  in  monopolizing  the  evil  opportunity  thus 
offered.  During  nearly  ten  years  the  reforms  effected  by  Yoshimune  steadily 
ceased  to  be  operative,  and  when  leshige  resigned  in  1760,  the  country  had 
fallen  into  many  of  the  bad  customs  of  the  Genroku  era. 

THE  TENTH  SHOGUN,  IEHARU 

After  his  abdication  in  1760,  leshige  survived  only  fourteen  months,  dying, 
in  1761,  at  the  age  of  fifty-one.  He  was  succeeded,  in  1760,  by  his  son,  leharu, 

f1  The  present  Princes  Tokugawa  are  the  representatives  of  the  main  line  of  the  shogun;  the 
Marquises  Tokugawa,  representatives  of  the  Sanke,  and  the  Counts  Tokugawa,  of  the  Sankyo.] 


MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  619 

who,  having  been  born  in  1737,  was  twenty-three  years  old  when  he  began  to 
administer  the  country's  affairs.  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  appoint  Tanuma 
Okitsugu  to  be  prime  minister,  bestowing  on  him  a  fief  of  fifty-seven  thousand 
koku  in  the  province  of  Totomi,  and  ordering  him  to  construct  a  fortress  there. 
At  the  same  time  Okitsugu 's  son,  Okitomo,  received  the  rank  of  Yamato  no  Kami 
and  the  office  of  junior  minister.  These  two  men  became  thenceforth  the  central 
figures  in  an  era  of  maladministration  and  corruption.  So  powerful  and  all- 
reaching  was  their  influence  that  people  were  wont  to  say,  "Even  a  bird  on  the 
wing  could  not  escape  the  Tanuma."  The  shogun  was  not  morally  incapable, 
but  his  intelligence  was  completely  overshadowed  by  the  devices  of  Okitsugu, 
who  took  care  that  leharu  should  remain  entirely  ignorant  of  popular  sentiment. 
Anyone  attempting  to  let  light  into  this  state  of  darkness  was  immediately 
dismissed.  It  is  related  of  a  vassal  of  Okitsugu  that  he  was  found  one  day  with 
three  high  officials  of  the  shogun' s  court  busily  engaged  in  applying  a  moxa  to 
his  foot.  The  three  officials  knew  that  their  places  depended  on  currying  favour 
with  this  vassal;  how  much  more,  then,  with  his  master,  Okitsugu!  Everything 
went  by  bribery.  Justice  and  injustice  were  openly  bought  and  sold.  Tanuma 
Okitsugu  was  wont  to  say  that  human  life  was  not  so  precious  as  gold  and  silver; 
that  by  the  liberality  of  a  man 's  gifts  his  sincerity  might  truly  be  gauged,  and  that 
the  best  solace  for  the  trouble  of  conducting  State  affairs  was  for  their  adminis- 
trator to  find  his  house  always  full  of  presents. 

leharu,  however,  knew  nothing  of  all  this,  or  anything  of  the  natural  calami- 
ties that  befell  the  country  under  his  sway  —  the  eruption  of  the  Mihara  volcano, 
in  1779,  when  twenty  feet  of  ashes  were  piled  over  the  adjacent  country  through 
an  area  of  several  miles;  the  volcanic  disturbance  at  Sakura-jima,  in  Osumi, 
which  took  place  about  the  same  time  and  ended  in  the  creation  of  several  new 
islands;  the  outbreak  of  the  Asama  crater,  in  1783,  when  half  the  provinces  of  the 
K  wanto  were  covered  with  ashes;  and  the  loss  of  forty  thousand  lives  by  a  flood 
in  the  Tone-gawa.  Of  all  these  visitations  the  shogun  remained  uninformed, 
and,  in  spite  of  them,  luxury  and  extravagance  marked  the  lives  of  the  upper 
classes.  Many,  however,  were  constrained  to  seek  loans  from  wealthy  merchants 
in  Osaka,  and  these  tradesmen,  admonished  by  past  incidents,  refused  to  lend 
anything.  At  last  the  intolerable  situation  culminated  in  a  deed  of  violence. 
In  April,  1784,  Sano  Masakoto,  a  hereditary  vassal  of  the  shogun,  drew  his  sword 
upon  Okitsugu  within  the  precincts  of  the  castle  in  Yedoand  wounded  him  severe- 
ly. Masakoto  was  seized  and  sentenced  to  commit  suicide,  but  the  justice  of  his 
attempt  being  recognized,  the  influence  of  Okitsugu  and  his  son  began  to  decline. 
Two  years' later  (1786),  there  appeared  a  decree  in  the  name  of  the  Bakufu,  order- 
ing that  the  temples  in  all  the  provinces,  the  farmers,  the  artisans,  and  the  mer- 
chants should  send  their  gold  and  silver  every  spring  to  the  Central  Government, 
to  the  end  that  the  latter  might  lend  this  treasure  to  the  feudatories,  who  would 
pledge  themselves  to  pay  it  back  after  five  years.1 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  shogun  himself  knew  nothing  of  this 
ordinance  until  a  multitude  of  complaints  and  remonstrances  found  their  way, 
in  part,  to  his  ears.  At  all  events,  the  extraordinary  decree  proved  to  be  the  last 
act  of  Okitsugu 's  official  life.  He  was  dismissed  from  office,  though  whether 
the  credit  of  that  step  belongs  to  the  Sanke  and  the  elder  officials  or  to  the 
shogun,  is  not  certain,  for  leharu  is  said  to  have  died  just  before  the  final  disgrace 
of  the  corrupt  statesman  was  consummated.  The  Yedo  upon  which  he  closed 
his  eyes  in  October,  1786,  presented  features  of  demoralization  unsurpassed  in 
t1  The  funds  thus  obtained  were  called  yuzii-kin  (accommodation  money).] 


620  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

any  previous  era.  In  fact,  during  the  period  of  forty-one  years  between  the 
accession  of  the  ninth  shogun,  leshige,  in  1745,  and  the  death  of  the  tenth, 
leharu,  in  1786,  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  citizens  developed  along  very 
evil  lines.  It  was  in  this  time  that  the  city  Phryne  (machi-geishd)  made  her 
appearance;  it  was  in  this  time  that  the  theatre,  which  had  hitherto  been  closed 
to  the  better  classes,  began  to  be  frequented  by  them;  it  was  in  this  time  that 
gambling  became  universal;  it  was  in  this  time  that  parents  learned  to  think  it 
an  honour  to  see  their  daughters  winning  favour  as  dancing  girls,  and  it  was  in 
this  time  that  the  samurai  's  noble  contempt  for  money  gave  place  to  the  omnipo- 
tence of  gold  in  military  and  civil  circles  alike. 

THE  113TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  HIGASHIYAMA 
-  ogiigrh  yrom'  16^7~171°)          ,  ^{It  16 

In  1687,  the  Emperor  Reigen  abdicated  in  favour  of  Higashiyama,  then  a  boy 
of  thirteen,  Reigen  continuing  to  administer  affairs  from  behind  the  curtain  as 
was  usual.  Tsunayoshi  was  then  the  shogun  in  Yedo.  He  showed  great  consid- 
eration for  the  interests  of  the  Imperial  Court.  Thus,  he  increased  his  Maj- 
esty 's  allowance  by  ten  thousand  koku  of  rice  annually,  and  he  granted  an  in- 
come of  three  thousand  koku  to  the  ex-Emperor.  Moreover,  all  the  Court 
ceremonies,  which  had  been  interrupted  for  want  of  funds,  were  resumed,  and 
steps  were  taken  to  repair  or  rebuild  the  sepulchres  of  the  sovereigns  throughout 
the  empire. 

' 


i'oir/iO  rii  .jF;fiiir-B"-/>lcS  t^  abrrtdiinsii  >  ->in.tvjl'-v  o;i    >  •'  i, 

RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  FEUDATORIES  AND  THE  COURT  NOBLES 

According  to  a  rule  made  in  the  beginning  of  the  Tokugawa  dynasty,  a  lady 
of  Tokugawa  lineage  was  forbidden  to  marry  a  Court  noble,  but  the  shogun 
himself  was  expected  to  take  a  consort  from  one  of  the  noble  houses  in  the 
Imperial  capital.  From  the  days  of  lemitsu  this  latter  custom  was  steadily 
maintained,  and  gradually  the  feudatories  came  to  follow  the  shogun'  s  example, 
so  that  marriages  between  military  magnates  and  noble  ladies  of  Ky5to  Were 
frequent.  To  these  unions  the  Court  nobles  were  impelled  by  financial  reasons 
and  the  military  men  by  ambition.  The  result  was  the  gradual  formation  of  an 
Imperial  party  and  of  a  Bakufu  party  in  Kyoto,  and  at  times  there  ensued  sharp 
rivalry  between  the  two  cliques.  In  the  days  of  the  seventh  shogun,  letsugu, 
the  Emperor  Reigen  would  have  given  his  daughter  Yaso  to  be  the  shogun's  con- 
sort for  the  purpose  of  restoring  real  friendship  between  the  two  Courts,  but 
the  death  of  the  shogun  in  his  boyhood  interrupted  the  project. 
,  Jflo!jdt$rravbQi  ffi'ft  ri'/  3  n  rf  J  o,f  5  iiriqa  V"rt  v  4  TW  f  I  :•>  b  n  n  h  i  ;  ^  i  '  •»  :  i  : 

).„    ',  -jr-fr,  fisfim-1"  arH  •  t  <vt'?«'Vt  r  **rf     ["••"'  f  "h  •'">'•  M  "•'  ; 
THE  114TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  NAKANOMIKADO  (A.  D.  1710-1735) 

Higashiyama  abdicated  (1710)  in  favour  of  Nakanomikado,  who  reigned 
for  twenty-five  years.  This  reign  is  remarkable  for  a  change  in  the  system 
hitherto  uniformly  pursued,  namely,  that  all  Imperial  princes  with  the  exception 
of  the  direct  heir  should  become  Buddhist  priests  (ho-shinnd),  and  all  princesses 
except  those  chosen  as  consorts  of  the  shdguns,  should  become  Buddhist  nuns 
(bikuni-gosho}  .  It  has  already  been  shown  that  this  custom  found  many  follow- 
ers in  the  days  of  Ashikaga  administration,  and  it  was  observed  with  almost 
equal  strictness  under  the  Tokugawa,  who  certainly  aimed  at  the  gradual 
weakening  of  the  Imperial  household  's  influence.  Arai  Hakuseki  remonstrated 


621 

with  the  shogun,  lenobu,  on  the  subject.  He  contended  that  however  humble  a 
man 's  lot  may  be,  his  natural  desire  is  to  see  his  children  prosper,  whereas  in  the 
case  of  Imperial  princes,  they  were  condemned  to  the  ascetic  career  of  Buddhist 
priests.  He  denounced  such  a  system  as  opposed  to  the  instincts  of  humanity, 
and  he  advised  not  only  that  certain  princes  should  be  allowed  to  form  families 
of  their  own,  but  also  that  Imperial  princesses  should  marry  into  branches  of  the 
Tokugawa.  lenobu  is  said  to  have  acknowledged  the  wisdom  of  this  advice, 
and  its  immediate  result  was  the  establishment  of  the  princely  house  of  Kanin, 
which,  with  the  houses  of  Fushimi,  Kyogoku  (afterwards  Katsura),  and  Arisuga- 
wa,  became  the  four  Shinnoke.  Among  other  privileges  these  were  designated 
to  furnish  an  heir  to  the  throne  in  the  event  of  the  failure  of  direct  issue.  When 
Yoshimune  succeeded  to  the  headship  of  the  Bakufu,  and  after  Arai  Hakuseki 
was  no  longer  in  office,  this  far-seeing  policy  was  gradually  abandoned,  and 
all  the  relations  between  the  Imperial  Court  and  the  Bakufu  became  somewhat 
strained. 


THE  115TH    SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  SAKURAMACHI   (A.   D,   1732-1735),   AND 
THE  116TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  MOMOZONO   (A.  D.  1735-1762) 

After  the  death  of  the  ex-Emperor  Reigen  (1732),  the  Emperor  Nakanomika- 
do  administered  affairs  himself  during  three  years,  and  then  abdicated  in  1735 
in  favour  of  Sakuramachi,  who  was  sixteen  years  of  age,  and  who  reigned  until 
1747,  when  he  abdicated  in  favour  of  Momozono,  then  seven  years  of  age.  It 
was  hi  this  reign  that  there  appeared  an  eminent  scholar,  Yamazaki  Ansai,  who, 
with  his  scarcely  less  famous  pupil,  Takenouchi  Shikibu,  expounded  the  Chinese 
classics  according  to  the  interpretation  of  Chutsz.  They  sought  to  combine 
the  cults  of  Confucianism  and  Shinto,  and  to  demonstrate  that  the  Mikados  were 
descendants  of  gods;  that  everything  possessed  by  a  subject  belonged  primarily 
to  the  sovereign,  and  that  anyone  opposing  his  Majesty's  will  must  be  killed, 
though  his  brothers  or  his  parents  were  his  slayers.  The  obvious  effect  of  such 
doctrines  was  to  discredit  the  Bakufu  shoguns,  and  information  having  ultimately 
been  lodged  in  Yedo  through  an  enemy  of  Takenouchi,  seventeen  Court  nobles 
together  with  others  were  arrested  and  punished,  some  capitally  and  some  by 
exile.  Among  those  executed  the  most  remarkable  was  Yamagata  Daini,  a 
master  of  military  science,  who,  having  endured  the  torture  without  confession, 
was  finally  put  to  death  on  the  ground  that  in  teaching  the  method  of  attacking 
a  fortress  he  used  drawings  of  Yedo  Castle.  This  incident  is  remarkable  as 
indicating  the  first  potent  appearance  of  a  doctrine  to  the  prevalence  of  which 
the  fall  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu  was  ultimately  referable. 

THE  117TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPRESS  GO-SAKURAMACHI  (A.  D.  1762-1770),  AND 
THE  118TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  GO-MOMOZONO   (A.  D.   1770-1780) 

The  Emperor  Momozono  died  hi  1762  after  having  administered  the  Govern- 
ment for  sixteen  years.  His  eldest  son,  Prince  Hidehito,  being  a  mere  baby,  it 
was  decided  that  Princess  Tomo,  Momozono 's  elder  sister,  should  occupy  the 
throne,  Prince  Hidehito  becoming  the  Crown  Prince.  Her  Majesty  is  known  in 
history  as  Go-Sakuramachi.  Her  reign  lasted  only  eight  years,  and  in  1770  she 
abdicated  in  favour  of  her  nephew,  Hidehito,  who  ascended  the  throne  as  the 
Emperor  Go-Momozono  and  died  after  a  reign  of  nine  years.  This  exhausted 
the  lineal  descendants  of  the  Emperor  Nakanomikado. 


622 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE  idlM 


THE  119TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KO"KAKU  (A.  D.  1780-1816) 

•j>.;nq  a-nili/i  •;  fci.  '  F-BIO 

In  default  of  a  direct  heir  it  became  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  one  of  the 
"Four  Princely  Families,"  and  the  choice  fell  upon  Prince  Tomohito,  represent- 
ing the  Kanin  house.  He  succeeded  as  Kokaku,  and  a  Japanese  historian  re- 
marks with  regard  to  the  event  and  to  the  growth  of  the  spirit  fostered  by  Yama- 
zaki  Ansai,  Takenouchi  Shikibu,  and  Yamagata  Daini,  that  "  the  first  string  of 
the  Meiji  Restoration  lyre  vibrated  at  this  time  in  Japan."  Kokaku  's  reign  will 
be  referred  to  again  later  on. 
i/MincT8k-;il.i  310V.7  fj'  i  i&dto  snotaA  .<xA6muj\?..  -u; 

~ff     .ai;«ai  ;hmib  'io  oiulicl  9i{J  to  tnovo  orft  ni  orrfmi  1  0;!  J  o  ' 
iij-iA  loiijs  bna  ^j^is-^iiQ.  adi  lo  qidabasrf  arft  o^  b')l> 

^>q  ^uio-j---n:l  a. 


o^  H9V03  asdj  to  II 

.Oif'/r  ,iB8nA  iiftSfim^Y  /islodoa  ^noni 

^.RT  ,Iiquq  g 
^)i^Et9tqiolnj  ; 

/        *» 


U4 
I    ) 


Jpirfvr, 


S!-^^ 

(Keyan)  SPEAB  CARRIER 


X/,,(^T|r^n  .G  rA); 

(OdTi  -OT\I  .a  .A)  o 
-movoD  ' 


SLTKXl'I  3B371A!IAl  3IIT  rIO  YflOT3IH 


:'•!  HUT 

to:;  okJi-mJ-  9?»)flj-  scorn  A 
fioa  .r>  . 
-f<iacw  i-rrm-il     .snumrrko Y  'to 


/. >  u*rt  '      '    '«' tfas^fi;*»<«jj 

'* 

PICKING  TEA  LEAVES  IN  Uji,  A  CELEBRATED  TEA  DISTRICT 

[qp.^iij  yd  !>Mii,,m-yi^v,oaijJ^i(IT     .wwwtfaarfrtoshrabiigJ 
J3  10!  bnii  t8io^iflim  lo  claoq  9r[^  p^  gailiin^  .ftWBgi;/l(vT  ooirfd  -,ii.j  ^o  abBoif  or{j  k> 
ugsello')  Bif!  mo'il  Jioqqi-fa  )ie)i"31o  brrc  l£^oi  Jbovio^Di  udoaub>j8  arart 
CHAPTER  XLI 

THE  LATE   PERIOD  OF  _THE    TOKUGAWA    BAKUFU. 
THE  ELEVENTH  SHOGUN,  IENARI.  (1786-1838) 


NATURAL  CALAMITIES 


L  at  booubMi  ,H 


THE  misgovernment  of  Tanuma  and  his  son  was  not  the  only  calamity  that 
befell  the  country  during  the  closing  years  of  the  tenth  shogun,  leharu  's,  adminis- 
tration. The  land  was  also  visited  by  famine  and  pestilence  of  unparallelled 
dimensions.  The  evil  period  began  in  1783  and  lasted  almost  without  intermis- 
sion for  four  years.  It  is  recorded  that  when  the  famine  was  at  its  height,  rice 
could  not  be  obtained  in  some  parts  of  the  country  for  less  than  forty  ryo  a  koku. 
Sanguinary  riots  took  place  in  Yedo,  Kyoto,  Osaka,  and  elsewhere.  The  stores 
of  rice-merchants  and  the  residences  of  wealthy  folks  were  plundered  and,  in 
many  cases,  destroyed.  To  such  extremities  were  people  driven  that  cakes  made 
from  pine-tree  bark  served  as  almost  the  sole  means  of  subsistence  in  some  dis- 
tricts, and  the  Government  is  found  gravely  proclaiming  that  cakes  made  of 
straw  were  more  nutritious.  There  are  records  of  men  deserting  their  families, 
wandering  into  other  provinces  in  search  of  food  and  dying  by  thousands  on  the 
way.  An  official  who  had  been  sent  to  Matsumae,  in  the  province  of  Mutsu,  to 
observe  the  state  of  affairs,  reported  that  the  villages  to  the  east  of  Nambu  had 
been  practically  depopulated  and  the  once  fertile  fields  converted  into  barren 
plains.  "Although  farmhouses  stood  in  the  hamlets,  not  a  solitary  person  was 
to  be  seen  on  the  road;  not  a  human  voice  was  to  be  heard.  Looking  through  a 
window,  one  saw  dead  bodies  lying  without  anyone  to  bury  them,  and  sometimes 
skeletons  covered  with  quilts  reposed  on  the  mats,  while  among  the  weeds 
countless  corpses  were  scattered." 

623 


624  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

THE  ELEVENTH  SHdGUN,  IENARI 

Among  these  terrible  conditions  the  tenth  shogun,  leharu  died,  in  1786,  and 
was  succeeded  by  lenari,  a  son  of  Hitotsubashi  Harunari  and  a  great-grandson 
of  Yoshimune.  lenari  was  in  his  fifteenth  year,  and,  of  course,  at  such  a  tender 
age  he  could  not  possibly  deal  with  the  financial,  economic,  and  administrative 
problems  that  presented  themselves  at  this,  the  darkest  period  of  Tokugawa 
sway.  Fortunately  a  man  of  genius  was  found  to  grapple  with  the  situation. 
Matsudaira  Sadanobu,  son  of  Tayasu  Munetake  and  grandson  of  Yoshimune, 
proved  himself  one  of  the  most  capable  administrators  Japan  had  hitherto 
produced.  In  1788,  he  was  appointed  prime  minister,  assisted  by  a  council  of 
State  comprising  the  heads  of  the  three  Tokugawa  families  of  Mito,  Kii,  and 
Owari.  Sadanobu  was  in  his  thirtieth  year,  a  man  of  boundless  energy,  great 
insight,  and  unflinching  courage.  His  first  step  was  to  exorcise  the  spectre  of 
famine  by  which  the  nation  was  obsessed.  For  that  purpose  he  issued  rules  with 
regard  to  the  storing  of  grain,  and  as  fairly  good  harvests  were  reaped  during  the 
next  few  years,  confidence  was  in  a  measure  restored.  The  men  who  served  the 
Bakufu  during  its  middle  period  in  the  capacity  of  ministers  had  been  taken  al- 
most entirely  from  the  families  of  li,  Sakai,  and  Hotta,  but  none  of  them  had 
shown  any  marked  ability;  they  had  allowed  their  functions  to  be  usurped  by  the 
personal  attendants  of  the  shogun.  This  abuse  was  remedied  by  the  appointment 
of  the  heads  of  the  three  Tokugawa  families  to  the  post  of  ministers,  and  for  a 
time  Sadanobu  received  loyal  and  efficient  support  from  his  colleagues. 

II X   H3TfIAH~) 

CONFLAGRATION  IN  KYOTO 

The  series  of  calamities  which  commenced  with  the  tempests,  floods,  and 
famines  of  1788  culminated  in  a  fire  such  as  never  previously  had  swept  Kyoto. 
It  reduced  to  ashes  the  Imperial  palace,  Nijo  Castle,  220  Shinto  shrines,  128 
Buddhist  temples,  and  183,000  houses.  The  loss  of  life  (2600)  was  not  by  any 
means  as  severe  as  that  in  the  great  fire  of  Yedo,  but  the  Imperial  city  was 
practically  destroyed.  Ishikawa  Jinshiro,  who  commanded  at  Nijo  Castle, 
immediately  distributed  a  thousand  koku  of  rice  from  the  Government's  store 
to  relieve  the  distressed  citizens.  He  acted  in  this  matter  without  waiting  to 
seek  sanction  from  the  Bakufu,  and  his  discretion  was  rewarded  by  appointment 
to  the  high  office  of  inspector-general  of  police  (o-metsuke). 

The  problem  of  restoring  the  palace  presented  much  difficulty  in  the  impov- 
erished state  of  the  country,  but  the  Bakufu  did  not  hesitate  to  take  the  task  in 
hand,  and  to  issue  the  necessary  requisitions  to  the  feudatories  of  the  home 
provinces.  Sadanobu  himself  repaired  to  Ky5to  to  superintend  the  work,  and 
took  the  opportunity  to  travel  throughout  a  large  part  of  the  country.  During 
his  tour  all  that  had  any  grievances  were  invited  to  present  petitions,  and 
munificent  rewards  were  bestowed  on  persons  who  had  distinguished  themselves 
by  acts  of  filial  piety  or  by  lives  of  chastity.  Such  administrative  measures 
presented  a  vivid  contrast  with  the  corrupt  oppression  practised  by  the  Tanuma 
family,  and  it  is  recorded  that  men  and  women  kneeled  on  the  road  as  Sadanobu 
passed  and  blessed  him  with  t^jj,  j  £ 

K  /fijuoirf}  gniMooJ     .fmorf  id  ot  &r,w  eoiov  mimuii  &  -torr ;  bum  adt  no  HOT 

SUMPTUARY  REGULATIONS     odb/ssb  V7 

Convinced  that  the  most  important  step  towards  economic  improvement  was 
the  practice  of  frugality,  Sadanobu  caused  rules  to  be  compiled  and  issued  which 


LATE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU 


625 


dealt  with  almost  every  form  of  expenditure.  He  himself  made  a  practice  of 
attending  at  the  castle  wearing  garments  of  the  coarsest  possible  materials,  and 
the  minute  character  of  his  ordinances  against  extravagance  almost  taxes 
credulity. 

Thus,  he  forbade  the  custom  of  exchanging  presents  between  official  col- 
leagues; ordered  that  everyone  possessing  an  income  of  less  than  ten  thousand 
koku  should  refrain  from  purchasing  anything  new,  whether  clothing,  utensils, 
or  furniture;  interdicted  the  wearing  of  white  robes  except  on  occasions  of  cere- 
mony; ordained  that  wedding  presents  should  henceforth  be  reduced  by  one-half, 
advised  that  dried  lobsters  should  be  substituted  for  fresh  fish  in  making  presents; 
prohibited  the  wearing  of  brocade  or  embroidered  silk  by  ladies  not  of  the  highest 
class;  enjoined  simplicity  in  costumes  for  the  no  dance,  in  children's  toys,  in 
women's  pipes,  or  tobacco-pouches,  and  in  ladies'  hairpins  or  bairdress;  forbade 
gold  lacquer  in  any  form  except  to  delineate  family  crests;  limited  the  size  of 
dolls;  vetoed  banquets,  musical  entertainments,  and  all  idle  pleasures  except 
such  as  were  justified  by  social  status,  and  actually  went  to  the  length  of  ordering 


IT 


• — 

iqoaoliifn 


i  .       .  _ (iX^1  C 

.;.-IBmi  6>I  tuj[oft  Ji^r:  ;t.    •/'  .:.ii,n-Hf- -077^117 


srfj 

tloioQ/t  arft  /  SANNO  FESTIVAL  OF  TOKYO  IN  EARLY  DAYS 


;uirn 

aura   I     .t  pro<;uM\-:  '^n^g -jo  ^m>T'!to' nor 
women  to  dress  their  own  hair,  dispensing  entirely  with  professional  Hairdressers, 
who  were  bade  to  change  their  occupation  for  tailoring  or  laundry  work. 

This  remarkable  statesman  laboured  for  the  ethical  improvement  of  his 
countrymen  as  well  as  for  their  frugality  of  life.  In  1789,  we  find  him  legislating 
against  the  multiplication  of  brothels,  and,  two  years  later,  he  vetoed  mixed 
bathing  of  men  and  women.  One  of  the  fashions  of  the  time  was  that  vassals 
left  in  charge  of  their  lords'  mansions  in  Yedo  used  to  organize  mutual  entertain- 
ments by  way  of  promoting  good-fellowship,  but  in  reality  for  purposes  of  dissipa- 
tion. These  gatherings  were  strictly  interdicted.  Simultaneously  with  the 
issue  of  this  mass  of  negative  legislation,  Sadanobu  took  care  to  bestow  rewards 


626  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

and  publish  eulogies.     Whoever  distinguished  himself  by  diligent  service,  by 
chastity,  by  filial  piety,  or  by  loyalty,  could  count  on  honourable  notice. 

• 

THE  KWANSEI  VAGABONDS 

During  the  Kwansei  era  (1789-1800),  Yedo  was  infested  by  vagabonds,  who, 
having  been  deprived  of  their  livelihood  by  the  famine  during  the  years  immedi- 
ately previous,  made  a  habit  of  going  about  the  town  in  groups  of  from  three  to 
five  men  committing  deeds  of  theft  or  incendiarism.  Sadanobu,  acting  on  the 
advice  of  the  judicial  officials,  dealt  with  this  evil  by  establishing  a  house  of 
correction  on  Ishikawa  Island.  There  homeless  vagrants  were  detained  and 
provided  with  work,  those  ignorant  of  any  handicraft  being  employed  as  labour- 
ers. The  inmates  were  fed  and  clothed  by  the  Government,  and  set  free  after 
three  years,  their  savings  being  handed  to  them  to  serve  as  capital  for  some  occu- 
pation. The  institution  was  placed  under  the  care  of  Hasegawa  Heizo,  five 
hundred  bags  of  rice  and  five  hundred  ryo  being  granted  annually  by  the  Bakufu 
for  its  support. 

ADOPTION 

It  has  been  stated  above  that  one  of  the  abuses  which  came  into  large  practice 
from  the  middle  period  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu  was  the  adoption  of  children 
of  ignoble  birth  into  samurai  families  in  consideration  of  monetary  payments  by 
their  parents.  This  mercenary  custom  was  strictly  interdicted  by  the  Matsu- 
daira  regent,  who  justly  saw  in  it  a  danger  to  the  solidity  of  the  military  class. 
But  it  does  not  appear  that  his  veto  received  full  observance. 


EDUCATION 

Since  the  shogun  Tsunayoshi  (1680-1709)  appointed  Hayashi  Nobuatsu  as 
chief  of  Education  in  Yedo,  and  entrusted  to  him  the  conduct  of  the  college  called 
Seido,  Hayashi 's  descendants  succeeded  to  that  post  by  hereditary  right.  They 
steadily  followed  the  principles  of  Confucianism  as  interpreted  by  Chutsz,  a 
Chinese  philosopher  who  died  in  the  year  1200,  but  in  accordance  with  the 
inevitable  fate  of  all  hereditary  offices,  the  lapse  of  generations  brought  inferior- 
ity of  zeal  and  talent.  During  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  there 
appeared  in  the  field  of  Japanese  philosophy  Nakaye  Toju,  who  adopted  the 
interpretation  of  Confucianism  given  by  a  later  Chinese  philosopher,  Wang 
Yang-ming  (1472-1529).  At  a  subsequent  date  Yamaga  Soko,  Ito  Jinsai,  and 
Ogyu  Sorai  (called  also  Butsu  Sorai)  asserted  the  superiority  of  the  ancient 
Chinese  teaching;  and  finally  Kinoshita  Junan  preached  the  rule  of  adopting 
whatever  was  good,  without  distinction  of  Tang  or  Sung. 

These  four  schools  engaged  hi  vehement  controversy,  and  showed  such  pas- 
sion in  their  statements  and  such  intolerance  in  their  contradictions,  that  they 
seemed  to  have  altogether  forgotten  the  ethical  principles  underlying  their  own 
doctrines.  In  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century,  other  schools  came  into 
being,  one  calling  itself  the  "eclectic  school,"  another  the  "inductive  school," 
and  so  forth,  so  that  in  the  end  one  and  the  same  passage  of  the  Confucian 
Analects  received  some  twenty  different  interpretations,  all  advanced  with  more 
or  less  abuse  and  injury  to  the  spirit  of  politeness. 

In  these  circumstances  the  educational  chief  in  Yedo  lost  control  of  the  situa- 
tion. Even  among  his  own  students  there  were  some  who  rejected  the  teachings 


627 

of  Chutsz,  and  Confucianism  threatened  to  become  a  stumbling-block  rather 
than  an  aid  to  ethics.  The  prime  minister,  Sadanobu,  now  appointed  four 
philosophers  of  note  to  assist  the  Hayashi  family,  and  these  famous  teachers 
attended  in  turn  at  the  Seido  to  lecture,  commoners  as  well  as  samurai  being 
allowed  to  attend.  Sadanobu  further  directed  that  the  heads  of  Government 
departments  should  send  in  a  list  of  those  best  educated  among  their  subordinates, 
and  the  men  thus  recommended  were  promoted  after  examination.  Moreover, 
the  prime  minister  himself,  attended  by  his  colleagues  and  the  administrators, 
made  a  habit  of  inspecting  personally,  from  time  to  time,  the  manner  of  teaching 
at  the  college,  and  finally,  in  1795,  the  Seido  was  definitely  invested  with  the 
character  of  a  Government  college,  a  yearly  grant  of  1 130  koku  being  apportioned 
to  meet  the  expenses,  and  an  income  of  1500  koku  being  bestowed  upon  the 
Hayashi  family. 

In  the  same  year,  it  was  decreed  that  no  one  should  be  eligible  for  a  post  in 
the  civil  service  unless  he  was  an  avowed  follower  of  the  Chutsz  philosophy. 
This  bigoted  measure,  spoken  of  as  the  "prohibition  of  heterodoxy,"  did  not 
produce  the  desired  effect.  It  tended  rather  to  accentuate  the  differences 
between  the  various  schools,  and  a  petition  was  presented  to  the  Bakufu  urging 
that  the  invidious  veto  should  be  rescinded.  The  petitioners  contended  that 
although  the  schools  differed  from  each  other,  their  differences  were  not  material, 
since  all  stood  on  common  foundations,  namely,  the  doctrines  of  Confucius  and 
Mencius,  and  all  agreed  in  inculcating  the  virtues  of  filial  piety,  brotherly  love, 
loyalty,  humanity,  righteousness,  politeness,  and  general  tranquillity. 

Ir.vh  Jk>  lioir-  1  Icul  -uiihxo 

THE  PHILOSOPHIES  OF  CHUTSZ  AND  WANG  YANG-MING 

It  will  be  interesting  to  pause  here  a  moment  in  order  to  inquire  briefly  the 
nature  of  the  philosophies  which  occupied  Japanese  thought  throughout  the 
seventeenth  and  the  eighteenth  centuries.  We  need  not  go  beyond  the  schools 
of  Chutsz  and  Wang  Yang-ming,  for  the  third,  or  "ancient,"  school  adopted  the 
teachings  of  Confucius  and  Menciusin  their  purity,  rejecting  all  subsequent  de- 
ductions from  the  actual  words  used  by  these  sages.  These  two  schools  have  been 
well  distinguished  as  follows  by  a  modern  philosopher,  Dr.  Inouye  Tetsujiro: — 

"  (1)  Chutsz  maintained  that  it  is  necessary  to  make  an  extensive  investiga- 
tion of  the  world  and  its  laws  before  determining  what  is  the  moral  law.  Wang 
held  that  man's  knowledge  of  moral  law  precedes  all  study  and  that  a  man's 
knowledge  of  himself  is  the  very  highest  kind  of  learning.  Chutsz 's  method  may 
be  said  to  be  inductive;  Wang's,  deductive. 

"  (2)  The  cosmogony  of  Chutsz  was  dualistic.  All  nature  owed  its  existence 
to  the  Ri  and  Ki,  the  determining  principle  and  the  vital  force  of  primordial 
aura  that  produces  and  modifies  motion.  Wang  held  that  these  two  were 
inseparable.  His  teaching  was  therefore  monistic. 

noitf*  (3)  Chutsz  taught  that  the  primary  principle,  Ri,  and  the  mind  of  man 
were  quite  separate,  and  that  the  latter  was  attached  to  the  Ki.  Wang  held 
that  the  mind  of  man  and  the  principle  of  the  universe  were  one  and  the  same, 
and  argued  that  no  study  of  external  nature  was  required  in  order  to  find  out 
nature's  laws.  To  discover  these,  man  had  only  to  look  within  his  own  heart. 
He  that  understands  his  own  heart  understands  nature,  says  Wang. 

"  (4)  Chutsz 's  system  makes  experience  necessary  in  order  to  understand 
the  laws  of  the  universe,  but  Wang's  idealism  dispenses  with  it  altogether  as  a 
teacher. 


628  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

''(5)  Chutsz  taught  that  knowledge  must  come  first  and  right  conduct 
after.  Wang  contended  that  knowledge  and  conduct  cannot  be  separated. 
One  is  part  of  the  other.  Chutsz  may  be  said  to  exalt  learned  theories  and 
principles,  and  Wang  to  extol  practice. 

"The  moral  results  of  the  systems  briefly  stated  were  as  follows:  Chutsz 'a 
teaching  produced  many  learned  men  in  this  country,  but  not  infrequently 
these  men  were  inferior,  being  narrow-minded,  prejudiced,  and  behind  the  age. 
Wang's  doctrines,  on  the  other  hand,  while  they  cannot  escape  the  charge  of 
shallowness  on  all  occasions,  serve  the  moral  purpose  for  which  they  were  prop- 
agated better  than  those  of  the  rival  school.  Though  in  the  ranks  of  the  Japanese 
followers  of  Chutsz  there  were  numbers  of  insignificant,  bigoted  traditionalists, 
the  same  cannot  be  said  of  those  who  adopted  Wang 's  views.  They  were  as  a 
class  fine  specimens  of  humanity,  abreast,  if  not  ahead,  of  the  age  in  which  they 
lived.  No  system  of  teaching  has  produced  anything  approaching  such  a 
number  of  remarkable  men.  If  a  tree  is  to  be  judged  by  its  fruit,  Wang's 
philosophy  in  Japan  must  be  pronounced  one  of  the  greatest  benefits  that  she 
received  from  the  neighbouring  continent,  though  not  a  little  of  its  power  in  this 
country  is  to  be  traced  to  the  personality  of  the  man  who  was  the  first  to  make 
it  thoroughly  known  to  his  fellow  countrymen,  Nakaye  Toju."1 

Dr.  Inouye  adds:  "By  exclusive  attention  to  the  dictates  of  conscience  and 
by  sheer  force  of  will  the  Wang  school  of  philosophers  succeeded  in  reaching  a 
standard  of  attainment  that  served  to  make  them  models  for  posterity.  The 
integrity  of  heart  preached  by  his  followers  in  Japan  has  become  a  national 
heritage  of  which  all  Japanese  are  proud.  In  the  West,  ethics  has  become  too 
exclusively  a  subject  of  intellectual  inquiry,  a  question  as  to  which  of  rival 
theories  is  the  most  logical.  By  the  Japanese,  practical  virtue  has  been  exalted 
to  the  pedestal  of  the  highest  honour." 

The  same  authority,  discussing  the  merits  of  the  Chutsz  school,  says:  "To 
the  question  which  has  so  often  been  asked  during  the  past  few  years,  whence 
comes  the  Japanese  fine  ethical  standard,  the  answer  is  that  it  undoubtedly 
originated  with  the  teaching  of  Chutsz  as  explained,  modified,  and  carried  into 
practice  in  Japan.  The  moral  philosophy  of  the  Chutsz  school  in  Japan  com- 
pared with  that  of  the  other  two  schools  was  moderate  in  tone,  free  from  eccentri- 
cities, and  practical  in  a  rare  degree.  In  the  enormous  importance  it  attached  to 
self-culture  and  what  is  known  in  modern  terminology  as  self-realization,  the 
teaching  of  the  Chutsz  school  of  Japanese  moralists  differed  in  no  material  re- 
spects from  the  doctrines  of  the  New  Kantians  in  England." 

RETlREMENt  O/^i&^p 

'Hii{[  1O  O'/!'  i  h;Jr/  •»•': 

After  six  years  of  most  enlightened  service,  Matsudaira  Sadanobu  resigned 
office  in  1793  to  the  surprise  and  consternation  of  all  truly  patriotic  Japanese. 
History  is  uncertain  as  to  the  exact  cause  of  his  retirement,  but  the  explanation 
seems  to  be,  first,  that  his  uncompromising  zeal  of  reform  had  earned  him  many 
enemies  who  watched  constantly  for  an  opportunity  to  attack  him,  and  found 
it  during  his  absence  on  a  visit  to  inspect  the  coasts  of  the  empire  with  a  view  to 
enforcing  the  veto  against  foreign  trade;  and  secondly,  that  a  question  of  prime 
importance  having  arisen  between  the  Courts  of  Kyoto  and  Yedo,  Sadanobu 's 
influence  was  exercised  in  a  manner  deeply  resented  by  the  sovereign  as  well  as 
by  the  loyalists  throughout  the  empire.  This  important  incident  will  bepresent- 
f1  See  Professor  Walter  Dening  's  brochure  on  Confucian  Philosophy  in  Japan.] 


LATE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  629 

ly  referred  to  in  detail.  Here  it  will  suffice  to  state  that  Sadanobu  did  not 
retire  in  disgrace.  He  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  general  of  the  Left,  which 
honour  was  supplemented  by  an  invitation  to  attend  at  the  castle  on  State 
occasions.  He  chose,  however,  to  live  in  retirement,  devoting  himself  to  the 
administration  of  his  own  domain  and  to  literary  pursuits.  The  author  of  several 
well-known  books,  he  is  remembered  by  his  pen-name,  Rakuo,  almost  as  con- 
stantly as  by  his  historical,  Sadanobu.  He  died  in  1829,  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
two. 

HITOTSUBASHI  HARUNARI 

After  Sadanobu  's  resignation  of  the  post  of  prime  minister,  the  shogun's 
father,  Hitotsubashi  Harunari,  moved  into  the  western  citadel  of  Yedo  Castle, 
and  thenceforth  the  great  reforms  which  Sadanobu  had  effected  by  the  force  of 
genius  and  unflagging  assiduity,  were  quickly  replaced  by  an  age  of  retrogression, 
so  that  posterity  learned  to  speak  of  the  prodigality  of  the  Bunka  and  Bunsei 
eras  (1804-1829),  instead  of  the  frugality  of  the  Kwansei  (1789-1800).  As  for 
the  shogun,  lenari,  he  received  from  the  Throne  the  highest  rank  attainable  by  a 
subject,  together  with  the  office  of  daijo-daijin.  Such  honour  was  without 
precedent  since  the  time  of  leyasu.  lenari  had  more  than  fifty  daughters,  all 
born  of  different  mothers,  from  which  fact  the  dimensions  of  his  harem  may  be 
inferred. 

:;-.    i:::,:  Ml  t\  ,f>  t  f{  1  :fi  !  :          <r  !  fit  T  i     XV  *'  fifVS  !>;Tli^<;b  O.'Lt  'V/lll  Oi  11  >')Cf 

THE  119TH  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KOKAKU   (A.  D.  1780-1816) 

The  Emperor  Kokaku  ascended  the  throne  in  1780  and  abdicated  in  1816. 
He  was  undoubtedly  a  wise  sovereign  and  as  a  classical  scholar  he  won  consider- 
able renown.  After  reigning  for  thirty-six  years,  he  administered  State  affairs 
from  the  Palace  of  Retirement  during  twenty-four,  and  throughout  that  long 
interval  of  sixty  years,  the  country  enjoyed  profound  peace.  The  period  of 
Sadanobu  's  service  as  prime  minister  of  the  Bakufu  coincided  with  the  middle 
of  Kokaku  's  reign,  and  in  those  days  of  happiness  and  prosperity  men  were  wont 
to  say  that  with  a  wise  sovereign  in  the  west  a  wise  subject  had  appeared  in  the 
east.  Up  to  that  time  the  relations  between  Kyoto  and  Yedo  were  excellent, 
but  Sadanobu  's  resignation  and  the  cause  that  led  to  it  produced  between  the 
two  Courts  a  breach  which  contributed  materially,  though  indirectly,  to  the 
ultimate  fall  of  the  Tokugawa. 


. 

•Li!  li''-iiJii'L'j  i!ii'  *•'  ^li^-  '->-*  ?•:••;  rs  -A:-!  .tfiti.'  hrni  vjJJi-iir  fr/iota 

REBUILDING  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  PALACE 
'.:!([  ;iiirrn  ^        :  u  jr  /.-  n^Oi.josq  9 

It  has  already  been  noted  that  after  the  great  fire  of  1788,  the  Bakufu,  acting, 
of  course,  at  the  instance  of  their  prime  minister,  ordered  Sadanobu  to  supervise 
the  work  of  reconstructing  the  Imperial  palace.  Since  the  days  of  Oda  and 
Toyotomi,  the  palace  had  been  rebuilt  or  extensively  repaired  on  several  occa- 
sions, but  always  the  plans  had  been  too  small  for  the  requirements  of  the  ortho- 
dox ceremonials.  Sadanobu  determined  to  correct  this  fault.  He  called  for 
plans  and  elevations  upon  the  bases  of  those  of  the  tenth  century,  and  from  the 
gates  to  the  roofs  he  took  care  that  everything  should  be  modelled  on  the  old 
lines.  The  edifices  are  said  to  have  been  at  once  chaste  and  magnificent,  the 
internal  decorations  being  from  the  brushes  of  the  best  artists  of  the  Tosa  and 
Sumiyoshi  Academies.  Sealed  estimates  had  been  required  from  several  leading 
architects,  and  Sadanobu  surprised  his  colleagues  by  awarding  the  work  to  the 
highest  bidder,  on  the  ground  that  cheapness  could  not  consist  with  true  merit 


630  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

in  such  a  case,  and  that  any  thought  of  cost  would  evince  a  want  of  reverence 
towards  the  Imperial  Court.  The  buildings  were  finished  in  two  years,  and  the 
two  Emperors,  the  reigning  and  the  retired,  took  up  their  residence  there.  His 
Majesty  Kokaku  rewarded  the  shogun  with  an  autograph  letter  of  thanks  as  well 
as  a  verse  of  poetry  composed  by  himself,  and  on  Sadanobu  he  conferred  a  sword 
and  an  album  of  poems.  The  shogun  lenari  is  said  to  have  been  profoundly 
gratified  by  this  mark  of  Imperial  favour.  He  openly  attributed  it  to  Sadanobu 's 
exertions,  and  he  presented  to  the  latter  a  facsimile  of  the  autograph  letter. 

,  J&WJ 

THE  TITLE  TROUBLE 

In  the  very  year  (1791)  following  the  Emperor's  entry  into  the  new  palace, 
a  most  untoward  incident  occurred.  Up  to  that  time  the  relations  between  the 
Courts  of  Kyoto  and  Yedo  had  left  nothing  to  be  desired,  but  now  a  permanent 
breach  of  amity  took  place.  The  sovereign  was  the  son  of  Prince  Tsunehito, 
head  of  the  Kanin  family.  This  prince,  in  spite  of  his  high  title,  was  required 
by  Court  etiquette  to  sit  below  the  ministers  of  State  on  ceremonial  occasions 
in  the  palace.  Such  an  order  of  precedence  offended  the  sovereign,  and  his 
Majesty  proposed  that  the  rank  of  dajo  tenno  should  be  given  to  his  father,  thus 
placing  him  in  the  position  of  a  retired  Emperor.  Of  course  it  was  within  the 
prerogative  of  the  Emperor  to  confer  titles.  The  normal  procedure  would  have 
been  to  give  the  desired  rank  to  Prince  Tsunehito,  and  then  to  inform  the  Bakufu 
of  the  accomplished  fact.  But,  in  consideration  of  the  very  friendly  relations 
existing  between  the  two  Courts,  the  sovereign  seems  to  have  been  unwilling  to 
act  on  his  own  initiative  in  a  matter  of  such  importance. 

Yedo  was  consulted,  and  to  the  surprise  of  Kyoto,  the  Bakufu  prime  minister 
assumed  an  attitude  hostile  to  the  Court's  desire.  The  explanation  of  this 
singular  act  on  Sadanobu 's  part  was  that  a  precisely  analogous  problem  per- 
plexed Yedo  simultaneously.  When  lenari  was  nominated  shogun,  his  father, 
Hitotsubashi  Harunari,  fully  expected  to  be  appointed  guardian  of  the  new 
potentate,  and  being  disappointed  in  that  hope,  he  expressed  his  desire  to  receive 
the  title  of  o-gosho  (retired  shogun),  so  that  he  might  enter  the  western  citadel  of 
Yedo  Castle  and  thence  administer  affairs  as  had  been  done  by  ex-Emperors  in 
Kyoto  for  hundreds  of  years,  and  by  ex-shoguns  on  several  occasions  under  the 
Tokugawa.  Disappointed  in  this  aspiration,  Harunari,  after  some  hesitation, 
invited  the  attention  of  the  shogun  to  the  fact  that  filial  piety  is  the  basis  of  all 
moral  virtues,  and  that,  whereas  the  shogun 's  duty  required  him  to  set  a  good 
example  to  the  people,  he  subjected  his  own  father  to  unbecoming  humiliation, 
lenari  referred  the  matter  to  the  State  council,  but  the  councillors  hesitated  to 
establish  the  precedent  of  conferring  the  rank  of  o-gosho  on  the  head  of  one  of  the 
Sankyo  families  —  Tayasu,  Shimizu,  and  Hitotsubashi  —  who  had  never  dis- 
charged the  duties  of  shogun. 

The  prime  minister,  Sadanobu,  however,  had  not  a  moment's  hesitation  in 
opposing  Harunari 's  project.  He  did,  indeed,  order  a  well-known  Confucian 
scholar  to  search  the  annals  in  order  to  find  whether  any  precedent  existed  for 
the  proposed  procedure,  either  in  Japan  or  in  China,  but  he  himself  declared 
that  if  such  an  example  were  set  in  the  shogun 's  family,  it  might  be  the  cause  of 
grave  inconvenience  among  the  people.  In  other  words,  a  man  whose  son  had 
been  adopted  into  another  family  might  claim  to  be  regarded  as  the  head  of  that 
family  in  the  event  of  the  death  of  the  foster-father.  It  is  certain,  however,  that 
other  and  stronger  reasons  influenced  the  Bakufu  prime  minister.  Hitotsubashi 


LATE  PERIOD  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU  631 

Harunari  was  generally  known  as  Wagamama  Irikyo  (the  Wayward  Recluse1). 
His  most  intimate  friends  were  the  shogun's  father-in-law,  Shimazu  Ei-O,  and 
Ikeda  Isshinsai.  The  latter  two  were  also  inkyo  and  shared  the  tastes  and 
foibles  of  Harunari.  One  of  their  greatest  pleasures  was  to  startle  society. 
Thus,  when  Sadanobu  was  legislating  with  infinite  care  against  prodigality  of 
any  kind,  the  above  three  old  gentlemen  loved  to  organize  parties  on  an  ostenta- 
tiously extravagant  scale,  and  Sadanobu  naturally  shrank  from  seeing  the  title 
of  o-gosho  conferred  on  such  a  character,  thus  investing  him  with  competence 
to  interfere  arbitrarily  in  the  conduct  of  State  affairs. 

Just  at  this  time,  the  Court  in  Kyoto  preferred  its  application,  and  Sadanobu 
at  once  appreciated  that  if  the  rank  of  dajo  tenno  were  conferred  on  Prince 
Tsunehito,  it  would  be  impossible  to  withhold  that  of  o-gosho  from  Harunari. 
Consequently  the  Bakufu  prime  minister  wrote  privately  to  the  Kyoto  prime 
minister,  Takatsukasa  Sukehira,  pointing  out  the  inadvisability  of  the  proposed 
step.  This  letter,  though  not  actually  an  official  communication,  had  the 
effect  of  shelving  the  matter  for  a  time,  but,  in  1791,  the  Emperor  re-opened  the 
question,  and  summoned  a  council  in  the  palace  to  discuss  it.  The  result  was 
that  sixty-five  officials,  headed  by  the  prime  minister  and  the  minister  of  the 
Right,  supported  the  sovereign's  views,  but  the  ex-premier,  Takatsukasa 
Sukehira,  and  his  son,  the  minister  of  the  Left,  with  a  few  others,  opposed  them. 

The  proceedings  of  this  council  with  an  autograph  covering-letter  from  the 
sovereign  were  sent  to  the  Bakufu,  in  1792,  but  for  a  long  time  no  answer  was 
given.  Meanwhile  Prince  Tsunehito,  already  an  old  man,  showed  signs  of 
declining  health,  and  the  Imperial  Court  pressed  Yedo  to  reply.  Ultimately 
the  Bakufu  officially  disapproved  the  project.  No  statement  of  reasons  .ac- 
companied the  refusal,  but  it  was  softened  by  a  suggestion  that  an  increase  of 
revenue  might  be  conferred  on  the  sovereign's  father.  This  already  sufficiently 
contumelious  act  was  supplemented  by  a  request  from  the  Bakufu  that  the 
Imperial  Court  should  send  to  Yedo  the  high  secretary  and  the  chief  of  the 
Household.  Unwillingly  the  Court  complied,  and  after  hearing  the  arguments 
advanced  by  these  two  officials,  Sadanobu  sentenced  them  to  be  placed  in  con- 
finement for  a  hundred  days,  and  fifty  days,  respectively,  which  sentence  was 
carried  out  at  the  temple  Seisho-ji  in  Yedo,  and  the  two  high  officials  were 
thereafter  sent  back  to  Kyoto  under  police  escort.  Ultimately  they  were  both 
dismissed  from  office,  and  all  the  Court  dignitaries  who  had  supported  the 
sovereign's  wishes  were  cautioned  not  to  associate  themselves  again  with  such 
"  rash  and  unbecoming  acts."  It  can  scarcely  be  denied  that  Sadanobu  exercised 
his  power  in  an  extreme  and  unwise  manner  on  this  occasion.  A  little  recourse 
to  tact  might  have  settled  the  matter  with  equal  facility  and  without  open 
disrespect  to  the  Throne.  But  the  Bakufu  prime  minister  behaved  after  the 
manner  of  the  deer-stalker  of  the  Japanese  proverb  who  does  not  see  the  moun- 
tain, and  he  thus  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Imperialist  party  a  weapon  which 
contributed  materially  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Bakufu  seventy  years  later. 

[l  It  has  always  been  a  common  custom  in  Japan  for  the  head  of  a  family  to  retire  nominally 
from  active  life  after  he  attains  his  fiftieth  year.     He  is  thenceforth  known  as  inkyo  (or  recluse). 
The  same  is  true  of  women.] 
giiiocf  I'idfttcdo  odt  bus  ^,-iif\fisi  Jaeafnrtf' ot  boldm  >*-.*;  Biate.inim  loirruj  on/;  'lout-:.* 

aV>?vj&A&  af&  k>  vtiai-MY  a&aiwisaii  sdt'm  fj 
-B  w'ti&iteuwubu  Jitateoquii  loJmywos  MO  ibaflHrf  q'jiEal 
•?£{:••;  .bolgjtaT  ^bnoilfi .  ^.;,T^V9WOJi',«j^>oAa  itftri  orto  3o 
•  •      vtiifciKt  i;;bilm   ioi  eA 


ISO 


MJiT  r'K)  ClOIfla*!  a 


nv 


.,' 

?-  '    •  ;;U  1- 

cf 


.morit  basogqo  <«•• 

\  ghol  &  1(  YO-MEI-MON  GATE,  AT 

lo  grrgra  bawoda  .jiuoi  bio ^  £tB  ^biwilfi  Tp.t;  iT  sfi 

vlaJisrriiJltJ     .Vlcjoi  od  ob^-Y'boateoifi  dTifbp 
-Ofi.  gflOgfioi  jo  Jf r  •  Yffei 

CHAPTER  XLII 


ORGANIZATION,  CENTRAL  AND  LOCAL;   CURRENCY  AND 
THE  LAWS  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKAFU 

-rioo  ni  b-jDiiki  od  : 

THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU 

• 

THE  organization  of  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu  cannot  be  referred  to  any  earlier 
period  than  that  of  the  third  shogun,  lemitsu.  The  foundations  indeed  were 
laid  after  the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  when  the  administrative  functions  came  into 
the  hands  of  leyasu.  By  him  a  shoshidai  (governor)  was  established  in  KySto 
together  with  municipal  administrators  (machi  bug  yd).  But  it  was  reserved  for 
lemitsu  to  develop  these  initial  creations  into  a  competent  and  consistent  whole. 
There  was,  first,  what  may  be  regarded  as  a  cabinet,  though  the  name  of  its 
members  (roju,  or  seniors)  does  not  suggest  the  functions  generally  discharged 
by  ministers  of  State.  One  of  the  roju  was  appointed  to  the  post  of  dairo 
(great  senior).  He  corresponded  to  the  prime  minister  in  a  Western  Cabinet, 
and  the  other  roju  may  be  counted  as  ministers.  Then  there  were  junior 
ministers,  and  after  them  came  administrators  of  accounts,  inspectors,  adminis- 
trators of  shrines  and  temples,  and  municipal  administrators.  The  place  where 
State  business  was  discharged  went  by  the  name  of  Go-Yo-beya.  There,  the 
senior  and  junior  ministers  assembled  to  transact  affairs,  and  the  chamber  being 
situated  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  shogun' s  sitting-room,  he  was  able  to 
keep  himself  au  courant  of  important  administrative  affairs.  During  the  time 
of  the  fifth  shogun,  however,  as  already  related,  this  useful  arrangement  under- 
went radical  alteration.  As  for  judicial  business,  there  did  not  originally  exist 

632 


The  duties  of  the  dairo  —  sometimes  called  karo  or  'd-frshifiri-y&e 


ORGANIZATION  AND  LAWS  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU      633 

any  special  place  for  its  transaction.  A  chamber  in  the  official  residence  was 
temporarily  assigned  for  the  purpose,  but  at  a  later  date  a  court  of  justice 
(Hydjo-sho)  was  established  at  Tatsunokuchi  in  Yedo.  This  organization, 
though  carried  within  sight  of  completion  in  the  days  of  the  third  shogun,  required 
to  be  supplemented  by  the  eighth,  and  was  not  actually  perfected  until  the  time 
of  the  eleventh. 

0  eioJ- 

THE  DAIR6 

to 

preside  over  the  roju  and  to  handle  important  administrative  affairs.  In  many 
respects  his  functions  resembled  those  discharged  by  the  regent  (shikkeri)  of  the 
Kamakura  Bakufu.  To  the  office  of  dairo  a  specially  distinguished  member  of 
the  roju  was  appointed,  and  if  no  one  possessing  the  necessary  qualifications  was 
available,  that  post  had  to  be  left  vacant.  Generally  the  li,  the  Hotta,  or  the 
Sakai  family  supplied  candidates  for  the  office. 

9'1T    .r  ;j  •  oj  os/.:; 

uTtsrnitrtbs  .-)!  rwo  TJerft 

THE  ROJU 

The  roju  or  senior  ministers  —  called  also  toshiyori  —  discharged  the  adminis- 
tration. They  resembled  the  kwanryo  of  the  Muromachi  Government.  There 
were  five  of  these  ministers  and  they  exercised  control  over  all  matters  relating 
to  the  Imperial  palace,  the  palace  of  the  ex-Emperor  (Sendo),  the  Imperial 
princes,  the  princely  abbots  (monzeki)  and  all  the  daimyo.  It  was  customary  to 
choose  the  roju  from  among  officials  who  had  previously  served  as  governors 
of  Osaka  or  Kyoto  or  as  soshaban,  who  will  be  presently  spoken  of  at 
greater  length. 

,rn 
THE  WAKA-DOSHIYORI 


There  were  five  junior  ministers  (waka-doshiyori)  whose  principal  functions 
were  to  exercise  jurisdiction  over  theJiatamoto  and  the  kenin.  These  latter  names 
have  already  been  alluded  to,  but  for  the  sake  of  clearness  it  may  be  well  to 
explain  that  whereas  thefudai  daimyo  consisted  of  the  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  barons  who  joined  the  standard  of  leyasu  before  the  battle  of  Sekigahara, 
the  hatamoto  (bannerets),  while  equally  direct  vassals  of  the  shogun,  were  lower 
than  the  daimyo  though  higher  than  the  go-kenin,  who  comprised  the  bulk  of 
the  Tokugawa  samurai.  Members  of  the  waka-doshiyori  might  at  any  time  be 
promoted  to  the  post  of  roju.  Their  functions  were  wide  as  well  as  numerous, 
and  resembled  those  performed  by  the  hydjo-shu  and  the  hikitsuke-shu  of  the 
Kamakura  and  Muromachi  Governments.  A  junior  minister  must  previously 
have  occupied  the  post  of  administrator  of  temples  and  shrines  (jisha-bugyo) 
or  that  of  chamberlain  (o-soba-shu)  or  that  of  chief  guard  (o-ban).  The  offices 
of  minister  and  junior  minister  were  necessarily  filled  by  daimyo  who  were 
hereditary  vassals  of  the  shogun. 

-  - 

•  •  I'-iu 
SECRETARIES  ...nft 

There  were  two  secretariats,  the  oku-yuhitsu  (domestic  secretariat)  and  the 
omote-yuhitsu  (external  secretariat).  They  discharged,  on  account  of  the 
senior  ministers,  the  duties  of  scribes,  and  were  presided  over  by  a  todori,  who, 
in  later  days,  wielded  large  influence. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLED . 

THE  JISHA-BUGY6    ^  a»i  '1 
•>?i;tei/i  to  Jhfio-,  «  oJfch  rrtfll  jj  tfl  Jud  ,oeoq-u;q  a/ij  -..    . 

The  jisha-bugyo,  as  their  name  suggests,  supervised  all  affairs  relating  to 
shrines,  temples,  Shinto  officials,  bonzes,  and  nuns  as  well  as  persons  residing 
within  the  domains  of  shrines  and  temples.  They  also  discharged  judicial 
functions  in  the  case  of  these  various  classes.  The  number  of  these  administra- 
tors of  shrines  and  temples  was  originally  three,  but  afterwards  it  was  increased 
to  four,  who  transacted  business  for  a  month  at  a  time  in  succession.  The 
soshaban,  who  were  entitled  to  make  direct  reports  to  the  shogun,  had  to  fill  the 
office  of  jisha-bugyo  in  addition  to  their  other  functions,  which  were  connected 
with  the  management  of  matters  relating  to  ceremony  and  etiquette. 

At  first  there  were  only  two  of  these  soshaban,  but  subsequently  their  number 
was  increased  to  twenty-four,  and  it  became  customary  for  one  of  them  to  keep 
watch  in  the  castle  at  night.  They  were  generally  ex-governors  of  Osaka  and 
Fushimi,  and  they  were  necessarily  daimyd  who  had  the  qualification  of  direct 
vassalage  to  the  shogun.  The  jisha-bugyo  performed  their  judicial  functions  in 
their  own  residences,  each  administrator  employing  his  own  vassals  for  sub- 
ordinate purposes,  and  these  vassals,  when  so  employed,  were  distinguished  as 
jisha-yaku  or  toritsugi.  Further,  officiating  in  conjunction  with  the  jisha-bugyo f 
were  chief  inspectors  (daikenshi) ,  and  assistant  inspectors  (shokenshi)  whose 
duties  require  no  description.  The  classes  of  people  to  whom  the  jisha-bugyo 's 
jurisdiction  extended  were  numerous:  they  embraced  the  cemetery-keepers  at 
Momiji-yama,  the  bonzes,  the  fire-watchmen,  the  musicians,  the  Shinto 

officials,  the  poets,  the  players  at  go  or  chess,  and  so  forth. 

nftoa  vji3tfoiv9iq  Tifirl  orfrr  ateffio  giiom/?  rriotf  • 

J.'j  lo  nsioqs   vliujaaiq  <jd  Iliy/  odff  ««$><$» Aioa .  as  10  oJo^X  ")   lo 

THE  MACHI-BUGY6 

The  municipal  administrator  (machi-bugyo)  controlled  affairs  relating  to  the 
citizens  in  general.  This  was  among  the  oldest  institutions  of  the  Tokugawa, 
and  existed  also  in  the  Toyotomi  organization.  At  first  there  were  three  machi- 
bugyo,  but  when  the  Tokugawa  moved  to  Yedo,  the  number  was  decreased  to 
one,  and  subsequently  increased  again  to  two  in  the  days  of  lemitsu.  Judicial 
business  occupied  the  major  part  of  themachi-bugyo  's  time.  His  law-court  was  in 
his  own  residence,  and  under  his  direction  constables  (yoriki  or  doshiri)  patrolled 
the  city.  He  also  transacted  business  relating  to  prisons  and  the  municipal 
elders  of  Yedo  (machi-doshiyori)  referred  to  him  all  questions  of  a  difficult  or 
serious  nature. 

THE  KANJO-BUGY6 

The  financial  administrator  (kanjo-bugyo)  received  also  the  appellation  of 
kitchen  administrator  (daidokoro-bugyo) ,  and  his  duties  embraced  everything 
relating  to  the  finance  of  the  Bakufu,  including,  of  course,  their  estates  and  the 
persons  residing  on  those  estates.  The  eight  provinces  of  the  Kwanto  were 
under  the  direct  control  of  this  bugyo,  but  other  districts  were  administered  by  a 
daikwan  (deputy).  There  were  two  kinds  of  kanjo-bugyo,  namely,  the  kuji-kata 
and  the  katte-kata  (public  and  private),  the  latter  of  whom  had  to  adjudicate  all 
financial  questions  directly  affecting  the  Bakufu,  and  the  former  had  to  perform 
a  similar  function  in  cases  where  outsiders  were  concerned.  Various  officials 
served  as  subordinates  of  these  important  bugyo,  who  were  usually  taken  from 
the  roju  or  the  waka-doshiyori,  and,  in  the  days  of  the  sixth  shogun,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  appoint  an  auditor  of  accounts  (kanjo-gimmiyaku) ,  who,  although 


ORGANIZATION  AND  LAWS  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU      635 

nominally  of  the  same  rank  as  the  kanjo-bugyo,  really  acted  in  a  supervisory 
capacity.  The  Bakufu  court  of  law  was  the  Hydjo-sho.  Suits  involving  issues 
that  lay  entirely  within  the  jurisdiction  of  one  bugyo  were  tried  by  him  in  his 
own  residence,  but  where  wider  interests  were  concerned  the  three  bugyo  had  to 
conduct  the  case  at  the  Hydjo-sho,  where  they  formed  a  collegiate  court.  On 
such  occasions  the  presence  of  the  censors  was  compulsory.  Sometimes,  also, 
the  three  bugyo  met  at  the  Hydjo-sho  merely  for  purposes  of  consultation. 

•;9J-?.r.m  wii  lo  yonr/^cl/i  Qfftgahijb-ug'mdo  ni  jjo&rjq  j;  asitirona  w?.in  am.Bir 

THE  CENSORS 

•-•  <-i  ••I'viiopj  i-i&hluin '$AT    tio^iqjtoq'a&b 

An  important  figure  in  the  Tokugawa  organization  was  the  censor  (metsuke), 
especially  the  great  censor  (o-metsuke).  The  holder  of  the  latter  office  served 
as  the  eyes  and  ears  of  the  roju  and  supervised  the  feudal  barons.  There  were 
four  or  five  great  censors.  One  of  them  held  the  additional  office  of  administra- 
tor of  roads  (ddchu-bugyd) ,  and  had  to  oversee  matters  relating  to  the  villages, 
the  towns,  and  the  postal  stations  along  the  five  principal  highways.  Another 
had  to  inspect  matters  relating  to  religious  sects  and  firearms  —  a  strange 
combination.  Under  the  great  censors  were  placed  administrators  of  confiscat- 
ed estates.  The  ordinary  censors  had  to  exercise  surveillance  over  the  samurai 
of  the  hatamoto  and  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  waka-doshiyori.  There 
were  altogether  sixty  metsuke,  and  they  travelled  constantly  throughout  the 
empire  obtaining  materials  for  reports  which  were  submitted  to  the  waka- 
doshiyori.  Among  them  are  found  censors  who  performed  the  duties  of  coroners.1 


THE  CHAMBERLAINS 

Even  more  important  than  the  censors  were  the  chamberlains  (soba  ydnin) 
who  had  to  communicate  to  the  shogun  all  reports  submitted  by  the  roju,  and  to 
offer  advice  as  to  the  manner  of  dealing  with  them.  They  also  noted  the 
shogun' s  decisions  and  appended  them  to  documents.  The  exercise  of  these 
functions  afforded  opportunities  for  interfering  in  administrative  affairs,  and 
such  opportunities  were  fully  utilized,  to  the  great  detriment  of  public  interest. 
There  were  also  pages  (koshd) ;  castle  accountants  (nando) ;  literati  to  the  shogun 
(oku-jusha),  and  physicians  (oku-isha). 


MASTERS  OF  CEREMONIES 


...  ,  •    •  ii     ,.          , 

The  duty  of  transmitting  messages  from  the  shogun  to  the  Emperor  and  of 
regulating  all  matters  of  ceremony  connected  with  the  castle  was  discharged  by 
fifteen  masters  of  ceremonies  (koke)  presided  over  by  four  chiefs  (the  office  of 
chief  being  hereditary  in  such  families  as  the  Osawa  and  the  Kira)  who,  although 
their  fiefs  were  comparatively  small,  possessed  influence  not  inferior  to  that  of 
the  daimyo.  A  koke  was  usually  on  watch  in  the  castle  by  day.  These  masters 
of  ceremonies  are  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  chamberlains  (soshaban)  already 
spoken  of.  The  latter  numbered  twenty-four.  They  regulated  affairs  connect- 
ed with  ceremonies  in  which  all  Government  officials  were  concerned,  and  they 
kept  watch  at  the  castle  by  night.  Subordinate  to  the  koke  and  the  chamberlains 

v  f  jjqsJy  o  JovTt  erfa  chiiuiir-!Jf:I  "f>:iii  tiiii"/L  lo  gmtfiThffrffnbs  odj  Jbnn  oj'"-  .  J 

P  The  employment  of  censors  by  the  Bakufu  has  been  severely  criticized  as  indicating  a 
system  of  espionage.  It  scarcely  seems  necessary  to  observe  that  the  same  criticism  applies  to 
all  highly  organized  Occidental  Governments  with  their  secret  services,  their  detectives  and 
their  inquiry  agencies.] 


HISTORY '  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLtf  ^*  XAOflO  " 

were  various  officials  who  conveyed  presents  from  the  feudal  lords  to  the  shdgun; 
directed  matters  of  decoration  and  furniture;  had  charge  of  miscellaneous 
works  in  the  castle,  and  supervised  all  persons,  male  or  female,  entering  or 
leaving  the  shogun's  harem.  Officials  of  this  last  class  were  under  the  command 
of  a  functionary  called  d-rusui  who  had  general  charge  of  the  business  of  the 
harem;  directed  the  issue  of  passports  to  men  and  women  of  the  samurai  class 
or  to  commoners,  and  had  the  care  of  all  military  stores  in  the  castle.  The 
name  rusui  signifies  a  person  in  charge  during  the  absence  of  his  master,  and  was 
applied  in  this  case  since  the  d-rusui  had  to  guard  the  castle  when  the  shdgun 
was  not  present.  The  multifarious  duties  entrusted  to  officials  over  whom  the 
d-rusui  presided  required  a  large  number  and  a  great  variety  of  persons  to  dis- 
charge them,  but  these  need  not  be  enumerated  in  detail  here. 
OTJW  Q'vsA  JL  .eflpicQ  ifiDU'jl  oui  Ivjaiviaui-  L-T.;; 

-fiiiaimmh/j  lo  3o3k>  tenoIJibLfi  oil!  btoii  fitorii  lo  '•  u(  '>     .* 

9ffe  QJisaltefoi  BTTti^PE  TAMARIZUME 

Characteristic  of  the  elaborate  etiquette  observed  at  the  shogun's  castle  was 
the  existence  of  semi-officials  called  tamarizume,  whose  chief  duty  in  ordinary 
times  was  to  repair  to  the  castle  once  every  five  days,  and  to  inquire  through 
the  roju  as  to  the  state  of  the  shogun 's  health.  On  occasions  of  emergency  they 
participated  in  the  administration,  taking  precedence  of  the  roju  and  the  other 
feudatories.  The  Matsudaira  of  Aizu,  Takamatsu,  and  Matsuyama;  the  li  of 
Hikone,  and  the  Sakai  of  Himeji  —  these  were  the  families  which  performed  the 
functions  of  tamarizume  as  a  hereditary  right.  It  is  unnecessary  to  describe 
the  organization  and  duties  of  the  military  guards  to  whom  the  safety  of  the 
castle  was  entrusted,  but  the  fact  has  to  be  noted  that  both  men  and  officers 
were  invariably  taken  from  the  hatamoto  class. 
(«'ij«,w  £<W)  syiiJ'iycfffiiufo,  ttdt  SI.TW  fcioarm.  sill  nnrft  .Jfndioqm 
o.t  bm;  ,M\A)t  sift  vcf  Byiiloiaua  fchoq-ji  ilj;  nwoo;U  o.!? 

THE  WOMEN'S  APARTMENTS 

In  the  o-oku,  or  innermost  buildings  of  the  shogun's  castle,  the  harem  was 
situated.  Its  chief  official  was  a  woman  called  the  o-toshiyori  (great  elder), 
under  whom  were  a  number  of  ladies-in-waiting,  namely,  the  toshiyori,  the  rdjo, 
the  churo,  the  kojoro,  and  others.  There  were  also  ladies  who  attended  solely 
to  visitors;  others  who  kept  the  keys;  others  who  carried  messages  to  public 
officers,  and  others  who  acted  as  secretaries.  All  this  part  of  the  organization 
would  take  pages  to  describe  in  detail,1  and  is  necessarily  abbreviated  here. 
We  may  add,  however,  that  there  were  official  falconers,  sailors,  grooms,  garden- 
ers, and  every  kind  of  artist  or  mechanician, 
vd  bvgiRffoaiF)  afivr  oltaco  Offt  rf.tiw  botDoimo1.)  VPM- •ar/i'-1'  !  •  ^\  '  •[• 
io  aoffio  9ff.t)  al'jirfa  ijjgi  v  j  IOYO  fwbiaoiof  \  :-..•, 

[wiH  »&* ^^  LOCAL, ^GOVERNMENT  SYSTEM 

In  organizing  a  system  of  local  government  the  Tokugawa  Bakufu  began  by 
appointing  a  shoshidai  hi  Kyoto  to  guard  the  Imperial  palace,  to  supervise 
Court  officials,  and  to  oversee  financial  measures  as  well  as  to  hear  suits-at-law, 
and  to  have  control  over  temples  and  shrines.  The  shoshidai  enjoyed  a  high 
measure  of  respect.  He  had  to  visit  Yedo  once  in  every  five  or  six  years  for  the 
purpose  of  making  a  report  to  the  shogun  in  person.  The  municipal  administra- 
tor of  Kyoto  and  the  administrators  of  Nara  and  Fushimi,  the  Kyoto  deputy 
(daikwan),  and  all  the  officials  of  the  Nijo  palace  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of 

[l  For  fuller  particulars  of  the  manner  of  daily  life  at  the  shogun's  court,  see  Chapter  1. 
Vol.  IV,  of  Brinkley  'a  "Oriental  Series."] 


ORGANIZATION  AND  LAWS  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU      637 

ihejhoshidai.  To  qualify  for  this  high  office  a  man  must  have  served  as  governor 
of  Osaka.  In  the  Imperial  city  the  municipal  administrator  heard  suits-at-law 
presented  by  citizens,  managed  the  affairs  of  temples  and  shrines,  and  was 
responsible  for  collecting  the  taxes  in  the  home  provinces.  There  were  two  of 
these  officials  in  Kyoto  and,  like  their  namesakes  in  Yedo,  they  had  a  force  of 
constables  (yoriki)  and  policemen  (ddshin)  under  their  command. 

JnsbfmJK  &  c-JJ  l>'jVT.»r!  8Tuy<£  YJir.iv/!  10  n  -J  ^iiij.'-jyyiq  'uf  J  io\  H'qoia  lo 

1 1IO  fc'JXftl  UTJ//" ' rU.-fij'  t>UiiT      .?.! l^.-l?;  11U/1  'J»1HV.r  P-?XfiJ  BUOSfffilloysilO  odT 


Regarded  with  scarcely  less  importance  than  that  attaching  to  the  shoshidai 
was  an  official  called  the  jodai  of  Osaka,  on  whom  devolved  the  responsibility  of 
guarding  the  Kwansei.  For  this  office  a  hereditary  daimyo  of  the  Tokugawa 
family  was  selected,  and  he  must  previously  have  occupied  the  offices  of  soshaban 
and  jisha-bugyo.  The  routine  of  promotion  was  from  the  jodai  of  Osaka  to  the 
shoshidai  of  Kyoto  and  from  thence  to  the  roju.  Originally  there  were  six  jodai 
but  their  number  was  ultimately  reduced  to  one.  Sumpu_also  had  a  jodai,  who 
discharged  duties  similar  to  those  devolving  on  his  Osaka  namesake.  In 
Nagasaki,  Sado,  Hakodate,  Niigata,  and  other  important  localities,  bugyo  were 
stationed,  and  in  districts  under  the  direct  control  of  the  Bakufu  the  chief 
official  was  the  daikwan.  •• 

.  icj.'I;)  'j  *&.-\)i  v  .'  Jx>"jii!p9i  yitw  aii'jii  jiu  i'-'iiJ  x/u  D'Jiiui  !.>  /'/') 

oiaw  feiain;!H  rbif.-,  Hinli  IUTR  .)/r:>ni  .-okmis  li-uij  k)  siuJarr  orit  oi  §ni 
ADMINISTRATION  IN  FIEFS 

r  ^IIjBflrgnO 

The  governmental  system  in  the  fiefs  closely  resembled  the  system  of  the 
Bakufu.  The  daimyo  exercised  almost  unlimited  power,  and  the  business  of 
their  fiefs  was  transacted  by  factors  (karo).  Twenty-one  provinces  consisted 
entirely  of  fiefs,  and  in  the  remaining  provinces  public  and  private  estates  were 
intermixed. 

» iijj  ni»int  fil  eff!t;?,"orfT'    .aifoiy/io  VTW  noi-io  tngv/  seii;h  rion.?  ,l'>ft  ^flt 
•>[  Sww  Wdvr        uo- ^PCA^-AUTONOMY R{  fl]  ?t 

Both  the  Bakufu  and  the  feudatories  were  careful  to  allow  a  maximum  of 
autonomy  to  the  lower  classes.  Thus  the  farmers  elected  a  village  chief  —  called 
nanushi  or  shoya  —  who  held  his  post  for  life  or  for  one  year,  and  who  exercised 
powers  scarcely  inferior  to  those  of  a  governor.  There  were  also  heads  of 
guilds  (kumi-gashira)  and  representatives  of  farmers  (hyakushodai)  who  partici- 
pated in  administering  the  affairs  of  a  village.  Cities  and  towns  had  municipal 
elders  (machi-doshiyori) ,  under  whom  also  nanushi  officiated.  The  guilds 
constituted  a  most  important  feature  of  this  local  autonomic  system.  They 
consisted  of  five  householders  each,  being  therefore  called  gonin-gumi,  and  their 
main  functions  were  to  render  mutual  aid  in  all  times  of  distress,  and  to  see  that 
there  were  no  evasions  of  the  taxes  or  violations  of  the  law.  In  fact,  the  Bakufu 
interfered  as  little  as  possible  in  the  administrative  systems  of  the  agricultural, 
manufacturing,  and  commercial  classes,  and  the  feudatories  followed  the  same 
rule,  qrtfun 

>rvLvitrww  arft  ™hrm    -.-roir-  -rf  Wu-'ki  feu'TT  i-:  0";Ml ;r  ./!>r£pO  T.'-  .uJOv^I  <oI*>Y  OJ 

"FINANCE 

The  subject  of  finance  in  the  Bakufu  days  is  exceedingly  complicated,  and  a 
very  bare  outline  will  suffice.  It  has  already  been  noted  that  the  unit  of  land- 
measurement  varied  from  time  to  time  and  was  never  uniform  throughout  the 
empire.  That  topic  need  not  be  further  discussed.  Rice-fields  were  divided 
into  five  classes,  in  accordance  with  which  division  the  rates  of  taxation  were 


638  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

fixed.  Further,  in  determining  the  amount  of  the  land-tax,  two  methods  were 
followed;  one  by  inspection,  the  other  by  average.  In  the  case  of  the  former, 
the  daikwan  repaired  in  the  fall  of  each  year  to  the  locality  concerned,  and  having 
ascertained  the  nature  of  the  crop  harvested,  proceeded  to  determine  the  rate 
of  tax.  This  arrangement  lent  itself  so  readily  to  abuse  that  the  system  of 
averages  was  substituted  as  far  as  possible.  That  is  to  say,  the  average  yield 
of  crops  for  the  preceding  ten  or  twenty  years  served  as  a  standard. 

The  miscellaneous  taxes  were  numerous.  Thus,  there  were  taxes  on  business ; 
taxes  for  post-horses  and  post-carriers;  taxes  in  the  form  of  labour,  which  were 
generally  fixed  at  the  rate  of  fifty  men  per  hundred  koku,  the  object  hi  view  being 
work  on  river  banks,  roads,  and  other  public  institutions;  taxes  to  meet  the  cost 
of  collecting  taxes,  and  taxes  to  cover  defalcations.  Sometimes  the  above  taxes 
were  levied  in  kind  or  in  actual  labour,  and  sometimes  they  were  collected  in 
money.  To  facilitate  collection  in  cities,  merchants  were  required  to  form  guilds 
according  to  their  respective  businesses,  and  the  head  of  each  guild  had  to  collect 
the  tax  payable  by  the  members.  Thus,  upon  a  guild  of  safce-brewers  a  tax  of 
a  thousand  gold  ryo  was  imposed,  and  a  guild  of  wholesale  dealers  in  cotton  had 
to  pay  five  hundred  ryo.  There  was  a  house-tax  which  was  assessed  by  measur- 
ing the  area  of  the  land  on  which  a  building  stood,  and  there  was.a  tax  on  expert 
labour  such  as  that  of  carpenters  and  matmakers.  In  order  to  facilitate  the 
levy  of  this  last-named  tax  the,  citizens  were  required  to  locate  themselves  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  their  employment,  and  thus  such  names  were  found  as 
"Carpenter's  street;"  "Matmaker's  street,"  aiid  so  forth.  Originally  these 
imposts  were  defrayed  by  actual  labour,  but  afterwards  money  came  to  be  sub- 
stituted. 

An  important  feature  of  the  taxation  system  was  the  imposition  of  buke-yaku, 
(military  dues).  For  these  the  feudatories  were  liable,  and  as  the  amount  was 
arbitrarily  fixed  by  the  Bakufu,  though  always  with  due  regard  to  the  value  of 
the  fief,  such  dues  were  often  very  onerous.  'The  same  is  true  in  an  even  more 
marked  degree  as  to  taxes  in  labour,  materials,  or  money,  which  were  levied  upon 
the  feudatories  for  the  purposes  of  any  great  work  projected  by  the  Bakufu. 
These  imposts  were  called  aids  (otetsudai). 
_JJ9gio;i')X'3  oil,?  tur, 

^  "• 

MANNER  OF  PAYING  TAXES 

The  manner  of  paying  taxes  varied  accordingly  to  localities.  Thus,  in  the 
Kwanto,  payment  was  generally  made  in  rice  for  wet  fields  and  in  money  for 
uplands,  at  the  rate  of  one  gold  ryo  per  two  and  a  half  koku  of  rice.  In  the  Kinai 
and  western  provinces  as  well  as  in  the  Nankai-do,  on  the  other  hand,  the  total 
tax  on  wet  fields  and  uplands  was  divided  into  three  parts,  two  of  which  were 
paid  with  rice  and  one  with  money,  the  value  of  a  koku  of  rice  being  fixed  at 
forty-eight  mon  of  silver  (four-fifths  of  a  gold  ryo).  As  a  general  rule,  taxes 
imposed  on  estates  under  the  direct  control  of  the  Bakufu  were  levied  in  rice, 
which  was  handed  over  to  the  daikwan  of  each  province,  and  by  him  transported 
to  Yedo,  Kyoto,  or  Osaka,  where  it  was  placed  in  stores  under  the  control  of 
store-administrators  (kura-bugyo) . 

In  the  case  of  cash  payments  the  money  was  transported  to  the  castle  of 
Yedo  or  Osaka,  where  it  came  under  the  care  of  the  finance  administrator  (kane- 
bugyo).  Finally,  the  accounts  connected  with  such  receipts  of  cash  were  com- 
piled and  rendered  by  the  administrator  of  accounts  (kane-bugyo) ,  and  were  subse- 
quently audited  by  officials  named  katte-kata,  over  which  office  a  member  of  the 


ORGANIZATION  AND  LAWS  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU      639 

roju  or  waka-doshiyori  presided.  Statistics  compiled  in  1836  show  that  the  reve- 
nue annually  collected  from  the  Tokugawa  estates  in  rice  and  money  amounted 
to  807,068  koku  and  93,961  gold  ryo  respectively.  As  for  the  rate  of  the  land-tax, 
it  varied  in  different  parts  of  the  provinces,  from  seventy  per  cent,  for  the  land- 
lord and  thirty  for  the  tenant  to  thirty  for  the  landlord  and  seventy  for  the 
tenant. 


It  has  been  shown  above  that,  from  the  time  of  the  fifth  shogun,  debasement 
of  the  coins  of  the  realm  took  place  frequently.  Indeed  it  may  be  said  that 
whenever  the  State  fell  into  financial  difficulty,  debasement  of  the  current  coins 
was  regarded  as  a  legitimate  device.  Much  confusion  was  caused  among  the 
people  by  repeated  changes  in  the  quality  of  the  coins.  Thus,  in  the  days  of  the 
eighth  shogun,  no  less  than  four  varieties  of  a  single  silver  token  were  in  circulation. 
When  the  country  renewed  its  foreign  intercourse  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  there  were  no  less  than  eight  kinds  of  gold  coin  in  circulation,  nine  of 
silver,  and  four  of  copper  or  iron.  The  limits  within  which  the  intrinsic  value 
of  gold  coins  varied  will  be  understood  when  we  say  that  whereas  the  gold  oban 
of  the  Keicho  era  (1596-1614)  contained,  approximately,  29^  parts  of  gold  to 
13  of  silver  and  was  worth  about  seventy-five  yen.  The  corresponding  coin  of 
the  Man-en  era  (1860)  contained  10%  parts  of  pure  gold  to  19)4  of  silver,  and 
was  worth  only  twenty-eight  yen. 

'//A.J 

PAPER  CURRENCY 

•••••'  DIOVY;  oj  '  Wi'n  AsbrAntX  milo  ";.  sr^no  .•.•"!  r  .'ivoi'i/;  bot^tR  ?A 

The  earliest  existing  record  of  the  use  of  paper  currency  dates  from  1661, 
when  the  feudal  chief  of  Echizen  obtained  permission  from  the  Bakufu  to  employ 
this  medium  of  exchange,  provided  that  its  circulation  was  limited  to  the  fief 
where  the  issue  took  place.  These  paper  tokens  were  called  hansatsu  (fief  notes), 
and  one  result  of  their  issue  was  that  moneys  accruing  from  the  sale  of  cereals 
and  other  products  of  a  fief  were  preserved  within  that  fief.  The  example  of 
Echizen  in  this  matter  found  several  followers,  but  the  system  never  became 
universal  j  Junik 

JUDICIAL  PROCEDURE 

!  .    ;  2CH/i.|>ji?  fl>  ;  .'  f  J!i'  •  i 

The  administration  of  justice  in  the  Tokugawa  days  was  based  solely  on 
ethical  principles.  Laws  were  not  promulgated  for  prospective  application. 
They  were  compiled  whenever  an  occasion  arose,  and  in  their  drafting  the  prime 
aim  was  always  to  make  their  provisions  consonant  with  the  dictates  of  human- 
ity. Once,  indeed,  during  the  time  of  the  second  shogun,  Hidetada,  a  municipal 
administrator,  Shimada  Yuya,  having  held  the  office  for  more  than  twenty  years, 
and  having  come  to  be  regarded  as  conspicuously  expert  in  rendering  justice,  it 
was  proposed  to  the  shogun  that  the  judgments  delivered  by  this  administrator 
should  be  recorded  for  the  guidance  of  future  judges.  Hidetada,  however, 
objected  that  human  affairs  change  so  radically  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  es- 
tablish universally  recognizable  precedents,  and  that  if  the  judgments  delivered 
in  any  particular  era  were  transmitted  as  guides  for  future  generations,  the 
result  would  probably  be  slavish  sacrifice  of  ethical  principles  on  the  altar  of 
stereotyped  practice. 

In  1631,  when  the  third  shogun,  lemitsu,  ruled  in  Yedo,  a  public  courthouse 
(Hydjo-sho)  was  for  the  first  time  established.  Up  to  that  time  the  shogun  him- 


640  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

self  had  served  as  a  court  of  appeal  in  important  cases.  These  were  first  brought 
before  a  bugyo,  and  subsequently,  if  specially  vital  issues  were  at  stake,  the 
shogun  personally  sat  as  judge,  the  duty  of  executing  his  judgments  being 
entrusted  to  the  bugyd  and  other  officials. 

Thenceforth,  the  custom  came  to  be  this:  Where  comparatively  minor 
interests  were  involved  and  where  the  matter  lay  wholly  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  one  administrator,  that  official  sat  as  judge  in  a  chamber  of  his  own  mansion; 
but  in  graver  cases  and  where  the  interests  concerned  were  not  limited  to  one 
jurisdiction,  the  Hyojo-sho  became  the  judicial  court,  and  the  three  administra- 
tors, the  roju,  together  with  the  censors,  formed  acollegiate  tribunal.  There  were 
fixed  days  each  month  for  holding  this  collegiate  court,  and  there  were  also  days 
when  the  three  administrators  alone  met  at  one  of  their  residences  for  purposes 
of  private  conference.  The  hearing  by  the  shogun  was  the  last  recourse,  and 
before  submission  to  him  the  facts  had  to  be  investigated  by  the  chamberlains 
(sobashu),  who  thus  exercised  great  influence.  A  lawsuit  instituted  by  a  plebeian 
had  to  be  submitted  to  the  feudatory  of  the  region,  or  to  the  administrator,  or  to 
the  deputy  (daikwari),  but  might  never  be  made  the  subject  of  a  direct  petition 
to  the  shogun.  If  the  feudatory  or  the  deputy  Were  held  to  be  acting  contrary 
to  the  dictates  of  integrity  and  reason,  the  suitor  might  change  his  domicile  for 
the  purpose  of  submitting  a  petition  to  the  authorities  in  Yedo;  and  the  law 
provided  that  no  obstruction  should  be  placed  in  the  way  of  such  change. 

LAW 

As  stated  above,  the  original  principle  of  the  Bakufu  was  to  avoid  compiling 
any  written  criminal  code.  But  from  the  days  of  the  sixth  and  the  seventh 
shoguns,  lenobu  and  letsugu,  such  provisions  of  criminal  law  as  related  to 
ordinary  offences  came  to  be  written  in  the  most  intelligible  style  and  placarded 
throughout  the  city  of  Yedo  and  provincial  towns  or  villages.  On  such  a  placard 
(kosatsu)  posted  up,  in  the  year  1711,  at  seven  places  in  Yedo,  it  was  enjoined 
on  parents,  sons,  daughters,  brothers,  husbands,  wives,  and  other  relatives  that 
they  must  maintain  intimate  and  friendly  relations  among  themselves;  and  that, 
whereas  servants  must  be  faithful  and  industrious,  their  masters  should  have  com- 
passion and  should  obey  the  dictates  of  right  in  dealing  with  them;  that  every- 
one should  be  hard  working  and  painstaking;  that  people  should  not  transgress 
the  limits  of  their  social  status;  that  all  deceptions  should  be  carefully  avoided; 
that  everyone  should  make  it  a  rule  of  life  to  avoid  doing  injury  or  causing  loss 
to  others;  that  gambling  should  be  eschewed;  that  quarrels  and  disputes  of 
every  kind  should  be  avoided;  that  asylum  should  not  be  given  to  wounded 
persons;  that  firearms  should  not  be  used  without  cause;  that  no  one  should 
conceal  an  offender;  that  the  sale  or  purchase  of  human  being,  should  be  strictly 
prohibited  except  in  cases  where  men  or  women  offered  their  services  for  a  fixed 
term  of  years  or  as  apprentices,  or  in  cases  of  hereditary  servitude;  finally,  that, 
though  hereditary  servants  went  to  other  places  and  changed  their  domicile,  it 
should  not  be  lawful  to  compel  their  return. 

In  the  days  of  the  eighth  shogun,  Yoshimune,  it  being  held  that  crimes  were 
often  due  to  ignorance  of  law,  the  feudatories  and  deputies  were  directed  to  make 
arrangements  for  conveying  to  the  people  tinder  their  jurisdiction  some  knowl- 
edge of  the  nature  of  the  statutes;  and  the  result  was  that  the  mayors  (nanushi) 
of  provincial  towns  and  villages  had  to  read  the  laws  once  a  month  at  a  meeting 
of  citizens  or  villagers  convened  for  the  purpose.  Previously  to  this  time, 


namely,  in  the  days  of  the  fourth  shogun,  letsugu,  the  office  of  recorder  (tome- 
yaku)  was  instituted  hi  the  Hydjo-sho  for  the  purpose  of  committing  to  writing 
all  judgments  given  in  lawsuits.  But  in  the  days  of  Yoshimune,  the  rules  and 
regulations  issued  by  the  Bakufu  from  the  time  of  leyasu  downwards  were  found 
to  have  fallen  into  such  confusion  that  the  difficulty  of  following  them  was 
practically  insuperable. 

Therefore,  in  1742,  Matsudaira  Norimura,  one  of  the  roju,  together  with  the 
three  administrators,  was  commissioned  to  compile  a  body  of  laws,  and  the  result 
was  a  fifteen  volume  book  called  the  Hatto-gaki  (Prohibitory  Writings).  The 
shogun  himself  evinced  keen  interest  hi  this  undertaking.  He  frequently  con- 
sulted with  the  veteran  officials  of  his  court,  and  during  a  period  of  several  years 
he  revised  "The  Rules  for  Judicial  Procedure."  Associated  with  him  in  this 
work  were  Kada  Arimaro,  Ogyu  Sorai,  and  the  celebrated  judge,  Ooka  Tadasuke, 
and  not  only  the  Ming  laws  of  China,  but  also  the  ancient  Japanese  Daiho-ritsu 
were  consulted. 

This  valuable  legislation,  which  showed  a  great  advance  in  the  matter  of 
leniency,  except  in  the  case  of  disloyal  or  unfilial  conduct,  was  followed,  in  1767, 
by  reforms  under  the  shqqun,  leharu,  when  all  the  laws  and  regulations  placarded 
or  otherwise  promulgated 


since  the  days  of  leyasu  JSSM& 

were  collected  and  collated. -lymfiu  t  •IHJP* 

to  form  a  prefatory  vol-  J|    *m 

ume  to   the   above-men-  lin^H 

tioned  "Rules  for  Judicial 
Procedure,"  the  two  being 
thenceforth  regarded  as  a 
single  enactment  under 
the  title  of  Kajo-ruiten. 
"The  Rules  for  Judicial 
Procedure"  originally 
comprised  103  articles, 
but,  in  1790,  Matsudaira 
Sadanobu  revised  this 
code,  reducing  the  number 
of  articles  to  one  hundred, 
and  calling  it  Tokugawa 
Hyakkajd,  or  "One  Hun- 
dred Laws  and  Regula- 
tions of  the  Tokugawa." 
This  completed  the  leg- 
islative work  of  the  Yedo  Bakufu.  But  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  these 
laws  were  disclosed  to  the  general  public.  They  served  simply  for  purposes  of 
official  reference.  The  Tokugawa  in  this  respect  strictly  followed  the  Confucian 
maxim,  " Make  the  people  obey  but  do  not  make  them  know.": 

.bonaq  9mr>?.  oift 


,'0't    Mflj    OJ 

SADANOR?Q 
•      -• 


YJLjn  Tokugawa  days  the  principal  punishments  were;  six- : namely,  reprimand 
(shikari),  confinement  (oshikome),  flogging  (tataki),  banishment  (tsuiho),  exile 
to  an  island  (ento),  and  death  (shikei).  The  last  named  was  divided  into  five 
kinds,  namely,  deprivation  of  life  (shizai),  exposing  the  head  after  decapitation 


642  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

(gokumon),  burning  at  the  stake  (hiaburi),  crucifixion  (haritsuke),  and  sawing  to 
death  (nokogiri-biki).  There  were  also  subsidiary  penalties,  such  as  public 
exposure  (sarashi),  tattooing  (irezumi) — which  was  resorted  to  not  less  for 
purposes  of  subsequent  identification  than  as  a  disgrace  —  confiscation  of  an 
estate  (kessho),  and  degradation  to  a  status  below  the  hinin  (hininteshita). 

The  above  penalties  were  applicable  to  common,  folk.  In  the  case  of 
samurai  the  chief  punishments  were  detention  (hissoku),  confinement  (heimon  or 
chikkyo),  deprivation  of  status  (kaieki),  placing  in  the  custody  of  a  feudatory 
(azuke),  suicide  (seppuku),  and  decapitation  (zanzai).  Among  these,  seppuku 
was  counted  the  most  honourable.  As  a  rule  only  samurai  of  the  fifth  official 
rank  and  upwards  were  permitted  thus  to  expiate  a  crime,  and  the  procedure  was 
spoken  of  as  "granting  death"  (shi  wo  tamau).  The  plebeian  classes,  that  is  to 
say,  the  farmers,  the  artisans,  and  the  tradesmen,  were  generally  punished  by 
fines,  by  confinement,  or  by  handcuffing  (tegusari).  Priests  were  sentenced  to 
exposure  (sarashi),  to  expulsion  from  a  temple  (tsui-iri),  or  to  exile  (kamai). 

For  women  the  worst  punishment  was  to  be  handed  over  as  servants  (yakko) 
or  condemned  to  shave  their  heads  (teihatsu).  Criminals  who  had  no  fixed 
domicile  and  who  repeated  their  evil  acts  after  expiration  of  a  first  sentence, 
were  carried  to  the  island  of  Tsukuda,  in  Yedo  Bay,  or  to  Sado,  where  they  were 
employed  in  various  ways.  Blind  men  or  beggars  who  offended  against  the  law 
were  handed  over  to  the  chiefs  of  their  guilds,  namely,  the  soroku  in  the  case  of 
the  blind,  and  the  eta-gashira  in  the  case  of  beggars.1  Some  of  the  above  punish- 
ments were  subdivided,  but  these  details  are  unimportant. 

PRISONS 

In  Yedo,  the  buildings  employed  as  prisons  were  erected  at  Demmacho  under 
"the  hereditary  superintendence  of  the  Ishide  family.  The  governor  of  prisons 
was  known  as  the  roya-bugyo.  Each  prison  was  divided  into  five  parts  where 
people  were  confined  according  to  their  social  status.  The  part  called  the 
agari-zashiki  was  reserved  for  samurai  who  had  the  privilege  of  admission  to  the 
shogun's  presence;  and  in  the  part  called  the  agariya  common,  samurai  and 
Buddhist  priests  were  incarcerated.  The  oro  and  the  hyakusho-ro  were  reserved 
for  plebeians,  and  in  the  onna-ro  women  were  confined.  Each  section  consisted 
of  ten  rooms  and  was  capable  of  accommodating  seven  hundred  persons.  Sick 
prisoners  were  carried  to  the  tamari,  which  were  situated  at  Asakusa  and 
Shinagawa,  and  were  under  the  superintendence  of  the  hinin-gashira.  All 
arrangements  as  to  the  food,  clothing,  and  medical  treatment  of  prisoners  were 
carefully  thought  out,  but  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  these  Bakufu  prisons 
presented  many  of  the  features  on  which  modern  criminology  insists.  On  the 
contrary,  a  prisoner  was  exposed  to  serious  suffering  from  heat  and  cold,  while 
the  coarseness  of  the  fare  provided  for  him  often  caused  disease  and  sometimes 
death.  Nevertheless,  the  Japanese  prisons  in  Tokugawa  days  were  little,  if 
anything,  inferior  to  the  corresponding  institutions  in  Anglo-Saxon  countries  at 
the  same  period. 

LOYALTY  AND  FILIAL  PIETY 

In  the  eyes  of  the  Tokugawa  legislators  the  cardinal  virtues  were  loyalty 
and  filial  piety,  and  in  the  inculcation  of  these,  even  justice  was  relegated  to  an 

I1  For  fuller  information  about  these  degraded  classes  see  Brinkley's  "Oriental  Series," 
Vol.  II.] 


ORGANIZATION  AND  LAWS  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  BAKUFU      643 

inferior  place.  Thus,  it  was  provided  that  if  a  son  preferred  any  public  charge 
against  his  father,  or  if  a  servant  opened  a  lawsuit  against  his  master,  the  guilt  of 
the  son  or  of  the  servant  must  be  assumed  at  the  outset  as  an  ethical  principle. 
To  such  a  length  was  this  ethical  principle  carried  that  in  regulations  issued  by 
Itakura  Suo  no  Kami  for  the  use  of  the  Kyoto  citizens,  we  find  the  following 
provision:  "  In  a  suit-at-law  between  parent  and  son  judgment  should  be  given 
for  the  parent  without  regard  to  the  pleading  of  the  son.  Even  though  a  parent 
act  with  extreme  injustice,  it  is  a  gross  breach  of  filial  duty  that  a  son  should 
institute  a  suit-at-law  against  a  parent.  There  can  be  no  greater  immorality, 
and  penalty  of  death  should  be  meted  out  to  the  son  unless  the  parent  petitions 
for  his  life."  In  an  action  between  uncle  and  nephew  a  similar  principle  applied. 
Further,  we  find  that  in  nearly  every  body  of  law  promulgated  throughout  the 
whole  of  the  Tokugawa  period,  loyalty  and  filial  piety  are  placed  at  the  head  of 
ethical  virtues;  the  practice  of  etiquette,  propriety,  and  military  and  literary 
accomplishments  standing  next,  while  justice  and  deference  for  tradition  occupy 
lower  places  in  the  schedule. 

A  kosatsu  (placard)  set  up  in  1682,  has  the  following  inscription:  "Strive 
to  be  always  loyal  and  filial.  Preserve  affection  between  husbands  and  wives, 
brothers,  and  all  relatives;  extend  sympathy  and  compassion  to  servants." 
Further,  in  a  street  notice  posted  in  Yedo  during  the  year  1656,  we  find  it  or- 
dained that  should  any  disobey  a  parent 's  directions,  or  reject  advice  given  by  a 
municipal  elder  or  by  the  head  of  a  five-households  guild,  such  a  person  must 
be  brought  before  the  administrator,  who,  in  the  first  place,  will  imprison  him; 
whereafter,  should  the  malefactor  not  amend  his  conduct,  he  shall  be  banished 
forever;  while  for  anyone  showing  malice  against  his  father,  arrest  and  capital 
punishment  should  follow  immediately. 

In  these  various  regulations  very  little  allusion  is  made  to  the  subject  of 
female  rights.  But  there  is  one  significant  provision,  namely,  that  a  divorced 
woman  is  entitled  to  have  immediately  restored  to  her  all  her  gold  and  silver 
ornaments  as  well  as  her  dresses;  and  at  the  same  time  husbands  are  warned 
that  they  must  not  fail  to  make  due  provision  for  a  former  wife.  The  impression 
conveyed  by  careful  perusal  of  all  Tokugawa  edicts  is  that  their  compilers  obeyed, 
from  first  to  last,  a  high  code  of  ethical  principles. 

;'l)«yi'jW3'»it:'  Ji!)    -.!•> 


il  Oil)  9111  Ihblltt  ,T>^B3l9dT 

il")dff  .v-itWY-'^* 


"INBO,"  LACQUERED  MEDICINE  CASE  CARRIED  CHIEFLY  BT  SAMURAI 


MHT  'l6  87/ALl 

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to/i  ioioiiioif;m  9ff«t  blue. 


Iliw 
I/'jiIsinjid  od  Ilniia  9il  ^oubnoo  airf 

;  CHAPTER  XLIII 

,-,(:   •,  .  ;,j  ';,;',    ]   ,  | 


fTTT  T1 

>  p.  -tarft       ff  CULT 

rjvlia  btiB  bfoa  T/rf  Hfi  T>rf  o.t  boio^  .iL'^iirni  sv.nl  oJ 

fiFOBf/  ^/Arr° 

THE  reader  is  aware  that  early  in  the  ninth  century  the  celebrated  Buddhist 
priest,  Kukai  (Kob6  Daishi),  compounded  out  of  Buddhism  and  Shinto  a 
system  of  doctrine  called  Ryobu  Shinto.  The  salient  feature  of  this  mixed  creed 
was  the  theory  that  the  Shinto  deities  were  transmigrations  of  Buddhist  divinities. 
Thereafter,  Buddhism  became  the  national  religion,  which  position  it  held  until 
the  days  of  the  Tokugawa  shoguns,  when  it  was  supplanted  among  educated 
Japanese  by  the  moral  philosophy  of  Confucius,  as  interpreted  by  Chutsz,  Wang 
Yang-ming,  and  others. 

, 

n 


REVIVAL  OF  PURE  SHI 


The  enthusiasm  and  the  intolerance  showed  by  the  disciples  of  Chinese 
philosophy  produced  a  reaction  in  Japan,  and  this  culminated  in  the  revival  of 
Shinto,  during  which  process  the  anomalous  position  occupied  by  the  shogun  to- 
wards the  sovereign  was  clearly  demonstrated,  and  the  fact  contributed  material- 
ly to  the  downfall  of  the  Tokugawa.  It  was  by  leyasu  himself  that  national 
thought  was  turned  into  the  new  channel,  though  it  need  scarcely  be  said  that 
the  founder  of  the  Tokugawa  shogunate  had  no  premonition  of  any  results 
injurious  to  the  sway  of  his  own  house. 

After  the  battle  of  Sekigahara  had  established  his  administrative  supremacy, 
and  after  he  had  retired  from  the  shogunate  in  favour  of  Hidetada,  leyasu 

644 


REVIVAL  OF  THE  SHINTO  CULT  645 

applied  himself  during  his  residence  at  Sumpu  to  collecting  old  manuscripts,  and 
shortly  before  his  death  he  directed  that  the  Japanese  section  of  the  library  thus 
formed  should  be  handed  over  to  his  eighth  son,  the  baron  of  Owari,  and  the 
Chinese  portion  to  his  ninth  son,  the  baron  of  Kii.  Another  great  library  was 
subsequently  brought  together  by  a  grandson  of  leyasu,  the  celebrated  Mitsu- 
kuni  (1628-1700),  baron  of  Mito,  who,  from  his  youthful  days,  devoted  attention 
to  Japanese  learning,  and,  assembling  a  number  of  eminent  scholars,  composed 
the  Dai  Nihon-shi  (History  of  Great  Japan),  which  consisted  of  240  volumes  and 
became  thenceforth  the  standard  history  of  the  country.  It  is  stated  that  the 
expenditures  involved  in  producing  this  history,  together  with  a  five-hundred- 
volume  work  on  the  ceremonies  of  the  Imperial  Court,  amounted  to  one-third  of 
the  Mito  revenues,  a  sum  of  about  700,000  ryo.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
Mitsukuni 's  proximate  purpose  in  undertaking  the  colossal  work  was  to  con- 
trovert a  theory  advanced  by  Hayashi  Razan  that  the  Emperor  of  Japan  was 
descended  from  the  Chinese  prince,  Tai  Peh,  of  Wu,  of  the  Yin  dynasty. 

Chiefly  concerned  in  the  compilation  of  the  Dai  Nihon-shi  were  Asaka  Kaku, 
Kuriyama  Gen,  and  Miyake  Atsuaki.  They  excluded  the  Empress  Jingo  from 
the  successive  dynasties;  they  included  the  Emperor  Kobun  in  the  history  proper, 
and  they  declared  the  legitimacy  of  the  Southern  Court  as  against  the  Northern. 
But  in  the  volume  devoted  to  enumeration  of  the  constituents  of  the  empire, 
they  omitted  the  islands  of  Ezo  and  Ryukyu.  This  profound  study  of  ancient 
history  could  not  fail  to  expose  the  fact  that  the  shogunate  usurped  powers 
which  properly  belonged  to  the  sovereign  and  to  the  sovereign  alone.  But 
Mitsukuni  and  his  collaborators  did  not  give  prominence  to  this  feature.  They 
confined  themselves  rather  to  historical  details. 

It  was  reserved  for  four  other  men  to  lay  bare  the  facts  of  the  Mikado's 
divine  right  and  to  rehabilitate  the  Shinto  cult.  These  men  were  Kada  Azuma- 
maro  (1668-1736),  Kamo  Mabuchi 
(1697-1769),  Motoori  Norinaga  (1730- 
1801),  and  Hirata  Atsutane  (1776- 
1834).  Associated  with  them  were 
other  scholars  of  less  note,  but  these 
are  overshadowed  by  the  four  great 
masters.  Kada,  indeed,  didnot achieve 
much  more  than  the  restoration  of  pure 
Japanese  literature  to  the  pedestal 
upon  which  it  deserved  to  stand.  That 
in  itself  was  no  insignificant  task,  for 
during  the  five  centuries  that  separated 
the  Gen-Hei  struggle  from  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Tokugawa  family, 
Japanese  books  had  shared  the  destruc-  KAMO  MABUCHI 

tion  that  overtook  everything  in  this 

period  of  wasting  warfare,  and  the  Japanese  language  itself  had  undergone  such 
change  that  to  read  and  understand  ancient  books,  like  the  Kojiki  and  the 
Manyo-shu,  demanded  a  special  course  of  study.  To  make  that  study  and  to 
prepare  the  path  for  others  was  Kada's  task,  and  he  performed  it  so  conscien- 
tiously that  his  successors  were  at  once  able  to  obtain  access  to  the  treasures 
of  ancient  literature.  It  was  reserved  for  Mabuchi  to  take  the  lead  in  cham- 
pioning Japanese  ethical  systems  as  against  Chinese.  By  his  writings  we  are 
taught  the  nature  of  the  struggle  waged  throughout  the  Tokugawa  period  be- 


646 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


tween  Chinese  philosophy  and  Japanese  ethics,  and  we  are  enabled,  also,  to  reach 
a  lucid  understanding  of  the  Shinto  cult  as  understood  by  the  Japanese  them- 
selves. The  simplest  route  to  that  understanding  is  to  let  the  four  masters 
speak  briefly,  each  for  himself: 

1     i      ji>     ii 

Learning  is  a  matter  in  which  the  highest  interests  of  the  empire  are  involved,  and  no 

man  ought  to  be  vain  enough  to  imagine  that  he  is  able  by  himself  to  develop  it  thoroughly. 

Nor  should  the  student  blindly  adhere  to  the 
opinions  of  his  teacher.  Anyone  who  desires 
to  study  Japanese  literature  should  first  acquire 
a^^i  a  Sood  knowledge  of  Chinese,  and  then  pass 

-bsibaiJfJ 

to  fniff.t-?)fl 

JisrLf  Muck 

-noo  ot  KR' 


- 


J.HlM  ?•' 


aew  if 


lU-AxA 
mu'il  i 


MOTOORI  NOBINAQA 


feiri  ,-  over  to  the  Manyo-shu,  from  which  he  may 
discover  the  ancient  principles  of  the  divine 
age.  If  he  resolve  bravely  to  love  and  admire 
antiquity,  there  is  no  reason  why  he  should 
*a^  to  a.c9uu>e  the  ancient  style  in  poetry  as 
weu<  as  m  °ther  things.  In  ancient  times,  as 
the  poet  expressed  only  the  genuine  sentiments 
°f  h*8  heart,  his  style  was  naturally  direct,  but 
since  the  practice  of  writing  upon  subjects 
chosen  by  lot  came  into  vogue,  the  language 
"'  I"  "  •'  r.v  has  become  ornate  and  the  ideas 
forced.  The  expression  of  fictitious  sentiment 
about  the  relations  of  the  sexes  and  miscel- 
laneous subj  ects  is  not  genuine  poetry.  [Kada 
Azumamaro.] 

Wherein  lies  the  value  of  a  rule  of  conduct? 
t  In  its  conducing  to  the  good  order  of  the 
"State.  The  Chinese  for  ages  past  have  had 
a  succession  of  different  dynasties  to  rule  over 
them,  but  Japan  has  been  faithful  to  one  un- 
_  interrupted  line  of  sovereigns.  Every  Chinese 
dynasty  was  founded  upon  rebellion  and  parricide.  Sometimes,  a  powerful  ruler  was  able 
to  transmit  his  authority  to  his  son  and  grandson,  but  they,  in  their  turn,  were  inevitably 
deposed  and  murdered,  and  the  country  was  in  a  perpetual  state  of  civil  war.  A  philosophy 
which  produces  such  effects  must  be  founded  on  a  false  system.  When  Confucianism  was 
first  introduced  into  Japan,  the  simple-minded  people,  deceived  by  its  plausible  appearance, 
accepted  it  with  eagerness  and  allowed  it  to  spread  its  influence  everywhere.  The  conse- 
quence was  the  civil  war  which  broke  out  immediately  after  the  death  of  Tenji  Tenno,  in 
A.  p.  671,  between  that  Emperor's  brother  and  son,  which  only  came  to  an  end  in  672  by  the 
suicide  of  the  latter. 

In  the  eighth  century,  the  Chinese  costume  and  etiquette  were  adopted  by  the  Court. 
This  foreign  pomp  and  splendour  covered  the  rapid  depravation  of  men's  hearts,  and  created 
a  wide  gulf  between  the  Mikado  and  his  people.  So  long  as  the  sovereign  maintains  a  simple 
style  of  living,  the  subjects  are  contented  with  their  own  hard  lot.  Their  wants  are  few  and 
they  are  easily  ruled.  But  if  a  sovereign  has  a  magnificent  palace,  gorgeous  clothing,  and 
crowds  of  finely  dressed  women  to  wait  on  him,  the  sight  of  these  things  must  cause  in  others 
a  desire  to  possess  themselves  of  the  same  luxuries;  and  if  they  are  not  strong  enough  to  take 
them  by  force,  their  envy  is  excited.  Had  the  Mikado  continued  to  live  in  a  house  roofed 
with  shingles  and  having  walls  of  mud,  to  carry  his  sword  in  a  scabbard  wound  round  with 
the  tendrils  of  some  creeping  plant,  and  to  go  to  the  chase  carrying  his  bow  and  arrows,  as 
was  the  ancient  custom,  the  present  state  of  things  would  never  have  come  about.  But 
since  the  introduction  of  Chinese  manners,  the  sovereign,  while  occupying  a  highly  dignified 
place,  has  been  degraded  to  the  intellectual  level  of  a  woman.  The  power  fell  into  the  hands 
of  servants,  and  although  they  never  actually  assumed  the  title,  they  were  sovereigns  in  fact, 
while  the  Mikado  became  an  utter  nullity.  .  ,rpj^ 

In  ancient  times,  when  men's  dispositions  were  straightforward,  a  complicated  system 
of  morals  was  unnecessary.  It  would  naturally  happen  that  bad  acts  might  occasionally 
be  committed,  but  the  integrity  of  men's  dispositions  would  prevent  the  evil  from  being  con- 
cealed and  growing  in  extent.  In  these  days,  therefore,  it  was  unnecessary  to  have  a  doctrine 
of  right  and  wrong.  But  the  Chinese,  being  bad  at  heart,  were  only  good  externally,  in 
spite  of  the  teaching  they  received,  and  their  evil  acts  became  of  such  magnitude  that  society 
was  thrown  into  disorder.  The  Japanese,  being  straightforward,  could  do  without  teaching. 
It  has  been  alleged  that,  as  the  Japanese  had  no  names  for  "benevolence,"  "righteousness," 
"propriety,"  "sagacity,"  and  "truth/'  they  must  have  been  without  these  principles.  But 
these  things  exist  in  every  country,  in  the  same  way  as  the  four  seasons  which  make  their 
annual  rounds.  In  the  spring,  the  weather  does  not  become  mild  all  at  once,  or  in  the  summer, 
hot.  Nature  proceeds  by  gradual  steps.  According  to  the  view  of  the  Chinese,  it  is  not 


REVIVAL  OF  THE  SHINTO  CULT  647 

summer  or  spring  unless  it  becomes  hot  or  mild  all  of  a  sudden.     Their  principles  sound 
very  plausible  but  are  unpractical.     [Kamo  Mabuchi.] 

Japan  is  the  country  which  gave  birth  to  the  goddess  of  the  Sun,  which  fact  proves  its 
superiority  over  all  other  countries  that  also  enjoy  her  favours.  The  goddess  having  endowed 
her  grandson  with  the  Three  Sacred  Treasures,  proclaimed  him  sovereign  of  Japan  for  ever 
and  ever.  His  descendants  shall  continue  to  rule  it  as  long  as  the  heavens  and  earth  endure. 
Being  invested  with  this  complete  authority,  all  the  gods  under  heaven  and  all  mankind 
submitted  to  him,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  wretches  who  were  quickly  subdued.  To 
the  end  of  time  each  Mikado  is  the  son  of  the  goddess.  His  mind  is  in  perfect  harmony  of 
thought  and  feeling  with  hers.  He  does  not  seek  out  new  inventions  but  rules  in  accordance 
with  precedents  which  date  from  the  Age  of  the  Gods,  and  if  he  is  ever  in  doubt,  he  has  recourse 
to  divination,  which  reveals  to  him  the  mind  of  the  great  goddess.  In  this  way  the  Age  of  the 
Gods  and  the  present  age  are  not  two  ages,  but  one,  for  not  only  the  Mikado  but  also  his 
ministers  and  people  act  up  to  the  tradition  of  the  divine  age.  Hence,  in  ancient  times,  the 
idea  of  michi,  or  way,  (ethics)  was  applied  to  ordinary  thoroughfares  only,  and  its  application 
to  systems  of  philosophy,  government,  morals,  religion,  and  so  forth  is  a  foreign  notion. 

As  foreign  countries  (China  and  India,  particularly  the  former)  are  not  the  special  domain 
of  the  Sun  goddess,  they  have  no  permanent  rulers,  and  evil  spirits,  finding  a  field  of  action 
there,  have  corrupted  mankind.  In  those  countries,  any  bad  man  who  could  manage  to 
seize  the  power  became  a  sovereign.  Those  who  had  the  upper  hand  were  constantly  scheming 
to  maintain  their  positions,  while  their  inferiors  were  as  constantly  on  the  watch  for  opportu- 
nities to  oust  them.  The  most  powerful  and  cunning  of  these  rulers  succeeded  in  taming 
their  subjects,  and  having  secured  their  position,  became  an  example  for  others  to  imitate. 
In  China  the  name  of  "holy  men"  has  been  given  to  these  persons.  But  it  is  an  error  to 
count  these  "holy  men"  as  in  themselves  supernatural  and  good  beings,  superior  to  the  rest 
of  the  world  as  are  the  gods.  The  principles  they  established  are  called  michi  (ethics),  and 
may  be  reduced  to  two  simple  rules,  namely,  to  take  other  people's  territory  and  to  keep  fast 
hold  of  it. 

The  Chinese  "holy  men"  also  invented  the  Book  of  Changes,  by  which  they  pretended  to 
discover  the  workings  of  the  universe;  a  vain  attempt,  since  it  is  impossible  for  man  with  his 
limited  intelligence  to  discover  the  principles  which  govern  the  acts  of  the  gods.  In  imitation 
of  them,  the  Chinese  nation  has  since  given  itself  up  to  philosophizing,  to  which  are  to  be 
attributed  its  constant  internal  dissensions.  When  things  go  right  of  themselves,  it  is  best 
to  leave  them  alone.  In  ancient  times,  although  there  was  no  prosy  system  in  Japan,  there, 
were  no  popular  disturbances,  and  the  empire  was  peacefully  ruled.  It  is  because  the  Japa- 
nese were  truly  moral  in  their  practice  that  they  required  no  theory  of  morals,  and  the  fuss 
made  by  the  Chinese  about  theoretical  morals  is  owing  to  their  laxity  in  practice.  It  is 
not  wonderful  that  students  of  Chinese  literature  should  despise  their  own  country  for  being 
without  a  system  of  morals,  but  that  the  Japanese,  who  were  acquainted  with  their  own  ancient 
literature,  should  pretend  that  Japan  too  had  such  a  system,  simply  out  of  a  feeling  of  envy, 
is  ridiculous. 

When  Chinese  literature  was  imported  into  Japan,  the  people  adopted  many  Chinese  ideas, 
laws,  customs,  and  practices,  which  they  so  mixed  up  with  their  own  that  it  became  necessary 
to  adopt  a  special  name  for  the  ancient  native  customs,  which  were  in  consequence  called 
Kami  no  michi  or  Shinto,  the  word  "michi"  being  applied  in  the  same  sense  as  the  Chinese 
Tao,  and  Kami  because  of  their  divine  origin.  These  native  customs  survived  only  in  cere- 
monies with  which  the  native  gods  are  worshipped.  Every  event  in  the  universe  is  the  act 
of  the  gods.  They  direct  the  changes  of  the  seasons,  the  wind  and  the  rain,  the  good  and 
bad  fortune  of  States  and  individuals.  Some  of  the  gods  are  good,  others  bad,  and  their 
acts  partake  of  their  own  natures.  Buddhists  attribute  events  to  "retribution"  (Inga), 
while  the  Chinese  ascribe  them  to  be  the  "decree  of  heaven"  (Tien  ming).  This  latter  is  a 
phrase  invented  by  the  so-called  "holy  men"  to  justify  murdering  sovereigns  and  seizing 
their  dominions.  As  neither  heaven  nor  earth  has  a  mind,  they  cannot  issue  decrees.  If 
heaven  really  could  issue  decrees,  it  would  certainly  protect  the  good  rulers  and  take  care  to 
prevent  bad  men  from  seizing  the  power,  and,  in  general,  while  the  good  would  prosper, 
the  bad  would  suffer  misfortune.  But  in  reality  we  find  many  instances  of  the  reverse.  When- 
ever anything  goes  wrong  in  the  world,  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  action  of  the  evil  gods 
called  "gods  of  crookedness,"  whose  power  is  so  great  that  the  Sun  goddess  and  the  Creator- 
gods  are  sometimes  unable  to  restrain  them;  much  less  are  human  beings  able  to  resist  their 
influence.  The  prosperity  of  the  wicked  and  the  misfortunes  of  the  good,  which  seem  opposed 
to  ordinary  justice,  are  their  doing.  The  Chinese,  not  possessing  the  traditions  of  the  Divine 
Age,  were  ignorant  of  this  truth,  and  were  driven  to  invent  the  theory  of  heaven's  decrees;  £L 

The  eternal  endurance  of  the  dynasty  of  the  Mikado  is  a  complete  proof  that  the  "way, 
called  Kami  no  michi  or  Shinto,  infinitely  surpasses  the  systems  of  all  other  countries.  The 
"  holy  men  "  of  China  were  merely  unsuccessful  rebels.  The  Mikado  is  the  sovereign  appointed 
by  the  pair  of  deities,  Izanagi  and  Izanami,  who  created  this  country.  The  Sun  goddess 
never  said,  "  Disobey  the  Mikado  if  he  be  bad,"  and  therefore,  whether  he  be  good  or  bad,  no 
one  attempts  to  deprive  him  of  his  authority.  He  is  the  Immovable  Ruler  who  must  endure 
to  the  end  of  time,  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  continue  to  shine.  In  ancient  language  the 
Mikado  was  called  a  god,  and  that  is  his  real  character.  Duty,  therefore,  consists  in  obey- 


648  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

ing  him  implicitly  without  questioning  his  acts.  During  the  Middle  Ages,  such  men  as  Hojo 
Yoshitoki,  Hojo  Yasutoki,  Ashikaga  Takauji,  and  others,  violated  this  duty  (michi)  and  look 
up  arms  against  him-  Their  disobedience  to  the  Mikado  is  attributable  to  the  influence  of 
the  Chinese  learning.  This  "way"  was  established  by  Izanagi  and  I/anami  and  delivered 
by  them  to  the  Sun  goddess,  who  handed  it  down,  and  this  is  why  it  is  called  the  "  way  of 
the  gods."  _j  yj^.  .^  yiinl  w; 

The  nature  of  this  "way"  is  to, be  learned  by  studying  the  Kojiki  and  ancient  writings, 
but  mankind  has  been  turned  aside  from  it,  by  the  spirits  of  crookedness,  to  Buddhism 
and  Chinese  philosophy.  The  various  doctrines  taught  under  the  name  of  Shinlo  are  without 
authority,  Human  beings,  having  been  produced  by  the  spirit  of  the  two  creative  deities, 
are  naturally  endowed  with  the  knowledge  of  what  they  ought  to  do,  and  what  they  ought 
to  refrain  from  doing.  It  is  unnecessary  for  them  to  trouble  their  heads  with  systems  of 
morality.  If  a  system  of  morals  were  necessary,  men  would  be  inferior  to  animals,  all  of 
whom  are  endowed  with  the  knowledge  of  what  they  ought  to  do,  only  in  an  inferior  degree 
to  man.  If  what  the  Chinese  call  benevolence,  modesty,  filial  piety,  propriety,  love,  fidelity, 
and  truth  really  constituted  the  duty  of  man,  they  would  be  so  recognized  and  practised  with- 
out any  teaching;  but  since  they  were  invented  by  the  so-called  "holy  men"  as  instruments 
for  ruling  a  viciously  inclined  population,  it  became  necessary  to  insist  on  more  than  the 
actual  duty  of  man.  Consequently,  although  plenty  of  men  profess  these  doctrines,  the 
number  of  those  that  practise  them  is  very  small.  Violations  of  this  teaching  were  attributed 
to  human  lusts.  As  human  lusts  are  a  part  of  man's  nature,  they  must  be  a  part  of  the  har- 
mony of  the  universe,  and  cannot  be  wrong  according  to  the  Chinese  theory.  It  was  the 
vicious  nature  of  the  Chinese  that  necessitated  such  strict  rules,  as,  for  instance,  that  persons 
descended  from  a  common  ancestor,  no  matter  how  distantly  related,  should  not  intermarry. 
These  rules,  not  being  founded  on  the  harmony  of  the  universe,  were  not  in  accordance  with 
human  feelings  and  were  therefore  seldom  obeyed. 

In  ancient  times,  Japanese  refrained  from  intermarriage  among  children  of  the  same 
mother,  but  the  distance  between  the  noble  and  the  mean  was  duly  preserved.  Thus,  the 
country  was  spontaneously  well  governed,  in  accordance  with  the  "way"  established  by 
the  gods.  Just  as  the  Mikado  worshipped  the  gods  in  heaven  and  earth,  so  his  people  pray 
to  the  good  gods  in  order  to  obtain  blessings,  and  perform  rites  in  honour  of  the  bad  gods 
in  order  to  avert  their  displeasure..^  If  they  committed  crimes  or  denied  themselves,  they 
employed  the  usual  methods  of  purification  taught  them  by  their  own  hearts.  Since  there 
are  bad  as  well  as  good  gods,  it  is  necessary  to  propitiate  them  with  offerings  of  agreeable 
food,  playing  the  lute,  blowing  the  flute,  singing  and  dancing,  and  whatever  else  is  likely  to 
put  them  in  good  humour. 

-i  ,  Jt  has  been  asked  whether  the  Kami  no  michi  is  not  the  same  as  the  Taoism  of  Laotzu. 
Laotzu  hated  the  vain  conceits  of  the  Chinese  scholars,  and  honoured  naturalness,  from  which 
a  resemblance  may  be  argued;  but  as  he  was  born  in  a  dirty  country  not  under  special  pro- 
tection of  the  Sun  goddess,  he  had  heard  only  the  theories  of  the  succession  of  so-called  "holy 
men,"  and  what  he  believed  to  be  naturalness  was  simply  what  they  called  natural.  He  did  not 
know  that  the  gods  are  the  authors  of  every  human  action,  and  this  ignorance  constituted 
a  cause  of  radical  difference.  To  have  acquired  the  knowledge  that  there  is  no  michi  (ethics) 
to  be  learned  and  practised  is  really  to  have  learned  to  practise  the  "way  of  the  gods." 

s'jiHii'^  ad  j  Many  miracles  occurred  in  the  Age  of  the  Gods,  the  truth  of  which  was  not  dis- 
puted until  men  were  taught  by  the  Chinese  philosophy  to  analyse  the  acts  of  the  gods  by  the 
V  aid  of  their  own  feeble  intelligence.  The  reason  assigned  for  disbelieving  in  miracles  is  that 
*  they  cannot  be  explained ;  but  in  fact,  although  the  Age  of  the  Gods  has  passed  away,  wondrous 
miracles  surround  us  on  all  sides.  For  instance,  is  the  earth  suspended  in  space  or  does  it 
rest  upon  something  else?  If  it  be  said  that  the  earth  rests  upon  something  else,  then  what 
is  it  that  supports  that  something  else?  According  to  one  Chinese  theory,  the  earth  is  a 
globe  suspended  in  space  with  the  heavens  revolving  round  it.  But  even  if  we  suppose  the 
heavens  to  be  full  of  air,  no  ordinary  principles  will  account  for  the  land  and  sea  being  sus- 
pended in  space  without  moving.  The  explanation  offered  is  as  miraculous  as  the  supposit  ion 
previously  made.  It  seems  plausible  enough  to  say  that  the  heavens  are  merely  air  and  are 
without  any  definite  form.  If  this  be  true,  there  is  nothing  but  air  outside  the  earth,  and 
this  air  must  be  infinite  or  finite  in  extent.  If  it  is  infinite  in  extent,  we  cannot  fix  any  point 
as  its  centre,  so  that  it  is  impossible  to  understand  why  the  earth  should  be  at  rest;  for  if  it 
be  not  in  the  centre  it  cannot  be  at  rest.  If  it  be  finite,  what  causes  the  air  to  condense  in 
one  particular  spot,  and  what  position  shall  we  assign  to  it? 

In  any  case  all  these  things  are  miraculous  and  strange.  How  absurd  to  take  these 
miracles  for  granted,  and  at  the  same  time  to  disbelieve  in  the  wonders  of  the  Divine  Age! 
Think  again  of  the  human  body.  Seeing  with  the  eyes,  hearing  With  the  ears,  speaking  with 
the  mouth,  walking  on  the  feet,  and  performing  all  manner  of  acts  with  the  hands  are  strange 
things;  so  also  the  flight  of  birds  and  insects  through  the  air,  the  blossoming  of  plants  and 
trees,  the  ripening  of  their  fruits  and  seeds  are  strange;  and  the  strangest  of  all  is  the  trans- 
formation of  the  fox  and  the  badger  into  human  form.  If  rats,  weasels,  and  certain  birds 
see  in  the  dark,  why  should  not  the  gods  have  been  endowed  with  a  similar  faculty?  .... 
The  facts  that  many  of  the  gods  are  invisible  now  and  have  never  been  visible  furnish  no 
argument  against  their  existence.  Existence  can  be  made  known  to  us  by  other  senses  than 


REVIVAL  OF  THE:SHINTO  ClTLTfcui  649 


those  of  sight,  such  as  odour  or  sound,  while  the  wind,  which  is  neither  seen,  heard,  nqr  smelt 
is  recognized  by  the  impression  which  it  makes  upon  our  bodies.  [Motoori  Norinaga]. 

Although  numbers  of  Japanese  cannot  state  with  any  certainty  from  what  gods  they  are 
descended,  all  of  them  have  tribal  names  (kabane)  which  were  originally  bestowed  by  the 
Mikado,  and  those  who  make  it  their  province  to  study  genealogies  can  tell  from  a  man's 
ordinary  surname  who  his  remotest  ancestor  must  have  been.  From  the  fact  of  the  divine 
descent  of  the  Japanese  people  proceeds  their  immeasurable  superiority  to  the  natives  of  other 
countries  in  courage  and  intelligence.1 

.  .  .  The  accounts  given  in  other  countries,  whether  by  Buddhism  or  by  Chinese 
philosophy,  of  the  form  of  the  heavens  and  fearth  and  the  manner  in  which  they  came  into 
existence,  are  all  inventions  of  men  who  exercised  all  their  ingenuity  over  the  problem,  and 
inferred  that  such  things  must  actually  be  the  case.  As  for  the  Indian  account,  it  is  nonsense 
fit  only  to  deceive  women  and  children,  and.  I  do  not  think  it  worthy  of  reflection.  The 
Chinese  theories,  on  the  other  hand,  are  based  upon  profound  philosophical  speculations  and 
sound  extremely  plausible,  but  what  they  call  the  absolute  and  the  finite,  the  positive  and 
negative  essences,  the  eight  diagrams,  and  the  five  elements,  are  not  real  existences,  but  are 
fictitious  names  invented  by  the  philosophers'  and  freely  applied  in  every  direction!  They; 
say  that  the  whole  universe  was  produced  by  agencies,  and  that  nothing  exists  which  is  inde- 
pendent of  them.  But  all  these  statements  are  nonsense.  The  principles  which  animate  the 
universe  are  beyond  the  power  of  analysis,  nor  can  they  be  fathomed  by  human  intelligence, 
and  all  statements  founded  upon  pretended  explanations  of  them  are  to  be  rejected.  All 
that  man  can  think  and  know  is  limited  by  the  powers  of  sight,  feeling,  and  calculation, 
and  what  goes  beyond  these  powers,  cannot  be  known  by  any  amount  of  thinking.  .  .  . 

The  Chinese  accounts  sound  as  if  based  upon  profound  principles,  and  one  fancies  that 
they  must  be  right,  while  the  Japanese  accounts  sound  shallow  and  utterly  unfounded  in 
reason.  But  the  former  are  lies  while  the  latter  are  the  truth,  so  that  as  time  goes  on  and 
thought  attains  greater  accuracy,  the  erroneous  nature  of  these  falsehoods  becomes  even 
more  apparent  whale  the  true  tradition  remains  intact.  In  modern  times,  men  from  countries 
lying  far  off  in  the  West  have  voyaged  all  round  the  seas  as  their  inclinations  prompted  them, 
and  have  ascertained  the  actual  shape  of  the  earth.  They  have  discovered  that  the  earth 
is  round  and  that  the  sun  and  the  moon  revolve  round  it  in  a  vertical  direction,  and  it  may 
thus  be  conjectured  how  full  of  errors  are  all  the  ancient  Chinese  accounts,  and  how  impossible 
it  is  to  believe  anything  that  professes  to  be  determined  a  priori.  But  when  we  come  to 
compare  our  ancient  traditions  as  to  the  origin  of  a  thing  in  the  midst  of  space  and  its  sub- 
sequent development,  with  what  has  been  ascertained  to  be  the  actual  shape  of  the  earth, 
we  find  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  error,  and  this  result  confirms  the  truth  of  our  ancient 
traditions.  But  although  accurate  discoveries  made  by  the  men  of  the  Far  West  as  to  the 
actual  shape  of  the  earth  and  its  position  in  space  infinitely  surpass  the  theories  of  the  Chinese, 
still  that  is  only  a  matter  of  calculation.  There  are  many  other  things  actually  known  to 
exist  which  cannot  be  solved  by  that  means;  and  still  less  is  it  possible  to  solve  the  question 
of  how  the  earth,  sun,  and  moon  came  to  assume  their  form.  Probably  those  countries 
possess  theories  of  their  own,  b/ut  whatever  they  may  be,  they1  ean  but  be  guesses  after  the 
event,  and  probably  resemble  the  Indian  and  the  Chinese  theories. 

The  most  fearful  crimes  which  a  man  commits  go  unpunished  by  society  so  long  as  they 
are  undiscovered,  but  they  drawdown  on  him  the  hatred  of  the  invisible  gods.  The  attain- 
ment of  happiness  by  performing  good  acts  is  regulated  by  the  same  law.  Even  if  the  gods 
do  not  punish  secret  sins  by  the  usual  penalties  of  law,  they  inflict  diseases,  misfortunes, 
short  life,  and  extermination  of  the  race.  Never  mind  the  praise  or  blame  of  fellow  men,  but 
act  so  that  you  need  not  be  ashamed  before  the  gods  of  the  Unseen.  If  you  desire  to  practise 
true  virtue,  learn  to  stand  in  awe  of  the  Unseen,  and  that  will  prevent  you  from  doing  wrong. 
Make  a  vow  to  the  god  who  rules  over  the  Unseen  and  cultivate  the  conscience  implanted 
in  you,  and  then  you  will  never  wander  from  the  way:'  You  cannot  hope  to  live  more  than 
one  hundred  years  in  the  most  favourable  circumstances,  but  as  you  will  go  to  the  unseen 
realm  of  Okumnu$hi  after  death  and  be  subject  to  his  rule,  learn  betimes  to  bow  down  before 
heaven.  The  spirits  of  the  dead  continue  to  exist  in'  the  unseen  world  which  is  everywhere 
about  us,  and  they  all  become  gods  of  varying  character  and  degrees  of  influence.  Some 
reside  in  temples  built  in  their  honour;  others  hover  near  their  tombs,  and  they  continue  to 
render  service  to  their  princes,  parents,  wives,  and  children  as  when  in  their  body.  [Hirata 
Atsutane.]2 

Trie  great  loyalist  of  the  eleventh  century,  Kitabatake  Chikafusa,  had  fully 
demonstrated  the  divine  title  of  the  sovereigns  of  Japan,  but  his  work  reached 
only  a  narrow  circle  of  readers,  and  his  arguments  were  not  re-enforced  by  the 
sentiment  of  the  era.  Very  different  was  the  case  in  the  days  of  the  four  literati 

[x  Although  Hirata  claims  the  superiority  for  his  own  countrymen,  he  frankly  acknowledges 
the  achievements  of  the  Dutch  in  natural  science.] 

[2  The  above  extracts  are  all  taken  from  Sir  Ernest  Satow  's  Revival  of  Pure  Shinto  in  the 
appendix  to  Vol.  III.  of  the  "Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan."] 

651 


650 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


quoted  above.  The  arrogant  and  intolerant  demeanour  of  Japanese  students 
of  Chinese  philosophy  who  elevated  the  Middle  Kingdom  on  a  pedestal  far  above 
the  head  of  their  own  country,  gradually  provoked  bitter  resentment  among 
patriotic  Japanese,  thus  lending  collateral  strength  to  the  movement  which  took 
place  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  in  favour  of  reversion  to  the 
customs  and  canons  of  old  times. 

As  soon  as  attention  was  intelligently  concentrated  on  the  history  of  the  past, 
it  was  clearly  perceived  that,  in  remote  antiquity,  the  empire  had  always  been 
administered  from  the  Throne,  and,  further,  that  the  functions  arrogated  to 
themselves  by  the  Hojo,  the  Oda,  the  Toyotomi,  and  the  Tokugawa  were  pure 
usurpations,  which  deprived  the  Imperial  Court  of  the  place  properly  belonging 
to  it  in  the  State  polity.  Just  when  this  reaction  was  developing  strength,  the 
dispute  about  the  title  of  the  ex-Emperor  occurred  in  Kyoto,  and  furnished  an 
object  lesson  more  eloquent  than  any  written  thesis.  The  situation  was  compli- 
cated by  the  question  of  foreign  intercourse,  but  this  will  be  treated  separately. 


bre 


of 


o  J  sr 


MIT8UOUMI-NO-8AKAZCKI 

(Sake  Cups  used  only  on  Happy  Occasions  such  as  Weddings  and  New  Year  Days) 


vlfirt  bnrf  M 


-it-; 


crorJrcBteb  ii< 
•rf-i  t\t. 


SET  WYHQ'J  Sao 

bllfi  .Ilia 

^ " 


>{jf£j;j  .;    DIFFERENT  STYLES  OF  COIFFURE 


reqsqq 


CHAPTER  XLIV 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  THE  DECLINE  OF  THE 

TOKUGAWA 

FOREIGN  TRADE  IN  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY 

FROM  what  has  been  stated  in  previous  chapters,  it  is  clearly  understood  that 
Nobunaga,  Hideyoshi,  and  leyasu  were  all  well  disposed  towards  foreign  inter- 
course and  trade,  and  that  the  Tokugawa  chief  made  even  more  earnest  endeav- 
ours than  Hideyoshi  to  differentiate  between  Christianity  and  commerce,  so 
that  the  fate  of  the  former  might  not  overtake  the  latter.  leyasu,  indeed,  seems 
to  have  kept  three  objects  steadfastly  in  view,  namely,  the  development  of 
oversea  trade,  the  acquisition  of  a  mercantile  marine,  and  the  prosecution  of 
mining  enterprise.  To  the  Spaniards,  to  the  Portuguese,  to  the  English,  and  to 
the  Dutch,  he  offered  a  site  for  a  settlement  in  a  suburb  of  Yedo,  and  had  the 
offer  been  accepted,  Japan  might  never  have  been  closed  to  foreign  intercourse. 
At  that  time  the  policy  of  the  empire  was  free  trade.  There  were  no  customs 
dues,  though  it  was  expected  that  the  foreign  merchants  would  make  liberal 
presents  to  the  feudatory  into  whose  port  they  carried  their  wares.  The 
Tokugawa  baron  gave  plain  evidence  that  he  regarded  commerce  with  the  outer 
world  as  a  source  of  wealth,  and  that  he  wished  to  attract  it  to  his  own  domains. 
On  more  than  one  occasion  he  sent  an  envoy  to  Manila  to  urge  the  opening  of 
trade  with  the  regions  in  the  vicinity  of  Yedo,  and  t6  ask  the  Spaniards  for 
expert  naval  architects.  His  attitude  is  well  shown  by  a  law  enacted  in  1602: 

If  any  foreign  vessel  by  stress  of  weather  is  obliged  to  touch  at  any  principality  or  to 
put  into  any  harbour  of  Japan,  we  order  that,  whoever  these  foreigners  may  be,  absolutely 
nothing  whatever  that  belongs  to  them,  or  that  they  may  have  brought  in  their  ship,  shall 
be  taken  from  them.  Likewise,  we  rigorously  prohibit  the  use  of  any  violence  in  the  purchase 
or  sale  of  any  of  the  commodities  brought  by  their  ship,  and  if  it  is  not  convenient  for  the 
merchants  of  the  ship  to  remain  in  the  port  they  have  entered,  they  may  pass  to  any  other 
port  that  may  suit  them,  and  therein  buy  and  sell  in  full  freedom.  Likewise,  we  order,  in  a 
general  manner,  that  foreigners  may  freely  reside  in  any  part  of  Japan  they  choose,  but  we 
rigorously  forbid  them  to  propagate  their  faith. 

In  the  year  1605,  the  Tokugawa  chief  granted  a  permit  to  the  Dutch  for 
trade  in  Japan,  his  expectation  being  that  the  ships  which  they  undertook  to 
send  every  year  would  make  Uraga,  or  some  other  place  near  Yedo,  their  port 
of  entry.  In  this  he  was  disappointed.  The  first  Hollanders  that  set  foot  in 
Japan  were  eighteen  survivors  of  the  crew  of  the  wrecked  Liefde.  These  men 
*.  '  651 


652 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


. 


OTAHO 


were  at  first  placed  in  confinement,  and  during  their  detention  they  were  ap- 
proached by  emissaries  from  the  feudatory  of  Hirado,  who  engaged  some  of 
them  to  instruct  his  vassals  in 'the  art  of  gun  casting  and  the  science  of  artihVry. 
ami  who  also  made  such  tempting  promises  with  regard  to  Hirado  that  the  Dutch 
decided  to  choose  that  place  for  headquarters,  although  it  was  then,  and  always 
subsequently  remained,  an  insignificant  little  fishing  village.  The  Dutch 

possessed  one  great  advan- 
tage over  their  rivals  from 
Manila  and  Macao:  they 
were  prepared  to  carry  on 
commerce  while  eschewing 
religious  propagandise!. 
It  was  this  element  of  the 
situation  that  the  Hirado 
feudatory  shrewdly  appre- 
ciated when  he  enticed  the 
Dutchmen  to  make  Hirado 
their  port  of  entry. 
/  j  ;  With  regard  to  the  de- 
sire of  leyasu  to  exploit  the 
mining  resources  of  his 
country,  the  fact  is  demon- 
strated by  an  incident  which 
occurred  at  the  time.  The 
governor  -  general  of  the 
Philippines  (Rodrigo  Yiv- 
ero  y  Velasco),  whose  ship 
had  been  cast  away  on  the 
coast  of  Japan  while  en  route 
for  Acapulco,  had  an  inter- 
view with  leyasu,  and  in 
response  to  the  latter's 
application  for  fifty  mining 
experts,  the  Spaniards 
made  a  proposal,  to  the 
terms  of  which,  onerous  as 
they  were,  leyasu  agreed; 
namely  r  that  one -half  of 
the  .produce,  of  the  mines 
should  go  to  the  miners; 

— -^          uha5.  thf  Jother  t!alt should 

Ou>  SBAWISH.-CUJCI  PRBBBBVBP  IN  jKtmoiAN.'j ;:<.,,      be  divided  equally  between 

I'"1'.'     leyasu  and  the  King  of 

a      •^.''''iftj  'i''j.\2'<ii-">M          .UK  J>i>o'ii  ilul  <w»  I!*)?*  hu/:  v+id  i  ,   i  •         •    •         •    . 

Spam;  that  the  latter  might  send  officials  to  Japan  to  protect  his  mining  inter- 
ests, and  that  these  officials  might  be  accompanied  by  priests,  who  would 
haverthe  right  to  erect  public  churches,  and  to  hold  religious  services  there.1 
These  things  happened  in  1609.  Previous  to  that  time,  the  Tokugawa  chief 
had  repeatedly  imposed  a  strict' Veto  on  Christian  propagandise! ;  yet  we 
now!  find  him  removing  that  veto  partially,  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  foreign 

tit  is  to  be  understood,  of  course,  that  these  ministrations  were  intended  to  be  limited  to 
Spaniards  resident  in  Japan.] 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  653 

expert  assistance.  Like  Hideyoshi,  leyasu  had  full  confidence  in  himself  and 
in  his  countrymen.  He  did  not  doubt  his  ability  to  deal  with  emergencies  if 
they  arose,  and  he  made  no  sacrifice  to  timidity.  But  his  courageous  policy  died 
with  him,  and  the  miners  never  came.  Moreover,  the  Spaniards  seemed  inca- 
pable of  any  successful  effort  to  establish  trade  with  Japan.  Fitful  visits  were 
paid  by  their  vessels  at  Uraga,  but  the  Portuguese  continued  to  monopolize  the 
commerce.  $rit 

That  commerce,  however,  was  not  without  rude  interruptions.  One, 
especially  memorable,  occurred  at  the  very  time  when  Rodrigo  's  vessel  was 
cast  away.  "In  a  quarrel  at  Macao  some  Japanese  sailors  lost  their  lives,  and 
their  comrades  were  compelled  by  the  commandant,  Pessoa,  to  sign  a  declaration 
exonerating  the  Portuguese.  The  signatories,  however,  told  a  different  tale 
when  they  returned  to  Japan,  and  their  feudal  chief,  the  daimyo  of  Arima,  was 
much  incensed,  as  also  was  leyasu  In  the  following  year  (1609),  this  same  Pessoa 
arrived  at  Nagasaki  in  command  of  the  Madre  de  Dios,  carrying  twelve  Jesuits 
and  a  cargo  worth  a  million  crowns.  leyasu  ordered  the  Arima  feudatory  to 
seize  her.  Surrounded  by  an  attacking  force  of  twelve  hundred  men  in  boats, 
Pessoa  fought  his  ship  for  three  days,  and  then,  exploding  her  magazine,  sent  her 
to  the  bottom  with  her  crew,  her  passenger-priests,  and  her  cargo.%  ;>Y£i{  biuow 

Fifty-eight  years  before  the  date  of  this  occurrence,  Xavier  had  conveyed  to 
Charles  V  a  warning  that  if  ships  from  New  Spain  "attempted  to  conquer  the 
Japanese  by  force  of  arms,  they  would  have  to  do  with  a  people  no  less  covetous 
than  warlike,  who  seem  likely  to  capture  any  hostile  fleet,  however  strong." 
It  was  a  just  appreciation.  The  Portuguese  naturally  sought  to  obtain  satisfac- 
tion for  the  fate  of  Pessoa,  but  leyasu  would  not  even  reply  to  their  demands, 
though  he  made  no  attempt  to  prevent  the  resumption  of  trade  with  Macao. 

OPENING  OF  ENGLISH  AND  DUTCH  TRADE 

In  the  year  1609,  leyasu  had  reason  to  expect  that  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Dutch  would  both  open  trade  with  Japan.  His  expectation  was  disappointed 
in  the  case  of  the  Spaniards,  but,  two  years  later,  the  Dutch  flag  was  seen  in 
Japanese  waters.  It  was  flown  by  the  Brack,  a  merchantman  which,  sailing 
from  Patani,  reached  Hirado  with  a  cargo  of  pepper,  cloth,  ivory,  silk,  and  lead. 
Two  envoys  were  on  board  the  vessel,  and  her  arrival  in  Japan  nearly  synchro- 
nized with  the  coming  of  the  Spanish  embassy  from  Manila,  which  had  been 
despatched  expressly  for  the  purpose  of  "settling  the  matter  regarding  the  Hol- 
landers." Nevertheless,  the  Dutch  obtained  a  liberal  patent  from  leyasu. 

Twelve  years  previously,  the  merchants  of  London,  stimulated  by  a  spirit 
of  rivalry  with  the  Dutch,  had  organized  the  East  India  Company,  which  at 
once  began  to  send  ships  eastward.  As  soon  as  news  came  that  the  Dutch  were 
about  to  establish  a  trading  station  in  Japan,  the  East  India  Company  issued 
orders  that  the  Clove,  commanded  by  Saris,  should  proceed  to  the  Far  Eastern 
islands.  The  Clove  reached  Hirado  on  the  llth  of  June,  1613.  Her  master, 
Saris,  soon  proved  that  he  did  not  possess  the  capacity  essential  to  success.  He 
was  self-opinionated,  suspicious,  and  of  shallow  judgment.  Though  strongly 
urged  by  Will  Adams  to  make  Uraga  the  seat  of  the  new  trade;  though  convinced 
of  the  excellence  of  the  harbour  there,  and  though  instructed  as  to  the  great  ad- 
vantage of  proximity  to  the  shogun's  capital,  he  appears  to  have  harboured  some 
distrust  of  Adams,  for  he  finally  selected  Hirado  in  preference  to  Uraga,  "which 
was  much  as  though  a  German  going  to  England  to  open  trade  should  prefer  to 


654 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


establish  himself  at  Dover  or  Folkestone  rather  than  in  the  vicinity  of  London." 
Nevertheless  he  received  from  leyasu  a  charter  so  liberal  that  it  plainly  displayed 
the  mood  of  the  Tokugawa  shogun  towards  foreign  trade: — 

(1)  The  ship  that  has  now  come  for  the  first  time  from  England  over  the  sea  to  Japan 
may  carry  on  trade  of  all  kinds  without  hindrance.    With  regard  to  future  visits  (of  English 
ships),  permission  will  be  given  in  regard  to  all  matters. 

(2)  With  regard  to  the  cargoes  of  ships,  requisition  will  be  made  by  list  according  to 
the  requirements  of  the  shogunate. 

(3)  English  ships  are  free  to  visit  any  port  in  Japan.    If  disabled  by  storms  they  may 
put  into  any  harbour. 

(4)  Ground  in  Yedo  in  the  place  which  they  may  desire  shall  be  given  to  the  English, 
and  they  may  erect  houses  and  reside  and  trade  there.    They  shall  be  at  liberty  to  return  to 
their  country  whenever  they  wish  to  do  so,  and  to  dispose  as  they  like  of  the  houses  they  have 
erected. 

(5)  If  an  Englishman  dies  in  Japan  of  disease  or  any  other  cause,  his  effects  shall  be 
handed  over  without  fail. 

(6)  Forced  sales  of  cargo  and  violence  shall  not  take  place. 

(7)  If  one  of  the  English  should  commit  an  offence,  he  should  be  sentenced  by  the  English 
general  according  to  the  gravity  of  his  offence.1  I 

The  terms  of  the  above  show  that  Saris  was  expected  to  make  Yedo  his 
headquarters.  Had  he  done  so  he  would  have  been  practically  free  from 
competition;  would  have  had  the  eastern  capital  of  the  empire  for  market,  and 
would  have  avoided  many  expenses  and  inconveniences  connected  with  residence 
elsewhere.  But  he  did  not  rise  to  the  occasion,  and  the  result  of  his  mistaken 


•o'/j 


THE  "ATAKA  MABU" 
(ShOgun's  Barge)  ,.   ]-. ; :  ' 

'HOY/  noii/CI  fHii  jfint  omjj.'y  8w*>n.  <ai\  croo*  r-.A     .Irn 

choice  as  well  as  of  bad  management  was  that,  ten  years  later  (1623),  the 
English  factory  at  Hirado  had  to  be  closed,  the  losses  incurred  there  having 
aggregated  £2000 — $10,000.  It  has  to  be  noted  that,  a  few  months  after  the  death 
of  leyasu,  the  above  charter  underwent  a  radical  modification.  The  original 
document  threw  open  to  the  English  every  port  in  Japan;  the  revised  document 
limited  them  to  Hirado.  But  this  restriction  may  be  indirectly  traced  to  the 
blunder  of  not  accepting  a  settlement  in  Yedo  and  a  port  at  Uraga.  For  the 
foreign  policy  of  the  Tokugawa  was  largely  swayed  by  an  apprehension  that  the 
Kyushu  feudatories,  many  of  whom  were  not  over-well  disposed  to  the  rule  of 
P  In  this  article,  leyasu  recognizes  the  principle  of  extra-territorial  jurisdiction.] 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  655 

the  Bakufu,  might  derive  from  the  assistance  of  foreign  trade  such  a  fleet  and 
such  an  armament  as  would  ultimately  enable  them  to  overthrow  the  Tokugawa. 
Therefore,  the  precaution  was  adopted  of  confining  the  English  and  the  Dutch 
to  Hirado,  the  domain  of  a  feudatory  too  petty  to  become  formidable,  and  to 
Nagasaki,  which  was  one  of  the  four  Imperial  cities,  the  other  three  being  Yedo, 
Kyoto,  and  Osaka. 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  an  English  factory  in  Yedo  and  English  ships  at  Uraga 
would  have  strengthened  the  Tokugawa  ruler's  hand  instead  of  supplying 
engines  of  war  to  his  political  foes;  and  it  must  further  be  noted  that  the  question 
of  locality  had  another  inj  urious  outcome.  For  alike  at  Hirado  and  at  Nagasaki, 
the  foreign  traders  "were  exposed  to  a  crippling  competition  at  the  hands  of 
rich  Osaka  monopolists,  who,  as  representing  an  Imperial  city  and  therefore 
being  pledged  to  the  Tokugawa  interests,  enjoyed  special  indulgences  from  the 
Bakufu.  These  shrewd  traders  who  were  then,  as  they  are  now,  the  merchant- 
princes  of  Japan,  not  only  drew  a  ring  around  Hirado,  but  also  sent  vessels  on 
their  own  account  to  Cochin  China,  Siam,  Tonkin,  Cambodia,  and  other  foreign 
lands  with  which  the  English  and  the  Dutch  carried  on  trade."  One  can 
scarcely  be  surprised  that  Cocks,  the  successor  of  Saris,  wrote,  in  1620,  "which 
maketh  me  altogether  aweary  of  Japan." 

It  is,  however,  certain  that  the  closure  of  the  English  factory  at  Hirado  was 
voluntary;  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  no  serious  friction  had  occurred  between 
the  English  and  the  Japanese.  When,  the  former  withdrew  from  the  Japanese 
trade,  their  houses  and  stores  at  Hirado  were  not  sold,  but  were  left  in  the  safe- 
keeping of  the  local  feudatory,  who  promised  to  restore  them  to  their  original 
owners  should  the  English  company  desire  to  re-open  business  in  Japan.  The 
company  did  think  of  doing  so  on  more  than  one  occasion,  but  the  idea  did  not 
mature  until  the  year  1673,  when  a  merchantman,  the  Return,  was  sent  to  obtain 
permission.  "The  Japanese  authorities,  after  mature  reflection,  made  answer 
that  as  the  king  of  England  was  married  to  a  Portuguese  princess,  British 
subjects  could  not  be  permitted  to  visit  Japan.  That  this  reply  was  suggested 
by  the  Dutch  is  very  probable ;  that  it  truly  reflected  the  feeling  of  the  Japanese 
Government  towards  Roman  Catholics  is  certain."1 

END  OF  THE  PORTUGUESE  TRADE  WITH  JAPAN 

In  the  year  1624,  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards  from  Japan  took  place,  and 
in  1638  the  Portuguese  met  the  same  fate.  Two  years  prior  to  the  latter  event, 
the  Yedo  Bakufu  adopted  a  measure  which  effectually  terminated  foreign  inter- 
course. They  ruled  that  to  leave  the  country,  or  to  attempt  to  do  so,  should 
constitute  a  capital  crime;  that  any  Japanese  subject  residing  abroad  should  be 
executed  if  he  returned;  that  the  entire  kith  and  kin  of  the  Spaniards  in  Japan 
should  be  expelled,  and  that  no  ships  of  ocean-going  dimensions  should  be  built 
in  Japan.  This  meant  not  only  the  driving  out  of  all  professing  Christians,  but 
also  the  imprisonment  of  the  entire  nation  within  the  limits  of  the  Japanese 
islands,  as  well  as  an  effectual  veto  on  the  growth  of  the  mercantile  marine.  It 
is  worth  noting  that  no  act  of  spoliation  was  practised  against  these  tabooed 
people.  Thus,  when  those  indicated  by  the  edict  —  to  the  number  of  287  — 
left  the  country  for  Macao,  they  were  allowed  to  carry  away  with  them  their 
whole  fortunes. 

The  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards  did  not  leave  the  Portuguese  in  an  improved 
[x  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  (llth  Edition)';  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.J 


656  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

condition.  Humiliating  restrictions  continued  to  be  imposed  upon  them.  If 
a  foreign  priest  were  found  upon  any  galleon  bound  for  Japan,  such  priest  and 
the  whole  of  the  crew  of  the  galleon  were  liable  to  be  executed,  and  many  other 
irksome  conditions  were  instituted  for  the  control  of  the  trade.  Nor  had  the 
aliens  even  the  satisfaction  of  an  open  market,  for  all  the  goods  carried  in  their 
galleons  had  to  be  sold  at  a  fixed  price  to  a  ring  of  licensed  Japanese  merchants 
from  Osaka.  In  spite  of  all  these  deterrents,  however,  the  Portuguese  continued 
to  send  galleons  to  Nagasaki  until  the  year  1637,  when  their  alleged  connexion 
with  the  Shimabara  rebellion  induced  the  Japanese  to  issue  the  final  edict  that 
henceforth  any  Portuguese  ship  coming  to  Japan  should  be  burned,  together 
with  her  cargo,  and  everyone  on  board  should  be  executed. 

This  law  was  not  enforced  with  any  undue  haste;  ample  time  was  given  for 
compliance  with  its  provisions.  Possibly  misled  by  this  procrastination,  the 
Portuguese  at  Macao  continued  to  strive  for  the  re-establishment  of  commercial 
relations  until  1640,  when  a  very  sad  event  put  an  end  finally  to  all  intercourse. 
Four  aged  men,  selected  from  among  the  most  respected  citizens  of  Macao, 
were  sent  to  Nagasaki  as  ambassadors.  Their  ships  carried  rich  presents  and 
an  earnest  petition  for  the  renewal  of  commercial  intercourse.  They  were  at 
once  imprisoned,  and  having  declined  to  save  their  lives  by  abjuring  the  Christian 
faith,  the  four  old  men  and  fifty-seven  of  their  companions  were  decapitated, 
thirteen  only  being  left  alive  for  the  purpose  of  conveying  the  facts  to  Macao. 
To  these  thirteen  there  was  handed  at  their  departure  a  document  setting  forth 
that,  "So  long  as  the  sun  warms  the  earth,  any  Christian  bold  enough  to  come 
to  Japan,  even  if  he  be  King  Philip  himself  or  the  God  of  the  Christians,  shall 
pay  for  it  with  his  head."  One  more  effort  to  restore  the  old  intimacy  was 
made  by  the  Portuguese  in  1647,  but  it  failed  signally,  and  would  certainly  have 
entailed  sanguinary  results  had  not  the  two  Portuguese  vessels  beat  a  timely 
retreat. 

THE  DUTCH  AT  DESHIMA 

In  1609,  the  Dutch  made  their  appearance  in  Japan,  and  received  an  excellent 
welcome.  leyasu  gave  them  a  written  promise  that  "no  man  should  do  them 
any  wrong  and  that  they  should  be  maintained  and  defended  as  his  own  vassals." 
He  also  granted  them  a  charter  that  wherever  their  ships  entered,  they  should 
be  shown  "  all  manner  of  help,  favour,  and  assistance."  Left  free  to  choose  their 
own  trading  port,  they  made  the  mistake  of  selecting  Hirado,  which  was  eminently 
unsuited  to  be  a  permanent  emporium  of  interstate  commerce.  Nevertheless, 
owing  partly  to  their  shrewdness,  partly  to  their  exclusive  possession  of  the 
Spice  Islands,  and  partly  to  their  belligerent  co-operation  with  the  English 
against  the  Spaniards,  they  succeeded  in  faring  prosperously  for  a  time. 

The  day  came,  however,  when,  being  deprived  of  freedom  of  trade  and 
limited  to  dealings  with  a  guild  of  Nagasaki  and  Osaka  merchants,  they  found 
their  gains  seriously  affected.  Other  vicissitudes  overtook  them,  and  finally  the 
Japanese  concluded  that  the  safest  course  was  to  confine  the  Dutch  to  some 
position  where,  in  a  moment  of  emergency,  they  could  easily  be  brought  under 
Japanese  control.  Nagasaki  was  chosen  as  suitable,  and  there  a  Dutch  factory 
was  established  which,  for  a  time,  flourished  satisfactorily.  From  seven  to  ten 
Dutch  vessels  used  to  enter  the  port  annually  —  their  cargoes  valued  at  some 
eighty  thousand  pounds  (avdp.)  of  silver,  and  the  chief  staples  of  import  being  silk 
and  piece-goods.  Customs  duties  amounting  to  five  per  cent,  were  levied; 
495  pounds  of  silver  had  to  be  paid  annually  as  a  rent  for  the  little  island  of 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  657 

Deshima,  and  every  year  a  mission  had  to  proceed  to  Yedo  from  the  factory, 
carrying  presents  for  the  chief  Bakufu  officials,  which  presents  are  said  to  have 
aggregated  some  550  pounds  of  silver  on  each  occasion.  The  Dutch  traders, 
nevertheless,  found  their  business  profitable  owing  to  purchases  of  gold  and 
copper,  which  metals  could  be  procured  in  Japan  at  much  lower  rates  than  they 
commanded  in  Europe.  Thus,  the  now  familiar  question  of  an  outflow  of  specie 
was  forced  upon  Japanese  attention  at  that  early  date,  and,  by  way  of  remedy, 
the  Government  adopted,  in  1790,  the  policy  of  restricting  to  one  vessel  annually 
the  Dutch  ships  entering  Nagasaki,  and  forbidding  that  vessel  to  carry  away 
more  than  350  tons  of  copper. 

:-nq  on  ^iip.ii  gitb^fH  cmfirfV/T  ,TK  b-V^'nqqj;  y.ffi;i%i.'}f  'to  vti^q 

r'F     .i-ibgcrcTte    '-.\'  n:>  Hi      a' irr^rnin^'/o^  !r,-joi  3ib  9*onnif  of 
EFFECTS  PRODUCED  UPON  JAPAN  BY  THE  POLICY  OF  EXCLUSION 

Whatever  losses  Japan's  policy  of  seclusion  caused  to  the  nations  which  were 
its  victims,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  she  herself  was  the  chief  sufferer.  During 
two  and  a  half  centuries  she  remained  without  breathing  the  atmosphere  of 
international  competition,  or  deriving  inspiration  from  an  exchange  of  ideas 
with  other  countries.  While  the  world  moved  steadily  forward,  Japan  stood 
practically  unchanging,  and  when  ultimately  she  emerged  into  contact  with  the 
Occident,  she  found  herself  separated  by  an  immense  interval  from  the  material 
civilization  it  had  developed. 

The  contrast  between  the  Japan  of  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  and  that 
of  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  has  often  been  made  by  the  historian 
of  foreign  influence.  In  1541  the  country  was  open  to  foreign  trade,  foreign 
civilization  and  foreign  ideas  and  these  were  welcomed  eagerly  and,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  remarkable  natural  aptitude  of  the  Japanese  for  adaptation, 
were  readily  assimilated.  Not  only  were  foreign  traders  allowed  to  come  to 
Japan,  but  Japanese  were  allowed  to  go  abroad.  And  all  this  was  in  the  line  of 
a  long-continued  Japanese  policy — the  policy  thanks  to  which  Chinese  influence 
had  made  itself  so  strongly  felt  in  Japan,  and  which  had  brought  in  Buddhism 
and  Confucianism,  not  to  speak  of  arts  and  letters  of  foreign  provenance. 

At  the  close  of  the  hundred  years,  in  1641,  all  was  changed.  Japan  was 
absolutely  isolated.  Foreigners  were  forbidden  to  enter,  except  the  Dutch 
traders  who  were  confined  to  the  little  island  of  Deshima.  And  natives  were 
forbidden  to  go  out,  or  to  accept  at  home  the  religious  teachings  of  foreigners. 
Only  ships  suited  for  the  coastwise  trade  might  be  built.  The  nation's  inter- 
course with  Occidental  civilization  was  shut  off,  and  its  natural  power  of  change 
and  growth  through  foreign  influences  was  thus  held  in  check.  The  wonder 
is  that  it  was  not  destroyed  by  this  inhibition.  The  whole  story  of  foreign 
intercourse  as  it  has  so  far  been  told  makes  it  plain  that  the  reason  why  it  was  j 
prohibited  was  in  the  nature  of  foreign  propaganda  and  not  in  any  unreadiness 
of  the  Japanese  for  western  civilization. 

'  O3ool  .-bna- jsfti  B«fr/.jj.Iq  DTJ-V  v>'i'.  «ift  bsTeac^fB  no«:«  1 

SECOND  ERA  OF  FOREIGN  TRADE 

Japan's  seclusion  was  maintained  unflinchingly.  But,  though  her  goods 
found  a  market  in  China,  only  during  her  period  of  self-effacement,  the  reputation 
of  her  people  for  military  prowess  was  such  that  no  outside  nation  thought  of 
forcing  her  to  open  her  ports.  A  British  seaman,  Sir  Edward  Michelborne,  in  the 
sequel  of  a  fight  between  his  two  ships  and  a  Japanese  junk  near  Singapore, 
,  left  a  record  that  "The  Japanese  are  not  allowed  to  land  in  any  part  of  India 


658  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

with  weapons,  being  a  people  so  desperate  and  daring  that  they  are  feared  in  all 
places  where  they  come."  Nevertheless,  Russian  subjects,  their  shores  being 
contiguous  with  those  of  Japan,  occasionally  found  their  way  as  sailors  or  colonists 
into  the  waters  of  Saghalien,  the  Kuriles,  and  Yezo.  The  Japanese  did  not  then 
exercise  effective  control  over  Yezo,  although  the  island  was  nominally  under 
their  jurisdiction.  Its  government  changed  from  one  hand  to  another  in  the 
centuries  that  separated  the  Kamakura  epoch  from  the  Tokugawa,  and  in  the 
latter  epoch  we  find  the  Matsumae  daimyo  ruling  all  the  islands  northward  of 
the  Tsugaru  Straits.  But  the  Matsumae  administration  contented  itself  with 
imposing  taxes  and  left  the  people  severely  alone.  Thus,  when  in  1778,  a  small 
party  of  Russians  appeared  at  Nemuro  seeking  trade,  no  preparations  existed 
to  impose  the  local  government's  will  on  the  strangers.  They  were  simply 
promised  an  answer  in  the  following  year,  and  that  answer  proved  to  be  that  all 
Japan's  oversea  trade  must  by  law  be  confined  to  Nagasaki. 

The  Russians  did  not  attempt  to  dispute  this  ruling.  They  retired  quietly. 
But  their  two  visits  had  shown  them  that  Yezo  was  capable  of  much  develop- 
ment, and  they  gradually  began  to  flock  thither  as  colonists.  Officials  sent  from 
Japan  proper  to  make  an  investigation  reported  that  Kamchatka,  hitherto  a 
dependency  of  Japan,  had  been  taken  possession  of  by  Russians,  who  had 
established  themselves  in  the  island  of  Urup  and  at  other  places.  The  report 
added  that  the  situation  would  be  altogether  lost  unless  resolute  steps  were  taken 
to  restore  it.  Unfortunately,  the  death  of  the  tenth  shogun  having  just  then 
occurred,  the  Yedo  Court  found  it  inconvenient  to  take  action  in  remote  Yezo. 
Thus,  Russian  immigration  and  Japanese  inaction  continued  for  some  time,  and 
not  until  1792  were  commissions  again  despatched  from  Yedo  to  inquire  and 
report.  They  made  an  exhaustive  investigation,  and  just  as  it  reached  the  hands 
of  the  Bakufu,  a  large  Russian  vessel  arrived  off  Nemuro,  carrying  some  ship- 
wrecked Japanese  sailors  whom  her  commander  offered  to  restore  to  their  coun- 
try, accompanying  this  offer  with  an  application  for  the  opening  of  trade  between 
Russia  and  Japan.  Negotiations  ensued,  the  result  being  that  Nagasaki  was 
again  referred  to  as  the  only  port  where  foreign  trade  might  be  lawfully  conduct- 
ed, and  the  Russians,  therefore,  declared  their  intention  of  proceeding  thither,  a 
passport  being  handed  to  them  for  the  purpose.  It  does  not  appear,  however, 
that  they  availed  themselves  of  this  permit,  and  in  the  mean  while  the  Yedo 
commissioners  pursued  their  journey  northward,  and  pulled  up  a  number  of 
boundary  posts  which  had  been  erected  by  the  Russians  in  Urup. 

The  Bakufu  now  began  to  appreciate  the  situation  more  fully.  They  took 
under  their  own  immediate  control  the  eastern  half  of  Yezo,  entrusting  the 
western  half  to  Matsumae.  The  next  incident  of  note  was  a  survey  of  the  north- 
ern islands,  made  in  1800  by  the  famous  mathematician,  Ino  Tadayoshi,  and 
the  despatch  of  another  party  of  Bakufu  investigators.  Nothing  practical  was 
done,  however,  and,  in  1804,  a  Russian  ship  arrived  at  Nagasaki  carrying  a 
number  of  Japanese  castaways  and  again  applying  for  permission  to  trade. 
But  it  soon  appeared  that  the  Bakufu  were  playing  fast  and  loose  with  their 
visitors  and  that  they  had  no  intention  of  sanctioning  general  foreign  commerce, 
even  at  Nagasaki.  Incensed  by  such  treatment,  the  Russians,  in  1806,  invaded 
Saghalien,  carried  away  several  Japanese  soldiers,  and  partially  raided  Etorop 
and  other  places.  They  threatened  further  violence  in  the  following  year  unless 
international  trade  was  sanctioned. 

The  Bakufu  had  now  a  serious  problem  to  solve,  and  their  ideas  of  its  solution 
were  almost  comical.  Thus,  one  statesman  recommended  the  organization 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  659 

of  a  special  force  recruited  from  the  ranks  of  vagrants  and  criminals  and  stationed 
permanently  in  the  northern  islands,  A  more  practical  programme  was  the 
formation  of  a  local  militia.  But  neither  of  these  suggestions  obtained  approval, 
nor  was  anything  done  beyond  removing  the  Matsumae  feudatory  and  placing 
the  whole  of  the  islands  under  the  direct  sway  of  the  Bakufu. 

For  a  period  of  five  years  after  these  events  the  Russians  made  no  further 
attempt  to  establish  relations  with  Japan,  and  their  next  essay,  namely,  the 
despatch  of  a  warship  —  the  Diana  —  to  survey  the  Yezo  coasts,  was  unceremo- 
niously interrupted  by  the  Japanese.  Another  vessel  flying  the  Russian  flag 
visited  Kunajiri,  in  1814.  On  that  occasion  the  Japanese  managed  to  seize  some 
members  of  the  Russian  crew,  who  were  ultimately  saved  by  the  shrewdness  of 
one  of  their  officers.  These  events  imparted  fresh  vigour  to  Japan's  prejudices 
against  foreign  intercourse,  but,  as  for  the  Russians,  not  a  few  of  them  found 
their  way  to  Saghalien  and  settled  there  without  any  resolute  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  Bakufu  to  expel  them. 


One  effect  of  the  events  related  above  was  to  direct  Japanese  attention  to  the 
necessity  of  coast  defence,  a  subject  which  derived  much  importance  from  infor- 
mation filtering  through  the  Dutch  door  at  Nagasaki.  Under  the  latter  influence 
a  remarkable  book  (Kai-koku  Hei-dan)  was  compiled  by  Hayashi  Shibei,  who 
had  associated  for  some  time  with  the  Dutch  at  Deshima.  He  urged  frankly 
that  Japan  must  remain  helpless  for  naval  purposes  if  her  people  were  forbidden 
to  build  ocean-going  vessels  while  foreigners  sailed  the  high  seas,  and  he  further 
urged  that  attention  should  be  paid  to  coast  defence,  so  that  the  country  might 
not  be  wholly  at  the  mercy  of  foreign  adventurers.  The  brave  author  was 
thrown  into  prison  and  the  printing-blocks  of  his  book  were  destroyed,  but  his 
enlightenment  bore  some  fruit,  for  immediately  afterwards  the  Bakufu  prime 
minister  made  a  journey  along  the  coasts  of  the  empire  to  select  points  for  the 
erection  of  fortifications,  and  to  encourage  the  feudatories  to  take  steps  for 
guarding  these  important  positions. 

FOREIGN  LITERATURE 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  in  the  days  of  the  shogun  Yoshimune  (1716- 
1745)  the  veto  against  studying  foreign  books  was  removed.  But  for  some 
time  this  liberal  measure  produced  no  practical  effect,  since  there  did  not  exist 
even  a  Dutch-Japanese  vocabulary  to  open  the  pages  of  foreign  literature  for 
Japanese  study.  Indeed,  very  few  books  were  procurable  from  the  Dutch  at 
Deshima.  The  most  accessible  were  treatises  on  medicine  and  anatomy,  and 
the  illustrations  in  these  volumes  served  as  a  guide  for  interpreting  their  contents. 
Earnestness  well-nigh  incredible  was  shown  by  Japanese  students  in  deciphering 
the  strange  terms,  and  presently  the  country  was  placed  in  possession  of  The 
History  of  Russia,  Notes  on  the  Northern  Islands,  Universal  Geography,  A  Com- 
pendium of  Dutch  Literature,  Treatises  on  the  Art  of  Translation,  a  Dutch-Japanese 
Dictionary  and  so  forth,  the  immediate  result  being  a  nascent  public  conviction 
of  the  necessity  of  opening  the  country, —  a  conviction  which,  though  not 
widely  held,  contributed  materially  to  the  ultimate  fall  of  the  Bakufu. 

The  Yedo  Court,  however,  clung  tenaciously  to  its  hereditary  conservatism. 
Thus,  in  1825,  the  Bakufu  issued  a  general  order  that  any  foreign  vessel  coming 


660 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


within  range  of  the  coast  batteries  should  at  once  be  fired  upon,  and  not  until 
1842  was  this  harsh  command  modified  in  the  sense  that  a  ship  driven  into  a 
Japanese  port  by  stress  of  weather  might  be  given  food,  water,  and  provisions, 
but  should  be  warned  to  resume  her  voyage  immediately.  Meanwhile,  strenuous 
efforts  were  made  to  strengthen  the  littoral  defences,  and  a  very  active  revival  of 
the  study  of  the  military  art  took  place  throughout  the  empire,  though,  at  the 
same  time,  the  number  of  patriots  sufficiently  brave  and  clear-sighted  to  condemn 
the  policy  of  seclusion  grew  steadily. 


oiiioa  oxi!3«  qi  b-ig-crtij  oj  :;33fl«gji 


9rlj 

- w't  •  u  aioal  j>r>  cm : 


(A  FEMALE  LABOCBBB  IN  THE  SUBCBBS  or  KYOTO) 


£  ;  , 


3HT 


81H 


B 

Two  DRUMS  A*D  Tsuzmn 
A  and  D  are  Drums;  B  and  C  are  Tsuzumi. 

.--.  jsuTjttfjTrtioa  eibloJ bain^i  6l=»h:- 
ciljib.fllp  lo  vhbrf  Oiody  9%  bogfi/-. 

CHAPTER  XLV 

'.';!>  ynuiafi  10  flotetj'oyDi/g.jJ  *{u  byxiiyo.eajv;  xipvisy'fl  Ib  oiifsiitjlcr 

FOREIGN   RELATIONS  AND  tffifi,  DECLINE  OF  THE 
TOKUGAWA :  (Continued) 

:&  ',bf  iahoi  rii&fe&W  sify  nr  bobism  sd  ifoiihr  gniwb  ,ai£iv  uiol-  y_J 
THE  TWELFTH  SHOGUN,  IEYOSHI   (1838-1853) 

FROM  the  period  of  this  shogun  the  strength  of  the  Bakufu  began  to  wane 
steadily,  and  the  restoration  of  the  administrative  power  to  the  sovereign  came 
to  be  discussed,  with  bated  breath  at  first,  but  gradually  with  increased  freedom. 
It  is  undeniable,  however,  that  the  decline  of  the  Tokugawa  was  due  as  much  to 
an  empty  treasury  as  to  the  complications  of  foreign  intercourse.  The  financial 
situation  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  may  be  briefly  described  as 
one  of  expenditures  constantly  exceeding  income,  and  of  repeated  recourse  by 
the  Bakufu  to  the  fatal  expedient  of  debasing  the  currency.  Public  respect  was 
steadily  undermined  by  these  displays  of  impecuniosity,  and  the  feudatories 
in  the  west  of  the  empire  —  that  is  to  say,  the  tozama  daimyo,  whose  loyalty  to 
the  Bakufu  was  weak  at  the  best  —  found  an  opportunity  to  assert  themselves 
against  the  Yedo  administration,  while  the  appreciation  of  commodities  rendered 
the  burden  of  living  constantly  more  severe  and  thus  helped  to  alienate  the 

people. 

roq  j3Cfii  9fii  molt  DSvoccfQl  9l'»w  pjaiftuisiftoi  Cho  nnift 

SUMPTUARY  LAWS 

While  with  one  hand  scattering  abroad  debased  tokens  of  exchange,  the 
Bakufu  legislators  laboured  strenuously  with  the  other  to  check  luxury  and 
extravagance.  Conspicuous  among  the  statesmen  who  sought  to  restore  the 
economical  habit  of  former  days  was  Mizuno  Echizen  no  Kami,  who,  in  1826 
and  the  immediately  subsequent  years,  promulgated  decree  after  decree  vetoing 
everything  in  the  nature  of  needless  expenditures.  It  fared  with  his  attempt  as 
it  always  does  with  such  legislation.  People  admired  the  vetoes  in  theory  but 
paid  little  attention  to  them  in  practice. 

JI.  k>  ,i>'-  "j  ,Y,.M  iioq 

'  • 

FAMINE  IN  THE  TEMPO  ERA  (1830-1844) 

From  1836  onward,  through  successive  years,  one  bad  harvest  followed  an- 
other until  the  prices  of  rice  and  other  cereals  rose  to  unprecedented  figures.  The 

661 


662  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Bakufu  were  not  remiss  in  their  measures  to  relieve  distress.  Free  grants  of 
grain  were  made  in  the  most  afflicted  regions;  houses  of  refuge  were  constructed 
where  the  indigent  might  be  fed  and  lodged  during  a  maximum  period  of  210 
days,  each  inmate  receiving  in  addition  a  daily  allowance  of  money  which  was 
handed  to  him  on  leaving  the  refuge,  and  this  example  of  charity  was  obeyed 
widely  by  the  feudatories.  It  is  on  record  that  twenty  thousand  persons  availed 
themselves  of  these  charitable  institutions  in  Yedo  alone.  One  particularly 
sad  episode  marks  the  story.  Driven  to  desperation  by  the  sight  of  the  people 's 
pain  and  by  his  own  failure  to  obtain  from  wealthy  folks  a  sufficient  measure  of 
aid,  although  he  sold  everything  he  himself  possessed  by  way  of  example,  a  police 
official,  Oshio  Heihachiro,  raised  the  flag  of  revolt  and  became  the  instrument 
of  starting  a  tumult  in  which  eighteen  thousand  buildings  were  destroyed  in 
Osaka.  In  a  manifesto  issued  before  committing  suicide  in  company  with  his 
son,  Heihachiro  charged  the  whole  body  of  officials  with  corrupt  motives,  and 
declared  that  the  sovereign  was  treated  as  a  recluse  without  any  practical 
authority;  that  the  people  did  not  know  where  to  make  complaint;  that  the  dis- 
pleasure of  heaven  was  evinced  by  a  succession  of  natural  calamities,  and  that 
the  men  in  power  paid  no  attention  to  these  warnings. 

The  eleventh  shogun,  lenari,  after  fifty-one  years  of  office,  resigned  in  favour 
of  his  son,  leyoshi,  who  ruled  from  1838  to  1853.  lenari  survived  his  resignation 
by  four  years,  during  which  he  resided  in  the  western  castle,  and,  under  the 
title  of  o-gosho,  continued  to  take  part  hi  the  administration.  As  for  leyoshi,  his 
tenure  of  power  is  chiefly  notable  for  the  strenuous  efforts  made  by  his  prime 
minister,  Mizuno  Echizen  no  Kami,  to  substitute  economy  for  the  costly  luxury 
that  prevailed.  Reference  has  already  been  made  to  this  eminent  official's 
policy,  and  it  will  suffice  here  to  add  that  his  aim  was  to  restore  the  austere 
fashions  of  former  times.  The  schedule  of  reforms  was  practically  endless. 
Expensive  costumes  were  seized  and  burned;  theatres  were  relegated  to  a  remote 
suburb  of  the  city;  actors  were  ostracized;  a  censorship  of  publications  checked 
under  severe  penalties  the  compilation  of  all  anti-foreign  or  immoral  literature, 
and  even  children 's  toys  were  legislated  for. 

At  first  these  laws  alarmed  people,  but  it  was  soon  found  that  competence  to 
enforce  was  not  commensurate  with  ability  to  compile,  and  the  only  result 
achieved  was  that  splendour  and  extravagance  were  more  or  less  concealed. 
Yet  the  Bakufu  officials  did  not  hesitate  to  resort  to  force.  It  is  recorded  that 
storehouses  and  residences  were  sealed  and  their  inmates  banished;  that  np  less 
than  570  restaurants  were  removed  from  the  most  populous  part  of  the  city, 
and  that  the  maidservants  employed  in  them  were  all  degraded  to  the  class  of 
"  licensed  prostitutes."  This  drastic  effort  went  down  in  the  pages  of  history  as 
the  "Tempo  Reformation."  It  ended  in  the  resignation  of  its  author  and  the 
complete  defeat  of  its  purpose. 

ii£3i  at  ,orl7/  jimo^dw^ssWbS  om/slMf  •- 

TOKUGAWA  NARIAKTjli>'' 

fc/j  Jqrnolhs  airf  Ann  botitf  Jl  .;-.m.< j  liai-joxo  gaomsen  to  3-ii;:b;ii  or:  1  ; 
iudContemporaneous  with  the  wholesale  reformer,  Mizuno,  was  Tokugawa 
Nariaki  (1800-1860),  daimyo  of  Mito,  who  opposed  the  conciliatory  foreign 
policy,  soon  to  be  described,  of  li  Naosuke  (Kamon  no  Kami).  Nariaki  in- 
herited the  literary  tastes  of  his  ancestor,  Mitsukuni,  and  at  his  court  a  number 
of  earnest  students  and  loyal  soldiers  assembled.  Among  them  were  Fujita 
Toko  (1806-1855)  and  Toda  Tadanori,  who  are  not  less  remarkable  as  scholars 
and  historians  than  as  administrators.  190 . 

100 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  663 

RELATIONS  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES 

!.  -jiii  j.iinivf  •?••;:  :;o  3fB  fi"trw  -rroiJK-  '•.  • 
Japan  now  began  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  American  citizens,  who, 
pursuing  the  whaling  industry  in  the  seas  off  Alaska  and  China,  passed  frequently 
in  their  ships  within  easy  sight  of  the  island  of  Yezo.  Occasionally,  one  of  these 
schooners  was  cast  away  on  Japan 's  shores,  and  as  a  rule,  her  people  were  treated 
with  consideration  and  sent  to  Deshima  for  shipment  to  Batavia.  Japanese 
sailors,  also,  were  occasionally  swept  by  hurricanes  and  currents  to  the  Aleutian 
Islands,  to  Oregon,  or  to  California,  and  in  several  cases  these  mariners  were 
sent  back  to  Japan  by  American  vessels.  It  was  on  such  an  errand  of  mercy 
that  the  sailing  ship  Morrison  entered  Yedo  Bay,  in  1837,  and  being  required  to 
repair  to  Kagoshima,  was  driven  from  the  latter  place  by  cannon  shot.  It  was 
on  such  an  errand,  also,  that  the  Manhattan  reached  Uraga  and  lay  there  four 
days  before  she  was  compelled  to  take  her  departure.  It  would  seem  that  the 
experiences  collected  by  Cooper,  master  of  the  latter  vessel,  and  published  after 
his  return  to  the  United  States,  induced  the  Washington  Government  to  essay 
the  opening  of  Japan.  A  ninety-gun  ship  of  the  line  and  a  sloop,  sent  on  this 
errand,  anchored  off  Uraga  in  1846,  and  their  commander,  Commodore  Biddle, 
applied  for  the  sanction  of  trade.  He  received  a  positive  refusal,  and  in  pursuance 
of  his  instructions  to  abstain  from  any  act  calculated  to  excite  hostility  or  dis- 
trust, he  weighed  anchor  and  sailed  away. 

GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  OTHER  POWERS 

— ^— •  •  !••   nff    "wnllm 

In  this  same  year,  1846,  a  French  ship  touched  at  the  Ryukyu  archipelago, 
and  attempted  to  persuade  the  islanders  that  if  they  wished  for  security  against 
British  aggression,  they  must  place  themselves  under  the  protection  of  France. 
England,  indeed,  was  now.  much  in  evidence  in  the  seas  of  southern  China,  and 
the  Dutch  at  Deshima,  obeying  the  instincts  of  commercial  rivalry,  warned 
Japan  that  she  must  be  prepared  for  a  visit  from  an  English  squadron  at  any 
moment.  The  King  of  Holland  now  (1847)  intervened.  He  sent  to  Yedo  a 
number  of  books  together  with  a  map  of  the  world  and  a  despatch  urging  Japan 
to  open  her  ports.  This  was  not  done  for  Japan 's  sake.  The  apparent  explana- 
tion is  that  the  trade  at  Deshima  having  ceased  to  be  worth  pursuing,  the  Dutch 
East  India  Company  had  surrendered  its  monopoly  to  the  Netherlands  Govern- 
ment, so  that  the  latter 's  advice  to  Japan  is  explained.  But  his  Majesty's 
efforts  had  no  immediate  result,  though  they  doubtless  augmented  Japan's 
feeling  of  anxiety. 

Twelve  months  later,  the  Prebk,  an  American  brig  under  Commander 
Glynn,  anchored  off  Nagasaki  and  threatened  to  bombard  the  town  unless 
immediate  delivery  was  made  of  fifteen  foreign  seamen  held  by  the  Japanese  for 
shipment  to  Batavia.  The  castaways  were  surrendered,  and  Commander 
Glynn  found  evidence  to  prove  that  Japan  was  by  no  means  ignorant  of  American 
doings  in  Mexico,  and  that  she  was  beginning  to  comprehend  how  close  the  world 
was  approaching  her  shores.  Once  again  in  the  following  year  (1849),  the  King 
of  Holland  wrote,  telling  the  Japanese  to  expect  an  American  fleet  in  their 
waters  twelve  months  later,  and  to  look  for  war  unless  they  agreed  to  interna- 
tional commerce.  This  was  no  empty  threat.  The  Washington  Government  had 
actually  addressed  to  European  nations  a  memorandum  justifying  an  expedition 
to  Japan  on  the  ground  that  it  would  inure  to  the  advantage  of  all,  and  the  King 
of  Holland  appended  to  his  letter  a  draft  of  the  treaty  which  would  be  presented 


664  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

in  Yedo.  "All  these  things  render  it  obvious  that  in  the  matter  of  renewing 
their  relations  with  the  outer  world,  the  Japanese  were  not  required  to  make  any 
sudden  decision  under  stress  of  unexpected  menace;  they  had  ample  notice  of 
the  course  events  were  taking." 


THE  121ST  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  KOMEI  (A.  D.  1846-1867) 

The  Emperor  Ninko  died  in  1846  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Komei,  the 
121st  sovereign.  The  country's  foreign  relations  soon  became  a  source  of 
profound  concern  to  the  new  ruler.  Among  the  Court  nobles  there  had  devel- 
oped in  Ninko  's  reign  a  strong  desire  to  make  their  influence  felt  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  empire,  and  thus  to  emerge  from  the  insignificant  position  to  which  the 
Bakufu  system  condemned  them.  In  obedience  to  their  suggestions,  the 
Emperor  Ninko  established  a  special  college  for  the  education  of  Court  nobles, 
from  the  age  of  fifteen  to  that  of  forty.  This  step  does  not  seem  to  have  caused 
any  concern  to  the  Bakufu  officials.  The  college  was  duly  organized  under  the 
name  of  Gakushu-jo  (afterwards  changed  to  Gakushu-iri).  The  Yedo  treasury 
went  so  far  as  to  contribute  a  substantial  sum  to  the  support  of  the  institution, 
and  early  in  the  reign  of  Komei  the  nobles  began  to  look  at  life  with  eyes  changed 
by  the  teaching  thus  afforded.  Instructors  at  the  college  were  chosen  among 
the  descendants  of  the  immortal  scholars,  Abe  no  Seimei,  Sugawara  no  Michi- 
zane,  and  others  scarcely  less  renowned.  The  Emperor  Ninko  had  left  instruc- 
tions that  four  precepts  should  be  inscribed  conspicuously  in  the  halls  of  the 
college,  namely  :  — 
iynFtfifii'nc  ff-'yfuyft  -jrfJ  ;i<;  fjoiiyupJ  M;  • 

Walk  in  the  paths  trodden  by  the  feet  of  the  great  sages. 

Revere  the  righteous  canons  of  the  empire. 

He  that  has  not  learned  the  sacred  doctrines,  how  can  he  govern  himself? 

He  that  is  ignorant  of  the  classics,  how  can  he  regulate  his  own  conduct? 

A  manifest  sign  of  the  times,  the  portals  of  this  college  were  soon  thronged 
by  Court  nobles,  and  the  Imperial  capital  began  to  awake  from  its  sleep  of 
centuries.  The  Emperor  himself  evinced  his  solicitude  about  foreign  relations 
by  fasting  and  by  praying  at  the  shrines  of  the  national  deities,  his  Majesty's 
constant  formula  of  worship  being  a  supplication  that  his  life  might  be  accepted 
as  a  substitute  for  the  safety  of  his  country.  The  fact  was  that  the  overthrow  of 
the  Yedo  Bakufu  had  begun  to  constitute  an  absorbing  object  with  many  of  the 
high  officials  in  Kyoto.  It  had  hitherto  been  an  invariable  rule  that  any  policy 
contemplated  in  Yedo  became  an  accomplished  fact  before  a  report  was  presented 
in  the  Imperial  capital.  But  very  soon  after  his  coronation,  the  Emperor  Komei 
departed  from  this  time-honoured  sequence  of  procedure  and  formally  instructed 
the  Bakufu  that  the  traditional  policy  of  the  empire  in  foreign  affairs  must  be 
strictly  maintained.  The  early  Tokugawa  shdguns  would  have  strongly  resented 
such  interference,  but  times  had  changed,  and  leyoshi  bowed  his  head  quietly  to 
the  new  order.  Thenceforth  the  Bakufu  submitted  all  questions  of  foreign  policy 
to  the  Imperial  Court  before  final  decision. 

nil 

liorf*  rtf  t<v>R  ftfrDhyraA  CIR  .T-; 

COMMODORE  PERRY 

In  the  year  1853,  Commodore  Perry  of  the  United  States  Navy  appeared  in 
TJraga  Bay  with  a  squadron  of  four  warships  and  560  men.  The  advent  of  such 
a  force  created  much  perturbation  in  Yedo.  Instead  of  dealing  with  the  affair 
on  their  own  absolute  authority,  the  Bakufu  summoned  a  council  of  the  feuda- 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  665 

tories  to  discuss  the  necessary  steps.  Meanwhile,  the  shogun,  who  had  been  ill 
for  some  time,  died,  and  his  decease  was  pleaded  as  a  pretext  for  postponing 
discussion  with  the  Americans.  Perry  being  without  authority  to  resort  to 
force,  did  not  press  his  point.  He  transmitted  the  President's  letter  to  the 
sovereign  of  Japan,  and  steamed  away  on  the  17th  of  July,  declaring  his  intention 
to  return  in  the  following  year.  This  letter  was  circulated  among  the  feuda- 
tories, who  were  invited  to  express  their  opinions  on  the  document.  Their 
replies  are  worthy  of  perusal  as  presenting  a  clear  idea  of  Japanese  views  at  that 
time  with  regard  to  foreign  intercourse.  The  gist  of  the  replies  may  be  sum- 
marized as  follows :  — 

The  ultimate  purpose  of  foreigners  in  visiting  Japan  is  to  reconnoitre  the  country.  This 
is  proved  by  the  action  of  the  Russians  in  the  north.  What  has  been  done  by  Western  States 
in  India  and  China  would  doubtless  be  done  in  Japan  also  if  opportunity  offered.  Even  the 
Dutch  are  not  free  from  suspicion  of  acting  the  part  of  spies. 

Foreign  trade,  so  far  from  benefitting  the  nation,  cannot  fail  to  impoverish  it,  inasmuch 
as  oversea  commerce  simply  means  that,  whereas  Japan  receives  a  number  of  unnecessary 
luxuries,  she  has  to  give  in  exchange  quantities  of  precious  metals. 

To  permit  foreign  intercourse  would  be  to  revoke  the  law  of  exclusion  which  has  been 
enforced  for  centuries,  and  which  was  the  outcome  of  practical  experience. 


These  opinions  were  subscribed  by  a  great  majority  of  the  feudatories.  A 
few,  however,  had  sufficient  foresight  and  courage  to  advocate  foreign  intercourse. 
The  leaders  of  this  small  minority  were,  li  Naosuke,  baron  of  Hikone,  historically 
remembered  as  li  Kamon  no  Kami;  Toda  Izu  no  Kami,  bugyo  of  Uraga ;  Takashi- 
ma  Kihei  (called_  also  Shirodayu,  or  Shuhan) ;  Egawa  Tarozaemon,  bugyo  of 
Nirayama;  and  Otsuki  Heiji,  a  vassal  of  the  baron  of  Sendai.  The  views  of 
these  statesmen  may  be  briefly  summarized  as  follows : 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  many  illustrious  and  patriotic  men,  anticipating  injury  to  the 
country's  fortunes  and  perversion  of  the  nation's  moral  canons,  are  implacably  opposed  to 
foreign  intercourse.  But  the  circumstances  of  the  time  render  it  impossible  to  maintain 
the  integrity  of  the  empire  side  by  side  with  the  policy  of  seclusion.  The  coasts  are  virtually 
unprotected.  The  country  is  practically  without  a  navy.  Throughout  a  period  of  nearly 
two  and  a  half  centuries  the  building  of  any  ship  having  a  capacity  of  over  one  hundred  koku 
has  been  forbidden,  and  in  the  absence  of  war-vessels  there  is  no  means  of  defence  except 
coast  batteries,  which  are  practically  non-existent. 

When  inaugurating  the  policy  of  seclusion,  the  Bakufu  Government  took  care  to  leave 
China  and  Holland  as  a  bridge  between  Japan  and  the  rest  of  the  world.  It  will  be  wise  to 
utilize  that  bridge  for  dealing  with  foreign  States,  so  as  to  gain  time  for  preparations  of  defence, 
instead  of  rushing  blindly  into  battle  without  any  supply  of  effective  weapons.  If  the  Ameri- 
cans have  need  of  coal,  there  is  an  abundant  supply  in  Kyushu.  If  they  require  provisions 
and  water,  their  needs  can  easily  be  satisfied.  As  for  returning  distressed  foreign  seamen, 
that  has  hitherto  been  done  voluntarily,  and  an  arrangement  on  this  subject  can  be  made 
through  the  medium  of  the  Dutch.  As  for  foreign  trade,  the  times  have  changed  radically 
since  a  veto  was  imposed  on  all  commercial  transactions,  and  it  by  no  means  follows  that 
what  was  wise  then  is  expedient  now.  Japan  must  have  ocean-going  vessels,  and  these  cannot 
be  procured  in  a  moment.  Her  best  way  is  to  avail  herself  of  the  services  of  the  Dutch  as 
middlemen  in  trade,  and  to  lose  no  time  in  furnishing  herself  with  powerful  men-of-war  and 
with  sailors  and  gunners  capable  of  navigating  and  fighting  these  vessels. 

In  short,  the  wisest  plan  is  to  make  a  show  of  commerce  and  intercourse,  and  thus  gain  \ 
time  to  equip  the  country  with  a  knowledge  of  naval  architecture  and  warfare.     The  two  1 
things  most  essential  are  that  Christianity  should  not  be  admitted  in  the  train  of  foreign 
trade,  and  that  the  strictest  economy  should  be  exercised  by  all  classes  of  the  people  so  as  to 
provide  funds  for  the  building  of  a  navy  and  the  fortification  of  the  coasts. 

The  question  alluded  to  at  the  close  of  the  above,  namely,  the  question  of 
finance,  was  a  paramount  difficulty  for  the  Bakufu.  In  the  very  year  of  Perry 's 
coming,  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  in  Yedo  wrote  as  follows  to  Fujita  Toko, 
chief  adviser  of  the  Mito  feudatory:  "Unless  I  tell  you  frankly  about  the 
condition  of  the  treasury  you  cannot  appreciate  the  situation.  If  you  saw  the 
accounts  you  would  be  startled,  and  would  learn  at  a  glance  the  hopelessness  of 


666  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

going  to  war.  The  country  could  not  hold  out  even  for  a  twelvemonth,  and 
there  is  nothing  for  it  except  that  everyone  should  join  in  saving  money  for 
purposes  of  equipment.  If  we  keep  the  peace  now  and  toil  unremittingly  for 
ten  years,  we  may  hope  to  restore  the  situation."  In  truth,  the  Bakufu  had 
practically  no  choice.  "On  one  hand,  thousands  of  publicists,  who  believed 
themselves  patriotic,  clamoured  for  the  policy  of  seclusion,  even  at  the  cost  of 
war;  on  the  other,  the  Yedo  Government  knew  that  to  fight  must  be  to  incur 
crushing  defeat."  The  Bakufu  then  issued  the  following  temporizing  decree: 

With  regard  to  the  despatch  from  the  United  States  Government,  the  views  of  competent 
men  have  been  taken  and  have  been  carefully  considered  by  the  shogun.  The  views  expressed 
are  variously  worded  but  they  advocate  either  peace  or  war.  Everyone  has  pointed  out  that 
we  are  without  a  navy  and  that  our  coasts  are  undefended.  Meanwhile,  the  Americans  will 
be  here  again  next  year.  Our  policy  shall  be  to  evade  any  definite  answer  to  their  request, 
while  at  the  same  time  maintaining  a  peaceful  demeanour.  It  may  be,  however,  that  they 
will  have  recourse  to  violence.  For  that  contingency  we  must  be  prepared  lest  the  country 
suffer  disgrace.  Therefore  every  possible  effort  will  be  made  to  prepare  means  of  defence. 
Above  all  it  is  imperative  that  everyone  should  practise  patience,  refrain  from  anger,  and 
carefully  observe  the  conduct  of  the  foreigners.  Should  they  open  hostilities,  all  must  at 
once  take  up  arms  and  fight  strenuously  for  the  country. 

A  less  vertebrate  policy  could  scarcely  have  been  formulated,  but  the  conduct 
of  the  Bakufu  statesmen  was  more  stalwart  than  their  language.  Under  the 
guidance  of  Abe  Masahiro,  one  of  the  ablest  statesmen  that  Yedo  ever  possessed, 
batteries  were  built  at  Shinagawa  to  guard  the  approaches  to  Yedo;  defensive 
preparations  were  made  along  the  coasts  of  Musashi,  Sagami,  Awa,  and  Kazusa; 
the  veto  against  the  construction  of  ocean-going  ships  was  rescinded,  and  the 
feudatories  were  invited  to  build  and  arm  large  vessels;  a  commission  was  given 
to  the  Dutch  at  Deshima  to  procure  from  Europe  a  library  of  useful  books; 
cannon  were  cast;  troops  were  drilled,  and  everyone  who  had  acquired  expert 
knowledge  through  the  medium  of  the  Dutch  was  taken  into  official  favour. 

But  all  these  efforts  tended  only  to  expose  their  own  feebleness,  and  on  the 
2nd  of  November,  1853,  instructions  were  issued  that  if  the  Americans  returned, 
they  were  to  be  dealt  with  peacefully.  "In  short,  the  sight  of  Perry's  steam- 
propelled  ships,  their  powerful  armament,  and  the  specimens  they  carried  of 
Western  wonders  had  practically  broken  down  the  barriers  of  Japan 's  isolation 
without  any  need  of  treaties  or  conventions."  Thus,  when  the  American 
commodore  returned  in  the  following  February  with  ten  ships  and  crews  number- 
ing two  thousand,  he  easily  obtained  a  treaty  by  which  Japan  promised  kind 
treatment  to  shipwrecked  sailors;  permission  to  foreign  vessels  to  obtain  stores 
and  provisions  within  her  territory,  and  an  engagement  that  American  vessels 
might  anchor  in  the  ports  of  Shimoda  and  Hakata.  Much  has  been  written 
about  Perry's  judicious  display  of  force  and  about  his  sagacious  tact  in  dealing 
with  the  Japanese,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  consequences  of  his 
exploit  did  not  invest  its  methods  with  extravagant  lustre. 

TREATIES  OF  COMMERCE 

Russia,  Holland,  and  England  speedily  obtained  treaties  similar  to  that 
concluded  by  Commodore  Perry  in  1854.  These,  however,  were  not  commercial 
conventions.  It  was  reserved  for  Mr.  Townsend  Harris,  American  consul- 
general  in  Japan,  to  open  the  country  to  trade.  Arriving  in  August,  1856,  he 
concluded  in  March,  1857,  a  treaty  securing  to  United  States  citizens  the  right 
of  permanent  residence  at  Shimoda  and  Hakodate,  as  well  as  that  of  carrying 
on  trade  at  Nagasaki  and  establishing  consular  jurisdiction.  Nevertheless, 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  667 

nothing  worthy  to  be  called  commercial  intercourse  was  allowed  by  the  Bakufu, 
and  it  was  not  until  Mr.  Harris,  with  infinite  patience  and  tact,  had  gone  to 
Yedo  alter  ten  months'  delay  that  he  secured  the  opening  of  ports  other  than 
Nagasaki  to  international  commerce.  In  this  achievement  he  was  assisted  by 
Hotta  Masamutsu,  successor  to  the  great  Masahiro,  and,  like  most  of  his  col- 
leagues, a  sincere  advocate  of  opening  the  country. 

Japan  has  been  much  blamed  for  her  reluctance  in  this  matter,  but  when  we 
recall  the  danger  to  which  the  Yedo  administration  was  exposed  by  its  own  weak- 
ness, and  when  we  observe  that  a  strong  sentiment  was  growing  up  hi  favour  of 
abolishing  the  dual  form  of  government,  we  can  easily  appreciate  that  to  sanc- 
tion commercial  relations  might  well  have  shaken  the  Bakufu  to  their  foundations. 
It  was  possible  to  construe  the  Perry  convention  and  the  first  Harris  convention 
as  mere  acts  of  benevolence  towards  strangers,  but  a  commercial  treaty  would 
not  have  lent  itself  to  any  such  construction.  We  cannot  wonder  that  the 
shogun's  ministers  hesitated  to  take  an  apparently  suicidal  step.  They  again 
consulted  the  feudatories  and  again  received  an  almost  unanimously  unfavour- 
able answer. 

In  fact,  history  has  preserved  only  one  unequivocal  expression  of  consent. 
It  was  formulated  by  Matsudaira  Yoshinaga,  baron  of  Echizen.  He  had  been 
among  the  most  ardent  exclusionists  in  the  first  council  of  feudatories;  but 
his  views  had  subsequently  undergone  a  radical  change,  owing  to  the  arguments 
of  one  of  his  vassals,  Hashimoto  Sanae  —  elder  brother  of  Viscount  Hashimoto 
Tsunatsune,  president  of  the  Red  Cross  Hospital,  who  died  in  1909.  "Not  only 
did  this  remarkable  man  frankly  advocate  foreign  trade  for  its  own  sake  and  as 
a  means  of  enriching  the  nation,  thus  developing  its  capacity  for  independence, 
but  he  also  recommended  the  fostering  of  industries,  the  purchase  of  ships  and 
firearms,  the  study  of  foreign  arts  and  sciences,  and  the  despatch  of  students  and 
publicists  to  Western  countries  for  purposes  of  instruction.  Finally,  he  laid 
down  the  principle  that  probity  is  essential  to  commercial  success."  Such 
doctrines  were  then  much  in  advance  of  the  time.  Nevertheless,  Harris  achieved 
his  purpose.  He  had  audience  of  the  shogun  in  November,  1857,  and,  on  the 
29th  of  the  following  July,  a  treaty  was  concluded  opening  Yokohama,  from  the 
1st  of  July,  1858,  to  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  Japan. 

This  treaty  was  concluded  in  spite  of  the  failure  of  two  attempts  to  obtain 
the  sanction  of  the  Throne.  Plainly  the  Bakufu  shrank  from  openly  adopting  a 
policy  which,  while  recognizing  its  necessity,  they  distrusted  their  own  ability 
to  force  upon  the  nation.  They  had,  however,  promised  Mr.  Harris  that  the 
treaty  should  be  signed,  and  they  kept  their  word  at  a  risk,  of  whose  magnitude 
the  American  consul-general  had  no  conception.  Mr.  Harris  had  brought  to 
this  conference  exceptional  diplomatic  skill  and  winning  tact,  but  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  he  derived  assistance  from  contemporaneous  events  in  China,  where 
the  Peiho  forts  had  just  been  captured  and  the  Chinese  forced  to  sign  a  treaty. 
He  was  thus  able  to  warn  the  Japanese  that  the  British  and  the  French  fleets 
might  be  expected  at  any  moment  to  enter  Yedo  Bay,  and  that  the  best  way  to 
avert  irksome  demands  at  the  hands  of  the  British  was  to  establish  a  comparative- 
ly moderate  precedent  by  yielding  to  the  American  proposals. 

THE  THIRTEENTH  SHOGUN,  IESADA  (1853-1858) 

Between  the  conclusion  of  the  Harris  commercial  treaty  and  its  signature, 
the  Bakufu  prime  minister  visited  Kyoto,  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  the 


668  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Imperial  Court  to  abandon  its  anti-foreign  attitude.  His  mission  was  quite 
unsuccessful,  the  utmost  concession  obtained  by  him  being  that  the  problem  of 
the  treaty  should  be  submitted  to  the  feudatories.  Another  question  raised  on 
this  occasion  in  Kyoto  was  the  succession  to  the  shogunate.  The  twelfth  shogun, 
leyoshi,  had  died  in  1853,  and  was  succeeded  by  lesada,  a  physically  incompetent 
ruler.  lesada  had  been  married  to  the  daughter  of  the  Satsuma  feudatory,  as 
planned  by  the  former  Bakufu  premier,  Abe,  who  hoped  thus  to  cement  friendly 
relations  with  the  great  southern  baron,  a  hereditary  enemy  of  the  Tokugawa. 
There  was  no  issue  of  the  marriage,  and  it  being  certain  that  there  could  be  no 
issue,  two  candidates  for  the  shogunate  were  proposed.  They  were  Keiki,  son 
of  Nariaki  of  Mito  a  man  of  matured  intellect  and  high  capacities,  and  lemochi, 
son  of  Nariyuki  of  Kii,  a  boy  of  thirteen.  Public  opinion  supported  the 
former,  and  his  connexion  with  the  house  of  Mito  seemed  to  assure  an  anti- 
foreign  bias.  Chiefly  for  the  latter  reason,  the  Court  in  Kyoto  favoured  his 
nomination. 

But  Keiki  was  not  really  an  advocate  of  national  seclusion.  Had  the 
succession  been  given  to  him  then,  he  would  doubtless  have  adopted  a  liberal 
policy.  On  the  other  hand,  his  appointment  would  have  been  equivalent  to  the 
abdication  of  lesada,  and  hi  order  to  avert  that  catastrophe,  the  shogun 's  en- 
tourage  contrived  to  obtain  the  appointment  of  li  Kamon  no  Kami  to  the  post 
of  prime  minister  in  Yedo.  This  baron  was  not  less  capable  than  courageous. 
He  immediately  caused  the  young  daimyo  of  Kii  to  be  nominated  successor  to 
the  shogunate,  and  he  signed  the  Harris  treaty.  A  vehement  outcry  ensued. 
It  was  claimed  that  the  will  of  the  Imperial  Court  had  been  set  at  nought  by 
signing  the  treaty  without  the  sovereign's  sanction,  and  that  unconditional 
yielding  to  foreign  demands  was  intolerable.  The  Mito  baron  headed  this 
opposition.  But  it  is  observable  that  even  he  did  not  insist  upon  the  mainte- 
nance of  absolute  seclusion.  All  that  he  and  his  followers  demanded  was  that 
a  delay  should  be  imposed  in  order  to  obtain  time  for  definite  preparation,  where- 
as the  premier,  li,  was  for  the  immediate  opening  of  the  country. 
iftfo^jiisj.  t  yndaravoH  arfi  1o  .mnsibm, 

THE  FOURTEENTH  SHOGUN,  IEMOCHI  (1858-1866) 

lesada  died  in  1858,  and  the  reluctance  of  the  Imperial  Court  to  sanction  the 
succession  of  lemochi  was  evidenced  by  a  long  delay  in  the  transmission  of  the 
necessary  Imperial  document.  During  that  interval,  the  feudatories  of  Mito 
and  Echizen  had  a  memorable  interview  with  the  premier,  li,  whose  life  seemed 
at  that  time  to  hang  by  a  thread,  but  who,  nevertheless,  advanced  unflinchingly 
towards  his  goal.  The  three  feudatories  offered  to  compromise;  in  other  words, 
they  declared  their  willingness  to  subscribe  the  commercial  convention  provided 
that  Keiki  was  appointed  shogun;  the  important  fact  being  thus  established  that 
domestic  politics  had  taken  precedence  of  foreign.  li  not  only  declined  this 
offer,  but  also  did  not  hesitate  to  punish  the  leaders  of  the  opposition  by  confine- 
ment and  by  temporary  exclusion  from  the  Court. 

ifrKah/Txunefac-fiir. 

FOREIGN  MILITARY  SCIENCE 

It  was  during  the  days  of  the  thirteenth  shogun  that  Japan  may  be  said  to 
have  commenced  her  practical  study  of  foreign  military  science.  Instructors 
were  imported  from  Holland,  and  a  college  was  established  at  Nagasaki.  Among 
its  graduates  were  several  historical  characters,  notably  Katsu  Rintaro,  after* 


THE   DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  669 

wards  Count  Katsu,  minister  of  Marine  in  the  Meiji  Government.  A  naval 
college  (Gunkan  Kyojujo)  also  was  organized  at  Tsukiji,  in  Yedo,  while  at 
Akunoura,  in  Nagasaki,  an  iron-foundry  was  erected.  There,  the  first  attempt 
at  shipbuilding  on  foreign  lines  was  made,  and  there,  also,  is  now  situated  the 
premier  private  dockyard  in  Japan,  namely,  that  of  the  Mitsubishi  Company. 
Already,  in  1854,  the  Dutch  Government  had  presented  to  Japan  her  first  steam- 
ship, the  Kanko  Mam, 


FOREIGN  REPRESENTATIVES  AND  THE  BAKUFU 

An  indirect  consequence  of  these  disputes  between  the  Throne  and  the  Court 
nobles,  on  one  side,  and  the  Bakufu  officials,  on  the  other,  was  to  perplex  the 
foreign  representatives  who  were  now  residing  in  Yedo.  These  representatives 
learned  to  believe  that  the  shogun's  ministers  were  determined  either  to  avoid 
making  treaties  or  to  evade  them  when  made.  However  natural  this  suspicion 
may  have  been,  it  lacked  solid  foundation.  That  is  proved  by  a  memorial 
which  the  Yedo  statesmen  addressed  to  the  Throne  after  the  negotiation  of  the 
Harris  treaty.  They  made  it  quite  plain  that  they  were  acting  in  perfect  good 
faith,  the  only  doubtful  point  in  the  memorial  being  that,  after  the  organization 
of  a  competent  army  and  navy,  the  problem  of  peace  or  war  might  be  decided. 
"If  peaceful  relations  be  maintained  by  ratifying  the  treaty,"  they  wrote,  "the 
avaricious  aliens  will  definitely  see  that  there  is  not  much  wealth  in  the  country, 
and  thus,  abandoning  the  idea  of  gain,  they  will  approach  us  with  friendly 
feelings  only  and  ultimately  will  pass  under  our  Emperor 's  grace.  They  may 
then  be  induced  to  make  grateful  offerings  to  his  Majesty,  and  it  will  no  longer 
be  a  question  of  trade  but  of  tribute."  Something  of  sinister  intention  seems  to 
present  itself  between  the  lines  of  this  document.  But  we  have  to  remember  that 
it  was  addressed  ultimately  to  the  Kyoto  nobles,  whose  resentment  would  have 
been  at  once  excited  by  the  use  of  friendly  or  self-effacing  language. 

There  is  also  on  record  correspondence  that  passed  between  the  Bakufu 
premier,  li,  and  certain  friends  of  his  in  the  Imperial  capital.  From  these  letters 
it  appears  that  Yedo  was  advised  by  the  far-seeing  section  of  the  Kyoto  states- 
men to  simulate  the  policy  of  bringing  aliens  under  Japanese  influence,  and  of 
using  for  purposes  of  military  and  naval  development  the  wealth  that  would 
accrue  from  oversea  trade.  In  a  word,  the  Bakufu  had  to  disguise  their  policy 
in  terms  such  as  might  placate  the  Kyoto  conservatives,  and  this  deception  was 
once  carried  so  far  that  an  envoy  sent  to  Kyoto  from  Yedo  represented  the  shogun 
as  hostile  at  heart  to  foreigners,  though  tolerating  them  temporarily  as  a  matter 
of  prudence.  It  cannot  be  wondered  at  that  the  foreign  representatives  found 
much  to  perplex  them  in  these  conditions,  or  that  at  the  legations  in  Yedo,  as 
well  as  among  the  peoples  of  Europe  and  America,  an  uneasy  feeling  grew  up 
that  Japan  waited  only  for  an  opportunity  to  repudiate  her  treaty  engagements. 

INTRIGUES  IN  KYOTO 

About  this  time  there  began  to  assemble  in  the  Imperial  capital  a  number  of 
men  who,  though  without  social  or  official  status,  were  at  once  talented; patriotic, 
and  conservative.  At  their  head  stood  Umeda  Genjiro,  who  practised  as  a 
physician  and  wrote  political  brochures  under  the  nom  de  plume  of  Umpin.  He 
soon  became  the  centre  of  a  circle  of  loyalists  whose  motto  was  Son-0  Jo-I 
(Revere  the  sovereign,  expel  the  barbarians),  and  associated  with  him  were 


670 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


./Mrti 


Rai  Miki,  a  son  of  Rai  Sany5;  Yanagawa  Seigan;  Yoshida  Shoin;  SaigO  Kichino- 
suke  —  better  known  as  Saigo  Takamori,  the  leader  of  the  Satsuma  rebellion 
of  1877, —  Hashimoto  Sanae,  and  others  who  have  been  not  unjustly  described 
as  the  real  motive  force  that  brought  about  the  Restoration  of  1867. 

These  men  soon  came  to  exercise  great  influence  over  the  Court  nobles  — 
especially  Konoe,  Takatsukasa,  Ichijo,  Nijo,  and  Sanjo  —  and  were  consequent- 
ly able  to  suggest  subjects  for  the  sovereign's  rescripts.  Thus  his  Majesty 
was  induced  to  issue  an  edict  which  conveyed  a  reprimand  to  the  shogun  for 
concluding  a  treaty  without  previously  referring  it  to  the  feudatories,  and 
which  suggested  that  the  Mito  and  Owari  feudatories  should  be  released  from  the 
sentence  of  confinement  passed  on  them  by  li  Kamon  no  Kami.  This  edict 
startled  the  Bakufu.  They  at  once  sent  from  Yedo  envoys  to  remonstrate  with 
^  the  conservatives,  and  after 

a  controversy  lasting  four 
months,  a  compromise  was 
effected  by  which  the  sover- 
eign postponed  any  action 
for  the  expulsion  of  foreign- 
ers and  the  shogun  declared 
that  his  tolerance  of  in- 
ternational commerce  was 
only  temporary.  This  was 
regarded  as  a  victory  for 
the  shogunate.  But  the 
Yedo  envoys,  during  their 
stay  in  Kyoto,  discovered 
evidences  of  a  plot  to  over- 
throw the  Bakufu.  Great 
severity  was  shown  in  deal- 
ing with  this  conspiracy. 
The  leaders  were  beheaded,  banished,  or  ordered  to  commit  suicide;  the  Mito 
feudatory  being  sentenced  to  perpetual  confinement  in  his  fief;  the  daimyo  of 
Owari,  to  permanent  retirement;  and  Keiki,  former  candidate  for  the  succession 
to  the  shogunate,  being  deprived  of  office  and  directed  to  live  in  seclusion. 
Many  other  notable  men  were  subjected  to  various  penalties,  and  this  "Great 
Judgment  of  Ansei"  —  the  name  of  the  era  —  caused  a  profound  sensation 
throughout  the  empire.  The  nation  mourned  for  many  sincere  patriots  who  had 
been  sentenced  on  the  flimsiest  evidence,  and  the  whole  incident  tended  to 
accentuate  the  unpopularity  of  foreign  intercourse. 


Ii  NAOSUKE 


' 
THE  SECRET  EDICT 

The  compromise  mentioned  above  as  having  been  effected  between  Yedo  and 
Kyoto  had  the  effect  of  stultifying  the  previously  drafted  edict  which  condemned 
the  shogun  for  concluding  a  treaty  without  consulting  the  feudatories.  The 
edict  had  not  been  publicly  promulgated,  but  it  had  come  into  the  possession 
of  the  Mito  feudatory,  and  by  his  orders  had  been  enclosed  in  the  family  tomb, 
where  it  was  guarded  night  and  day  by  a  strong  troop  of  samurai.  The  Bakufu 
insisted  that  to  convey  such  a  document  direct  from  the  Throne  to  a  feudatory 
was  a  plain  trespass  upon  the  shogun' s  authority.  Mito,  however,  refused  to 
surrender  it.  The  most  uncompromising  conservatives  of  the  fief  issued  a 


671 

manifesto  justifying  their  refusal,  and,  as  evidence  of  their  sincerity,  committed 
suicide.  •  bn./;  .  .  Y'j  b^bfi^Tri 

ASSASSINATION  OF  II 

Nariaki,  the  Mito  baron,  now  instructed  his  vassals  to  surrender  the  edict. 
He  may  have  shared  the  views  of  his  retainers,  but  he  was  not  prepared  to 
assert  them  by  taking  up  arms  against  his  own  family.  In  the  face  of  this 
instruction  the  conservative  samurai  had  no  choice  but  to  disperse  or  commit 
suicide.  Some  twenty  of  them,  however,  made  their  way  to  Yedo  bent  upon 
killing  li  Kamon  no  Kami,  whom  they  regarded  as  the  head  and  front  of  the  evils 
of  the  time.  The  deed  was  consummated  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  March, 
1860,  as  li  was  on  his  way  to  the  shogun's  castle.  All  the  assassins  lost  their 
lives  or  committed  suicide. 

ai/n-ivoD  avUfWi/M  od-J  lo  aoij iao« !>if ;iir o«U  bns 

ATTITUDE  OF  THE  JAPANESE  SAM  URAI 

The  slaying  of  li  was  followed  by  several  similar  acts,  a  few  against  foreigners 
and  several  against  Japanese  leaders  of  progress.  Many  evil  things  have  been 
said  of  the  men  by  whom  these  deeds  of  blood  were  perpetrated.  But  we  have 
always  to  remember,  that  in  their  own  eyes  they  obeyed  the  teachings  of  heredi- 
tary conviction  and  the  dictates  of  patriotism  towards  their  country  as  well  as 
loyalty  towards  their  sovereign.  It  has  been  abundantly  shown  in  these  pages 
that  the  original  attitude  of  the  Japanese  towards  foreigners  was  hospitable  and 
liberal.  It  has  also  been  shown  how,  in  the  presence  of  unwelcome  facts,  this 
mood  was  changed  for  one  of  distrust  and  dislike.  Every  Japanese  patriot 
believed  when  he  refused  to  admit  foreigners  to  his  country  in  the  nineteenth 
century  that  he  was  obeying  the  injunctions  handed  down  from  the  lips  of  his 
most  illustrious  countrymen,  Hideyoshi,  leyasu,  and  lemitsu  —  believed,  in 
short,  that  to  re-admit  aliens  would  be  to  expose  the  realm  to  extreme  peril  and 
to  connive  at  its  loss  of  independence.  He  was  prepared  to  obey  this  conviction 
at  the  cost  of  his  own  life,  and  that  sacrifice  seemed  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  his 
sincerity. 

\  ')(\'\  h1 1  -    'T        I  IP '"  nr  »vnff«v  r    i" 

THE  FIRST  FOREIGNERS 

;  tnavs  Wfor^ffRi.-s  9£ii  tnfl 

It  must  be  conceded,  too,  that  the  nineteenth-century  foreigner  did  not  pre- 
sent himself  to  Japan  in  a  very  lovable  light.  His  demeanour  was  marked  by  all 
the  arrogance  habitually  shown  by  the  Occidental  towards  the  Oriental,  and 
though  the  general  average  of  the  oversea  comers  reached  a  high  standard,  they 
approached  the  solution  of  all  Japanese  problems  with  a  degree  of  suspicion 
which  could  not  fail  to  be  intensely  irksome  to  a  proud  nation.  Even  the 
foreign  representatives  made  it  their  habit  to  seek  for  trickery  or  abuse  in  all 
Japanese  doings,  official  or  private,  and  though  they  doubtless  had  much  warrant 
for  this  mood,  its  display  did  not  tend  to  conciliate  the  Japanese.  Many  in- 
stances might  be  cited  from  the  pages  of  official  records  and  from  the  columns 
of  local  newspapers,  but  they  need  not  be  detailed  here. 

Moreover,  there  were  difficulties  connected  with  trade.  The  framers  of  the 
treaties  had  found  it  necessary  to  deal  with  the  currency  question,  and  their 
manner  of  dealing  with  it  was  to  stipulate  that  foreign  coins  should  be  exchange- 
able with  Japanese,  weight  for  weight.  This  stipulation  did  not  take  into  any 
account  the  ratio  between  the  precious  metals,  and  as  that  ratio  was  fifteen  to 
one  in  Europe  and  five  to  one  in  Japan,  it  is  obvious  that,  by  the  mere  process  of 


672  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

exchange,  a  foreign  merchant  could  reap  a  rich  harvest.  Of  course  this  was  never 
intended  by  the  framers  of  the  treaty,  and  when  the  Japanese  saw  the  yellow 
metal  flowing  away  rapidly  from  the  realm,  they  adopted  the  obvious  expedient 
of  changing  the  relative  weights  of  the  gold  and  silver  coins. 

It  may  be  doubted  whether  any  state  would  have  hesitated  to  apply  that 
remedy.  Yet  by  the  foreigner  it  was  censured  as  a  "gross  violation  of  treaty 
right"  and  as  "a  deliberate  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese  authorities  to 
raise  all  the  prices  of  the  native  produce  two  hundred  per  cent,  against  the 
foreign  purchaser."  The  British  representative,  Sir  Rutherford  Alcock,  in  a 
despatch  written  to  his  Government,  at  the  close  of  1859,  penned  some  very 
caustic  comments  on  the  conduct  of  his  countrymen,  and  did  not  hesitate  to 
declare  that  "in  estimating  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome  in  any  attempt  to 
improve  the  aspect  of  affairs,  if  the  ill-disguised  enmity  of  the  governing  classes 
and  the  indisposition  of  the  Executive  Government  to  give  partial  effect  to  the 
treaties  be  classed  among  the  first  and  principal  of  these,  the  unscrupulous 
character  and  dealings  of  foreigners  who  frequent  the  ports  for  purposes  of 
trade  are  only  second  and  scarcely  inferior  in  importance,  from  the  sinister 
character  of  the  influence  they  exercise." 

It  is  only  just,  however,  to  note  the  other  side  of  the  picture,  and  to  observe 
that  the  foreign  merchant  had  many  causes  of  legitimate  dissatisfaction;  that 
his  business  was  constantly  hampered  and  interrupted  by  Japanese  official 
interference;  that  the  ready  recourse  which  Japanese  samurai  had  to  deeds  of 
blood  against  peaceful  strangers  seemed  revoltingly  cruel;  that  he  appeared  to  be 
surrounded  by  an  atmosphere  of  perplexity  and  double  dealing,  and  that  the 
large  majority  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  tradesmen  visiting  Japan  in  the  early  days  of 
her  renewed  intercourse  had  nothing  whatever  in  common  with  the  men  described 
in  the  above  despatch. 

KYOTO 

In  order  to  follow  the  sequence  of  events,  it  is  necessary  to  revert  to  Kyoto, 
which,  as  the  reader  will  have  perceived,  was  the  centre  of  national  politics  in 
this  troublous  era.  An  incident  apparently  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the 
Bakufu  occurred  in  1861.  The  shogun  received  the  Emperor 's  sister  in  marriage. 
But  the  auspicious  event  had  to  be  heavily  paid  for,  since  the  Bakufu  officials 
were  obliged  to  pledge  themselves  to  expel  foreigners  within  ten  years.  This 
inspired  new  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  conservatives.  A  number  of  samurai 
visited  Yokohama,  and  promised  death  to  any  Japanese  merchant  entering  into 
transactions  with  the  aliens.  These  conservatives  further  announced  the  doc- 
trine that  the  shogun' s  title  of  sei-i  (barbarian-expelling)  indicated  explicitly 
that  to  expel  foreigners  was  his  duty,  and  the  shogun' s  principal  officials  were 
so  craven  that  they  advised  him  to  apologize  for  failing  to  discharge  that  duty 
instead  of  wholly  repudiating  the  extravagant  interpretation  of  the  anti-foreign 
party. 

Encouraged  by  these  successes,  the  extremists  in  Kyoto  induced  the  sovereign 
to  issue  an  edict  in  which,  after  speaking  of  the  "insufferable  and  contumelious 
behaviour  of  foreigners,"  of  "the  loss  of  prestige  and  of  honour  constantly  mena- 
cing the  country,"  and  of  the  sovereign 's  "  profound  solicitude,"  his  Majesty  open- 
ly cited  the  shogun' s  engagement  to  drive  out  the  aliens  within  ten  years,  and 
explicitly  affirmed  that  the  grant  of  an  Imperial  princess'  hand  to  the  shogun 
had  been  intended  to  secure  the  unity  required  for  that  achievement.  Such 
an  edict  was  in  effect  an  exhortation  to  every  Japanese  subject  to  organize  ar 


THF  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  673 

anti-foreign  crusade,  and  it  "publicly  committed  the  Bakufu  Court  to  a  policy 
which  the  latter  had  neither  the  power  to  carry  out  nor  any  intention  of  attempt- 
ing to  carry  out." 

But  at  this  juncture  something  like  a  reaction  took  place  in  the  Imperial 
capital.  A  party  of  able  men,  led  by  Princes  Konoe  and  Iwakura,  had  the 
courage  to  denounce  the  unwisdom  of  the  extremists,  at  whose  head  stood 
Princes  Arisugawa  and  Sanjo.  At  that  time  the  most  powerful  fiefs  in  Japan 
were  Satsuma  and  Choshu.  Both  were  hereditarily  hostile  to  the  Tokugawa, 
but  were  mutually  separated  by  a  difference  of  opinion  in  the  matter  of  foreign 
policy,  so  that  when  the  above  two  cabals  were  organized  in  Kyoto,  the  Choshu 
men  attached  themselves  to  the  extremists,  the  Satsuma  to  the  moderates. 
The  latter  contrived  to  have  an  Imperial  rescript  sent  to  Yedo  by  the  hands  of 
the  Satsuma  feudatory,  Shimazu  Hisamitsu.  This  rescript  indicated  three 
courses,  one  of  which  the  shogun  was  asked  to  choose :  namely,  first,  that  he 
himself  should  proceed  to  Kyoto  for  the  purpose  of  there  conferring  with  the 
principal  feudatories  as  to  the  best  means  of  tranquillizing  the  nation;  secondly, 
that  the  five  principal  littoral  fiefs  should  be  ordered  to  prepare  coast  defences, 
and,  thirdly,  that  Keiki  of  Mito  and  the  feudatory  of  Echizen  should  be  appoint- 
ed to  high  office  in  the  Bakufu  administration. 

To  obey  this  rescript  was  to  violate  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Bakufu, 
namely,  that  all  interference  in  administrative  affairs  was  forbidden  to  the 
Kyoto  Court.  The  only  dignified  course  for  the  shogun  to  take  was  to  refuse 
compliance  or  to  resign,  and  probably  had  he  done  so  he  would  have  recovered 
the  power  of  which  he  had  gradually  been  deprived  by  the  interference  of  Kyoto. 
But  his  advisers  lacked  courage  to  recommend  such  a  course.  At  their  suggestion 
the  shogun  signified  his  willingness  to  comply  with  the  first  and  the  third  of  the 
conditions  embodied  in  the  edict.  The  Satsuma  feudatory  strongly  counselled 
that  the  shogun  should  decline  to  proceed  to  Kyoto  and  should  reject  all  proposals 
for  the  expulsion  of  foreigners,  but  the  Bakufu  ignored  his  advice. 

: 

THE  NAMAMUGI  INCIDENT 

At  this  time  there  occurred  an  incident  which  had  the  most  far-reaching 
consequences.  A  party  of  British  subjects,  three  gentlemen  and  a  lady,  met,  at 
Namamugi  on  the  Tokaido,  the  cortege  of  the  Satsuma  feudatory  as  he  was 
returning  from  Yedo.  Unacquainted  with  the  strict  etiquette  enforced  in 
Japan  in  such  situations,  the  foreigners  attempted  to  ride  through  the  procession, 
the  result  being  that  one,  Mr.  Richardson,  was  killed,  and  two  of  the  others  were 
wounded.  The  upshot  of  this  affair  was  that  the  British  Government,  having 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  samurai  implicated  in  the  murder,  and  having 
been  refused,  sent  a  naval  squadron  to  bombard  Kagoshima,  the  capital  of  the 
Satsuma  baron.  In  this  engagement,  the  Satsuma  men  learned  for  the  first 
time  the  utter  helplessness  of  their  old  weapons  and  old  manner  of  fighting,  and 
their  conversion  to  progressive  ideas  was  thoroughly  effected. 


The  submissive  attitude  of  the  Bakufu  towards  the  Imperial  Court  encour- 
aged the  extremists  in  Kyoto  to  prefer  fresh  demands.  Instead  of  waiting  for  the 
shogun  to  repair  to  Kyoto,  as  he  had  pledged  himself  to  do  in  compliance  with  the 
edict  mentioned  above,  they  contrived  the  issue  of  another  rescript,  requiring 

. 


674  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  Bakufu  to  proclaim  openly  the  adoption  of  the  alien-expelling  policy,  and 
to  fix  a  date  for  its  practical  inception.  Again  the  Bakufu  yielded.  They  did 
not,  indeed,  actually  take  the  steps  indicated  in  the  rescript,  but  they  promised 
to  consider  its  contents  as  soon  as  the  shdgun  arrived  in  Kyoto.  The  extremists, 
however,  could  not  reconcile  themselves  to  even  that  delay.  In  the  spring  of 
1863,  they  constrained  Keiki,  who  had  been  appointed  guardian  to  the  shdgun 
and  who  was  then  in  Kyoto,  to  give  an  engagement  that  on  the  shogun 's  return 
to  Yedo  decisive  measures  to  put  an  end  to  foreign  intercourse  should  be  begun. 
This  engagement  the  shdgun  found  awaiting  him  on  his  arrival  in  the  Imperial 
capital,  and  at  the  same  time  messages  daily  reached  him  from  Yedo,  declaring 
that  unless  he  returned  at  once  to  Yedo  to  settle  the  Namamugi  affair,  war  with 
Great  Britain  would  be  inevitable.  But  the  conservatives  would  not  allow  him 
to  return.  They  procured  the  issue  of  yet  another  Imperial  decree  directing 
that  "if  the  English  barbarians  wanted  a  conference,  they  should  repair  to 
Osaka  Harbour  and  receive  a  point-blank  refusal;  that  the  shogun  should  remain 
in  Kyoto  to  direct  defensive  operations,  and  that  he  should  accompany  the 
Emperor  to  the  shrine  of  the  god  of  War  where  a  'barbarian-quelling  sword' 
would  be  handed  to  him."  Illness  saved  the  shdgun  from  some  of  his  perplexities 
and,  hi  his  absence,  the  Yedo  statesmen  paid  the  indemnity  required  by  Great 
Britain  for  the  Namamugi  outrage  and  left  her  to  exact  whatever  further  redress 
she  desired.  Accordingly,  in  July,  1863,  a  British  squadron  proceeded  to  Kago- 
shima  and  bombarded  it  as  already  described. 

THE  SHIMONOSEKI  COMPLICATION 

ff<IHf-        .  !IJ  J/i.      .1)7-,  ii.Un  J 

If  the  Satsuma  men  thus  received  a  conclusive  lesson  as  to  the  superiority  of 
Western  armaments,  the  Choshu  fief  was  destined  to  be  similarly  instructed 
not  long  afterwards.  It  will  have  been  perceived  that  at  this  epoch  the  Imperial 
Court  was  very  prolific  in  anti-foreign  edicts.  One  of  these  actually  appointed 
the  llth  of  May,  1863,  as  the  date  for  commencing  the  barbarian-expelling 
campaign,  and  copies  of  the  edict  were  sent  direct  to  the  feudatories  without 
previous  reference  to  the  shdgun.  The  Choshu  daimyo  found  the  edict  so  con- 
genial that,  without  waiting  for  the  appointed  day,  he  opened  fire  on  American, 
French,  and  Dutch  merchantmen  passing  the  Strait  of  Shimonoseki,  which  his 
batteries  commanded.  The  ships  suffered  no  injury,  but,  of  course,  such  an 
act  could  not  be  condoned,  and  the  Bakufu  Government  being  unwilling  or 
unable  to  give  full  reparation,  the  three  powers  whose  vessels  had  been  fired  on 
joined  hands  with  England  for  the  purpose  of  despatching  a  squadron  to  destroy 
the  Choshu  forts,  which  result  was  attained  with  the  greatest  ease.  This 
"Shimonoseki  Expedition,"  as  it  was  called,  enormously  strengthened  the 
conviction  which  the  bombardment  of  Kagoshima  had  established.  The 
nation  thoroughly  appreciated  its  own  belligerent  incapacity  when  foreign 
powers  entered  the  lists,  and  patriotic  men  began  to  say  unhesitatingly  that 
their  country  was  fatally  weakened  by  the  dual  system  of  government. 

CHANGE  OF  OPINION  IN  KYOTO 

The  sway  exercised  by  the  extremists  in  Kyoto  now  received  a  check  owing 
to  their  excessive  zeal.  They  procured  the  drafting  of  an  Imperial  edict  which 
declared  the  Emperor's  resolve  to  drive  out  the  foreigners,  and  announced  a 
visit  by  his  Majesty  to  the  great  shrines  to  pray  for  success.  This  edict  never 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  675 

received  the  Imperial  seal.  The  extremists  appear  to  have  overrated  their 
influence  at  Court.  They  counted  erroneously  on  his  Majesty's  post  facto 
compliance,  and  they  thus  created  an  opportunity  of  which  the  moderates  took 
immediate  advantage.  At  the  instance  of  the  latter  and  in  consideration  of  the 
fictitious  edict,  Mori  Motonori  of  Choshu,  leader  of  the  extremists,  was  ordered 
to  leave  the  capital  with  all  the  nobles  who  shared  his  opinions.  Doubtless 
the  bombardment  of  Kagoshima  contributed  not  a  little  to  this  measure,  but 
the  ostensible  cause  was  the  irregularity  of  the  edict.  There  was  no  open  dis- 
avowal of  conservatism,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  no  attempt  to  enforce 
it.  The  situation  for  the  extremists  was  further  impaired  by  an  appeal  to  force 
on  the  part  of  the  Choshu  samurai.  They  essayed  to  enter  Kyoto  under  arms, 
for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  presenting  a  petition  to  the  Throne  but  really  to 
make  away  with  the  moderate  leaders.  This  political  coup  failed  signally,  and 
from  that  time  the  ardent  advocates  of  the  anti-foreign  policy  began  to  be  re- 
garded as  rebels.  Just  at  this  time  the  Shimonoseki  expedition  gave  an  object 
lesson  to  the  nation,  and  helped  to  deprive  the  barbarian-expelling  agitation  of 
any  semblance  of  Imperial  sanction. 

"IT       iToiJ$i](j^B9j|fBi4-3jtfia^^  jiino'tf  l^.fi.t  ?.•»;  ;'i 

CHOSHU  AND  THE  BAKUFU 

When  the  Ch5shu  feudatory  attempted  to  close  the  Shimonoseki  Strait  by 
means  of  camion,  the  Bakufu  sent  a  commissioner  to  remonstrate.  But  the 
Choshu  samurai  insisted  that  they  had  merely  obeyed  the  sovereign  7s  order,  and 
the  better  to  demonstrate  their  resolution,  they  put  the  commissioner  to  death. 
Thus  directly  challenged,  the  Bakufu  mustered  a  powerful  force  and  launched 
it  against  Choshu.  But  by  this  time  the  two  great  southern  clans,  having 
learned  the  madness  of  appealing  to  force  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  country 
closed,  had  agreed  to  work  together  in  the  interests  of  the  State.  Thus,  when 
the  Bakufu  army,  comprising  contingents  from  thirty-six  feudatories,  reached 
Choshu,  the  latter  appealed  to  the  clemency  of  the  invading  generals,  among  • 
whom  the  Satsuma  baron  was  the  most  powerful,  and  the  appeal  resulted  in  the 
withdrawal  of  the  punitory  expedition  without  the  imposition  of  any  conditions. 
The  Bakufu  were  naturally  much  incensed.  Another  formidable  force  was 
organized  to  attack  Choshu,  but  it  halted  at  Osaka  and  sent  envoys  to  announce 
the  punishment  of  the  rebellious  fief,  to  which  announcements  the  fief  paid  not 
the  least  attention. 

THE  HYOGO  DEMONSTRATION 

While  things  were  at  this  stage,  Sir  Harry  Parkes,  representative  of  Great 
Britain,  arrived  upon  the  scene  in  the  Far  East.  A  man  of  remarkably  luminous 
judgment  and  military  methods,  this  distinguished  diplomatist  appreciated 
almost  immediately  that  the  ratification  of  the  treaties  by  the  sovereign  was 
essential  to  their  validity,  and  that  by  investing  the  ratification  with  all  possible 
formality,  the  Emperor's  recovery  of  administrative  power  might  be  accelerated. 
He  therefore  conceived  the  idea  of  repairing  to  Hyogo  with  a  powerful  naval 
squadron  for  the  purpose  of  seeking,  first,  the  ratification  of  the  treaty;  secondly, 
the  reduction  of  the  import  tariff  from  an  average  of  fifteen  per  cent,  ad  valorem 
(at  which  figure  it  had  been  fixed  by  the  original  treaty)  to  five  per  cent.,  and, 
thirdly,  the  opening  of  the  ports  of  Hyogo  and  Osaka  at  once,  instead  of  nearly 
two  years  hence,  as  previously  agreed. 

Among  the  penalties  imposed  upon  Choshu  by  the  four  powers  which  com- 


676  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

bined  to  destroy  the  forts  at  Shimonoseki  was  a  fine  of  three  million  dollars,  and 
the  Bakufu,  being  unable  to  collect  this  money  from  Choshu,  had  taken  upon 
themselves  the  duty  of  paying  it  and  had  already  paid  one  million.  Sir  Harry 
Parkes's  plan  was  to  remit  the  remaining  two  millions  in  consideration  of  the 
Government  endorsing  the  three  demands  formulated  above.  It  need  hardly 
be  said  that  the  appearance  of  a  powerful  squadron  of  foreign  warships  at  the 
very  portals  of  the  Imperial  palace  threw  the  nation  into  a  ferment.  The 
eight  vessels  cast  anchor  off  Hyogo  in  November,  1866,  and  it  seemed  to  the 
nation  that  the  problem  of  foreign  intercourse  had  been  revived  hi  an  aggravated 
form. 

Once  again  the  anti-foreign  agitators  recovered  their  influence,  and  inveighed 
against  the  Bakufu  's  incompetence  to  avert  such  trespasses  even  from  the  sacred 
city.  Under  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  by  these  conservatives,  the  Emperor 
dismissed  from  office  or  otherwise  punished  the  ministers  appointed  by  the 
shogun  to  negotiate  with  the  foreign  representatives,  and  in  the  face  of  this 
humiliating  disavowal  of  Bakufu  authority,  the  shogun  had  no  alternative  except 
to  resign.  He  did  so.  But  the  Imperial  Court  hesitated  to  accept  the  responsi- 
bilities that  would  have  resulted  from  sanctioning  his  resignation.  The  Bakufu 
were  informed  that  the  Emperor  sanctioned  the  treaties  and  that  the  shogun 
was  authorized  to  deal  with  them,  but  that  steps  must  be  tajcen  to  revise  them 
in  consultation  with  the  feudatories,  and  that  Hyogo  and  Osaka  must  not  be 
opened,  though  the  proposed  change  of  tariff-rate  would  be  permitted.  Nothing 
definite  was  said  about  remitting  the  two  million  dollars  remaining  from  the 
Choshu  fine,  and  Sir  Harry  Parkes  was  able  to  say  triumphantly  that  he  had 
obtained  two  out  of  three  concessions  demanded  by  him  without  having  given 
any  quid  pro  whatever. 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  SH6GUN8\ 

The  measures  against  Choshu  were  now  recommenced,  but  with  complete 
unsuccess,  and  thus  a  final  blow  was  given  to  the  prestige  of  the  Yedo  Govern- 
ment. It  was  at  this  time  (1866)  that  the  fourteenth  s/wJ0im,-Iemochi,  passed 
away  and  was  succeeded  by  Yoshinobu,  better  known,  as  Keiki.  Whatever  the 
political  views  of  this  nobleman  may  have  been  when  he  was  put  forward  by  the 
conservatives,  in  1857,  as  a  candidate  for  succession  to  the  shogunate,  he  no 
sooner  attained  that  dignity,  in  1866,  than  he  became  an  ardent  advocate  of 
progress.  French  experts  were  engaged  to  remodel  the  army,  and  English 
officers  to  organize  the  navy;  the  shogun's  brother  was  sent  to  the  Paris  Exposi- 
tion, and  Occidental  fashions  were  introduced  at  the  ceremonies  of  the  Bakufu 
Court. 

'SATSUMA  ANtX  CHOSHU 

' 

When  Keiki  assumed  office  he  had  to  deal  speedily  with  two  problems;  that 
is  to  say,  the  complication  with  Choshu,  and  the  opening  of  Hyogo.  The  Em- 
peror's reluctant  consent  to  the  latter  was  obtained  for  the  beginning  of  1868, 
and  an  edict  was  also  issued  for  the  punishment  of  Choshu.  The  result  was  two- 
fold :  fresh  life  was  imparted  to  the  anti-foreign  agitation,  and  the  Satsuma  and 
Choshu  feudatories  were  induced  to  join  hands  against  the  Tokugawa.  Alike 
in  Satsuma  and  in  Choshu,  there  were  a  number  of  clever  men  who  had  long 
laboured  to  combine  the  forces  of  the  two  fiefs  in  order  to  unite  the  whole  empire 
under  the  sway  of  the  Kyoto  Court.  Saigo  and  Okubo  on  the  Satsuma  side, 


THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  677 

Kido  and  Sanjo  on  the  Choshu  became  leading  figures  on  the  stage  of  their 
country's  new  career.  Through  their  influence,  aided  by  that  of  Ito,  afterwards 
prince,  and  Inouye,  afterwards  marquis,  the  two  great  clans  were  brought  into 
alliance,  and  when,  in  1867,  the  shogun,  Keiki,  sought  and  obtained  Imperial 
sanction  for  the  punishment  of  Choshu,  Satsuma  agreed  to  enter  the  lists  on  the 
latter  's  side. 

.     7OT>fI['s.i..'[    i/j 

TOSA  MEMORIAL 

bmi  -vjfrjoTii;  1  in-  i  -  HB 


An  incident  of  a  most  striking  and  unexpected  nature  now  occurred.  Yodo, 
the  Tosa  feudatory,  addressed  to  the  shogun  a  memorial  exposing  the  helpless 
condition  of  the  Bakufu  and  strongly  urging  that  the  administration  should  be 
restored  to  the  Emperor  in  order  that  the  nation  might  be  united  to  face  the 
dangers  of  its  new  career.  It  is  necessary  to  note  here  that,  although  the 
feudatories  have  been  frequently  referred  to  in  these  pages  as  prominent  figures 
in  this  or  that  public  drama,  the  feudal  chiefs  themselves  exercised,  in  Tokugawa 
days,  very  little  influence  on  the  current  of  events.  A  modern  historian  speaks 
justly  when  he  says:  — 

"In  this  respect  the  descendants  of  the  great  Tokugawa  statesman  found 
themselves  reduced  to  a  position  precisely  analogous  to  that  of  the  emperor 
in  Kyoto.  Sovereign  and  shogun  were  alike  mere  abstractions  so  far  as  the 
practical  work  of  the  government  was  concerned.  With  the  great  mass  of 
the  feudal  chiefs  things  fared  similarly.  These  men  who,  in  the  days  of  No- 
bunaga,  Hideyoshi  and  leyasu,  had  directed  the  policies  of  their  fiefs  and  led 
their  armies  in  the  field,  were  gradually  transformed,  during  the  lone  peace 
of  the  Tokugawa  era,  into  voluptuous  faineants  or,  at  best,  thoughtless  dilet- 
tanti, willing  to  abandon  the  direction  of  their  affairs  to  seneschals  and  mayors, 
who,  while  on  the  whole  their  administration  was  able  and  loyal,  found  their 
account  in  contriving  and  perpetuating  the  effacement  of  their  chiefs.  Thus, 
in  effect,  the  government  of  the  country,  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  shogun 
and  the  feudatories,  fell  into  those  of  their  vassals.  There  were  exceptions,  of 
course,  but  so  rare  as  to  be  mere  accidental.  ..^uuijuti  The  revolution  which 
involved  the  fall  of  the  shogunate,  and  ultimately  of  feudalism,  may  be  called 
democratic  with  regard  to  the  personnel  of  those  who  planned  and  directed 
it.  They  were,  for  the  most  part,  men  without  either  rank  or  social  standing."  x 

Keiki  himself,  although  the  memorial  was  directed  against  him,  may  fairly 
be  reckoned  among  these  longsighted  patriots.  The  Tosa  memorial  appealed 
so  forcibly  to  the  convictions  he  entertained  that  he  at  once  summoned  a 
council  of  all  feudatories  and  high  officials  then  in  Kyoto;  informed  them  of 
his  resolve  to  adopt  the  advice  of  the  memorialist,  and,  on  the  following  day, 
handed  in  his  resignation  to  the  Emperor.  This  memorable  event  took  place 
on  the  14th  of  October,  1867;  and  the  answer  of  the  Emperor  before  the 
assembly  of  December  loth  marked  the  end  of  the  shogunate. 

k';:(  eno;-tiji>eq;>;?  bfoeouoniidS  \J-IR  £m\flt(yn'A  <uiT  :   .ofqcni* 

THE  122ND  SOVEREIGN,  THE  EMPEROR  MUTSUHITO  (A.D.    1867-1912) 

The  throne  was  occupied  at  this  time  by  Mutsuhito,  who  had  succeeded 
on  the  13th  of  February,  1867,  at  the  death  of  his  father,  Komei,  and  who 
himself  died  on  the  29th  day  of  July  1912.  At  the  time  of  his  accession,  the 
new  monarch  was  in  his  fifteenth  year,  having  been  born  on  the  3rd  of 
November,  1852. 

I1  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  llth  Edition;  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


678  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

IMMEDIATE  CONSEQUENCE  OF  THE  RESIGNATION 

Undoubtedly  Keiki  's  resignation  was  presented  in  all  good  faith.  It  deserves 
to  rank  among  the  most  memorable  incidents  of  the  world 's  history,  for  such 
a  sacrifice  has  seldom  been  made  by  any  ruler  in  the  interests  of  his  nation. 
But  by  the  Satsuma  and  Choshu  feudatories,  the  sincerity  of  the  shogun  was  not 
recognized.  Through  their  influence  the  youthful  Emperor  was  induced  to 
issue  an  edict  calling  Keiki  a  traitor,  accusing  him  of  arrogance  and  disloyalty, 
declaring  that  he  had  not  hesitated  to  violate  the  commands  of  the  late  Emperor, 
and  directing  that  he  should  be  destroyed.  In  obedience  to  this  rescript  the 
Tokugawa  officials  were  treated  with  such  harshness  that  Keiki  found  it  im- 
possible to  calm  their  indignation;  it  culminated  in  an  abortive  attack  upon 
Kyoto.  Thereupon,  Keiki  retired  to  Yedo,  which  city  he  subsequently  surren- 
dered unconditionally.  But  all  his  former  adherents  did  not  show  themselves 
equally  placable.  An  attempt  was  made  to  set  up  a  rival  candidate  for  the 
throne  in  the  person  of  the  Imperial  lord-abbot  of  the  Ueno  monastery  in  Yedo; 
the  Aizu  clan  made  a  gallant  and  unsuccessful  resistance  in  the  northern  prov- 
inces, and  the  shogun' s  admiral,  Yenomoto  (afterwards  viscount),  essayed  to 
establish  a  republic  in  Yezo,  whither  he  had  retired  with  the  Tokugawa  warships. 
But  these  petty  incidents  were  altogether  insignificant  compared  with  the 
great  event  of  which  they  were  a  sequel. 

THE  MEIJI  GOVERNMENT  AND  FOREIGN  INTERCOURSE 

The  year-name  was  now  changed  to  Meiji  (Enlightened  Government), 
from  January  1,  1868,  a  term  fully  justified  by  events.  One  of  the  earliest  acts 
of  the  new  Government  was  to  invite  the  foreign  representatives  to  the  Imperial 
city,  where  the  Emperor  himself  received  them  in  audience,  an  act  of  extreme 
condescension  according  to  Japanese  canons  of  etiquette.  Thereafter,  *an 
Imperial  decree  announced  the  sovereign's  determination  to  cement  amicable 
relations  with  foreign  nations,  and  declared  that  any  Japanese  subject  guilty  of 
violence  to  a  foreigner  would  be  acting  in  contravention  of  his  sovereign's 
commands,  as  well  as  injuriously  to  the  dignity  and  good  faith  of  the  country  in 
the  eyes  of  the  powers  with  which  his  Majesty  had  pledged  himself  to  maintain 
friendship.  So  signal  was  the  change  that  had  taken  place  in  the  demeanour  of 
the  nation's  leaders  towards  foreign  intercourse!  Only  two  years  earlier,  the 
advent  of  a  squadron  of  foreign  war-vessels  at  Hyogo  had  created  almost  a 
panic  and  had  caused  men  to  cry  out  that  the  precincts  of  the  sacred  city  of 
Kyoto  were  in  danger  of  desecration  by  barbarian  feet.  But  now  the  Emperor 
invited  the  once  hated  aliens  to  his  presence,  treated  them  with  the  utmost  cour- 
tesy, and  publicly  greeted  them  as  welcome  guests.  Such  a  metamorphosis  has 
greatly  perplexed  some  students  of  Japanese  history.  Yet  the  explanation  is 
simple.  The  Kagoshima  and  Shimonoseki  expeditions  had  taught  Japan  that 
she  was  powerless  in  the  face  of  Western  armaments;  she  had  learned  that 
national  effacement  must  be  the  sequel  of  seclusion,  and,  above  all,  she  had  come 
to  an  understanding  that  her  divided  form  of  government  paralyzed  her  for 
purposes  of  resistance  to  aggression  from  abroad. 


to    irtg    9/ft    !flO    (Tfvf 

c    '•••«;•:: 


!H 

iiaa  £  sbivoig 


o  -.oqirrq  «9,dt  i<^  Ixwiovripj)-: 
k  V 


JIiv/-so-il  ii'^o 

STONE  AND  WOODEN  LANTERNS  ERECTED  IN  FRONT  or  SHBINES 

.eynoJiTioJ  .hiiTiiuiTi//"  gtjoo'tt  !u;  to 

it  h.'...j.c:j^-r>  fr/Bfl  bii/ov/  anorjibaoa  iloirg  lo  Qomsf/rtiJiioa  oiIT 
•;  a.  ••-.»!'.(  y^.-i.}  yi3Y/  woil  Joll     ./joki«§o:r)t:  vodJ  >,ijiT     ,«aom-fobi 

•        ';  '     r  '    ' 

CHAPTER  XLVJtK  ,[ 
rid  ibsYolqmt)  od  ton  blij.o  unor  v.ft;  ft!  nofeh.fqiuo-;  ,l-*i;l  nl    .oliJs/t  DVYOHI 

THE  M#/J/   GOVERNMENT 
bawsta     s-j^v/     '.f'T     ..•j-jimo  oilt  irri  1nf:^-fu     t?o,r  -i/        il  nosiET 


TfiE  LEADERS  OF  REFORM 
'        .  .  LIJJMI  K.;:.'0;     iknilUXfJ  dfiT      -Vn;I  10  tH-ifa*'?. 

IN  describing  the  events  that  culminated  in  the  fall  of  the  Tokugawa,  frequent 
references  have  been  made  to  the  feudatories.  But  it  should  be  clearly  under- 
stood that  the  feudal  chiefs  themselves  had  very  little  to  do  with  the  consumma- 
tion of  this  great  change.  "  The  men  that  conceived  and  achieved  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1867,  were  chiefly  samurai  of  inferior  grade."  They  numbered  fifty-five 
in  all,  and  of  these  only  thirteen  were  aristocrats,  namely,  five  feudal  barons 
and  eight  court  nobles.  The  average  age  of  these  fifty-five  did  not  exceed 
thirty  years. 

THE  EMPEROR'S  OATH 

it  Ojfsdj  r;!d,f:/trK::ifU"n  0'ionr  ri-i-wf  avfid:hln_"j  gniiflo/f 
The  great  clans  which  took  part  in  bringing  about  this  restoration  of  the 

administrative  power  to  the  Emperor  did  not  altogether  trust  one  another. 
Hitherto,  all  political  commotions  had  been  planned  for  the  sake  of  some  promi- 
nent family  or  eminent  leader,  and  had  resulted  merely  in  altering  the  personnel 
of  those  occupying  the  seats  of  power.  It  was  not  unnatural  that  history  should 
have  been  expected  to  repeat  itself  in  1867,  especially  since  the  clan  mainly 
responsible,  Satsuma,  overshadowed  all  its  associates  with  one  exception. 
Therefore,  to  many  onlookers  it  seemed  that  the  Tokugawa  Government  had 
been  overthrown  to  make  room  for  the  all-powerful  southern  feudatory.  In 


680  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

order  to  provide  a  safeguard  against  such  a  danger,  the  young  Emperor  was 
asked  to  make  oath  that  a  broadly  based  deliberative  assembly  should  be 
convened  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  State  affairs  in  conformity  with  public 
opinion.  This  "coronation  oath,"  as  it  was  subsequently  called,  came  to 
occupy  an  important  place  in  political  appreciation,  and  to  be  interpreted  as  a 
promise  of  a  national  assembly.  But  most  assuredly  it  was  not  originally  in- 
tended to  carry  any  such  meaning.  Its  framers  never  contemplated  a  parlia- 
ment in  the  Occidental  sense  of  the  term.  Their  sole  object  was  to  place  a 
barrier  in  the  path  of  their  own  selfish  ambitions. 

ABOLITION  OF  FEUDALISM 

It  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  the  abolition  of  the  feudal  system  found  a 
place  in  the  original  plan  of  the  leaders  of  progress.  Looking  back  to  remote 
centuries,  they  may  well  have  imagined  that  the  unification  of  the  empire  under 
one  supreme  ruler,  administering  as  well  as  governing,  was  not  incompatible 
with  the  existence  of  the  fiefs.  But  when  they  examined  the  problem  more 
closely,  they  recognized  that  a  universally  operative  system  of  laws,  a  central 
treasury,  and  the  supreme  command  of  the  nation 's  armaments  were  essential 
to  the  end  they  had  in  view,  namely,  strength  derived  from  unity.  Hitherto, 
each  feudatory  had  assessed  and  collected  taxes  within  his  fief  according  to  his 
own  free-will,  had  exercised  the  right  of  legislation,  and  had  held  the  command 
of  all  troops  within  his  territories. 

The  continuance  of  such  conditions  would  have  defeated  the  purpose  of  the 
reformers.  This  they  recognized.  But  how  were  these  prescriptive  privileges 
to  be  abolished?  An  Imperial  mandate  might  indeed  have  been  issued,  but  even 
an  Imperial  mandate  without  the  means  of  enforcing  it  would  probably  have 
proved  futile.  In  fact,  compulsion  in  any  form  could  not  be  employed:  the  only 
resource  was  persuasion.  The  feudatories  of  Satsuma,  Choshu,  Tosa,  and 
Hizen  were  the  four  most  puissant  in  the  empire.  They  were  persuaded  to 
surrender  their  fiefs  to  the  Throne  and  to  ask  for  reorganization  under  a  uniform 
system  of  law.  This  example  found  many  imitators.  Out  of  the  whole  276 
feudatories  only  seventeen  failed  to  make  a  similar  surrender.  It  was  a  wonder- 
ful display  of  patriotic  altruism  in  the  case  of  some,  at  any  rate,  of  the  daimyd. 
But,  at  the  same  time,  many  undoubtedly  obeyed  the  suggestions  of  their  chief 
vassals  without  fully  appreciating  the  cost  of  obedience.  It  had  long  been  their 
habit  to  abandon  the  management  of  their  affairs  to  seneschals  (karo),  and  they 
followed  the  custom  on  this  occasion  without  profound  reflection. 

With  the  samurai  at  large,  however,  the  case  was  different.  For  them,  the 
preservation  of  the  fief  had  always  been  the  prime  object  of  interest  and  fealty. 
To  uphold  it  concerned  their  honour;  to  preserve  it,  their  means  of  livelihood. 
Nothing  could  have  been  more  remarkable  than  that  these  men  should  have 
quietly  acquiesced  in  the  surrender  of  legislative  and  financial  autonomy  by  their 
chiefs.  The  most  credible  explanation  is  that  on  this  great  occasion  the  samurai 
obeyed  their  habitual  custom  of  associating  some  form  of  self-immolation  with 
every  signal  deed. 

,'j  $£E  NEW  ORGANIZATION 

The  total  abolition  of  feudalism  may  be  said  to  have  now  come  in  sight,  but 
the  leading  progressists  adopted  all  precautions  to  consummate  their  programme 
without  disturbance.  They  resolved  to  preserve,  at  the  outset,  the  semblance 


THE  MEIJ1  GOVERNMENT      ;IH  681 

of  the  old  system,  and  to  that  end  the  ex-feudatories  were  nominated  to  the 
post  of  governor  in  the  districts  where  they  had  formerly  exercised  autonomic 
power.  The  samurai,  however,  were  left  in  possession  of  their  incomes  and 
official  positions.  It  was  enacted  that  each  governor  should  receive  yearly  one- 
tenth  of  the  revenue  of  his  former  fief;  that  the  emoluments  of  the  samurai 
should  be  taken  in  full  from  the  same  source,  and  that  the  surplus,  if  any,  should 
go  to  the  Central  Government. 

The  latter  was  organized  with  seven  departments,  namely,  Religion,  Home 
Affairs,  Foreign  Affairs,  Army  and  Navy,  Finance,  Justice,  and  Law.  This 
Cabinet  was  presided  over  by  a  premier  —  necessarily  an  Imperial  prince  — 
and  by  a  vice-premier.  Moreover,  it  was  assisted  by  a  body  of  eighteen  council- 
lors, who  comprised  the  leaders  of  reform.  Evidently,  however,  all  this  was 
only  partial.  It  is  true  that  the  fiefs  (hari)  had  been  converted  into  prefectures 
(ken),  and  it  is  also  true  that  the  daimyo  had  become  mere  governors.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  local  revenues  continued  to  pass  through  the  hands  of  the 
governors,  and  in  the  same  hands  remained  the  control  of  the  samurai  and  the 
right  of  appointing  and  dismissing  prefectural  officials.  A  substantial  beginning 
had  been  made,  however,  and  presently  another  appeal  being  addressed  to  the 
ex-daimyo,  they  were  induced  to  petition  for  the  surrender  of  their  local  auton- 
omy. The  same  plan  was  pursued  in  the  case  of  the  samurai.  It  was  essential 
that  these  should  cease  to  be  hereditary  soldiers  and  officials  and  should  be 
reabsorbed  into  the  mass  of  the  people  from  whom  they  had  sprung  originally. 
Following  the  course  which  had  proved  so  successful  with  the  feudatories,  a 
number  of  samurai  were  induced  to  memorialize  for  permission  to  lay  aside  their 
swords  and  revert  to  agriculture.  But  neither  in  the  case  of  the  feudatories  nor 
in  that  of  the  samurai  were  these  self-sacrificing  petitions  carried  into  immediate 
practice.  They  merely  served  as  models. 


CLAN  REPRESENTATION 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the  ambitions  of  the  great  clans  by  which  this 
revolution  has  been  effected  proved  somewhat  difficult  to  reconcile.  The 
Satsuma  feudatory  was  the  first  to  take  umbrage.  He  contended  that,  in 
selecting  the  high  officials  of  the  new  organization,  sufficient  account  had  not 
been  taken  of  the  services  of  his  fief.  With  considerable  difficulty  he  was 
satisfied  by  his  own  appointment  to  an  office  second  only  to  that  of  prime  minis- 
ter. This  incident  led,  however,  to  an  agreement  under  which  each  of  the  great 
clans,  Satsuma,  Choshu,  Hizen,  and  Tosa,  should  be  equally  represented  in 
the  Government.  Thus,  the  "  principle  of  clan-representation  received  practical 
recognition  in  the  organization  of  the  Government.  It  continued  to  be  recog- 
nized for  many  years,  and  ultimately  became  the  chief  target  of  attack  by  party- 
politicians."  It  was  further  arranged,  at  this  time,  that  each  of  the  above  four 
clans  should  furnish  a  contingent  of  troops  to  guard  the  sovereign  's  person  and 
to  form  the  nucleus  of  a  national  army. 

-/a  niarft  ebias  gniycf  lo  vfa^yjn  -nit  /tf-.rf.t  .  ,  iiodt 

T    .aan^j/ii  vi  Jni/oo  lied*  di^gr*  ^o4_9j:tiiiefioiiibjv1tih^g;j 

ABOLITION  OF  LOCAL  AUTONOMY 

It  being  now  considered  safe  to  advance  to  the  next  stage  of  the  mediatization 
of  the  fiefs,  the  Emperor  issued  an  edict  abolishing  local  autonomy;  removing 
the  sometime  daimyo  from  their  post  of  prefectural  governor;  providing  that 
the  local  revenues  should  thereafter  be  sent  into  the  central  treasury;  declaring 


682  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

the  appointment  and  dismissal  of  officials  to  be  among  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Imperial  Government;  directing  that  the  ex-feudatories  should  continue  to  re- 
ceive one-tenth  of  their  former  incomes  but  that  they  should  make  Tokyo1 
their  place  of  permanent  residence,  and  ordaining  that  the  samurai  should  be 
left  in  continued  and  undisturbed  possession  of  all  their  hereditary  pensions 
and  allowances. 

These  changes  were  not  so  momentous  as  might  be  supposed  at  first  sight. 
It  is  true  that  the  ex-feudatories  were  reduced  to  the  position  of  private  gentlemen 
without  even  a  patent  of  nobility.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  substance  of 
administrative  power  had  never  been  possessed  by  them:  it  had  been  left  in 
most  cases  to  their  seneschals.  Thus,  the  loss  of  what  they  had  never  fully 
enjoyed  did  not  greatly  distress  them.  Moreover,  they  were  left  in  possession 
of  the  accumulated  funds  of  their  former  fiefs,  and,  at  the  same  time,  an  income 
of  one-tenth  of  their  feudal  revenues  was  guaranteed  to  them  —  a  sum  which 
generally  exceeded  their  former  incomes  when  from  the  latter  had  been  deducted 
all  charges  on  account  of  the  maintenance  of  the  fiefs.  Therefore,  the  sacrifice 
they  were  required  to  make  was  not  so  bitter  after  all,  but  that  it  was  a  very 
substantial  sacrifice  there  can  be  no  question. 


^HE  ,UMUtAl-a  PORTION 

The  above  edict  was  promulgated  on  August  29,  1871;  that  is  to  say,  nearly 
four  years  after  the  fall  of  the  Tokugawa.  The  samurai,  however,  remained  to 
be  dealt  with.  Feudalism  could  not  be  said  to  have  been  abolished  so  long  as 
the  samurai  continued  to  be  a  class  apart.  These  men  numbered  four  hundred 
thousand  and  with  their  families  represented  a  total  of  about  two  million  souls. 
They  were  the  empire's  soldiers,  and  in  return  for  devoting  their  lives  to  military 
service  they  held  incomes,  some  for  life,  others  hereditary,  and  these  emoluments 
aggregated  two  millions  sterling  annually.  No  reformer,  however  radical,  would 
have  suggested  the  sudden  disestablishment  of  the  samurai  system  or  advocated 
the  wholesale  deprivation  of  incomes  won  by  their  forefathers  as  a  reward  for 
loyal  service  to  the  State  or  to  the  fiefs. 

The  Government  dealt  with  this  problem  much  as  it  had  done  with  the  prob- 
lem of  the  feudatories.  In  1873,  an  Imperial  decree  announced  that  the  treasury 
was  ready  to  commute  the  samurai 's  incomes  on  the  basis  of  six-years '  purchase 
in  the  place  of  hereditary  pensions  and  four  years  for  life-pensions,  half  of  the 
money  to  be  paid  in  cash  and  the  remainder  in  bonds  carrying  eight  per  cent, 
interest.  This  measure  was  in  no  sense  compulsory;  the  samurai  were  free  to 
accept  or  reject  it.  Not  a  few  chose  the  former  course,  but  a  large  majority 
continued  to  wear  their  swords  and  draw  their  pensions  as  of  old.  The  Govern- 
ment, however,  felt  that  there  could  be  no  paltering  with  the  situation.  Shortly 
after  the  issue  of  the  above  edict  a  conscription  law  was  enacted,  by  which  every 
adult  male  became  liable  for  military  service,  whatever  his  social  status.  Natu- 
rally, this  law  shocked  the  samurai.  The  heavy  diminution  of  their  incomes  hurt 
them  less,  perhaps,  than  the  necessity  of  laying  aside  their  swords  and  of  giving 
up  their  traditional  title  to  represent  their  country  in  arms.  They  had  imagined 
that  service  in  the  army  and  navy  would  be  reserved  exclusively  for  them  and 
their  sons,  whereas  by  the  conscription  law  the  commonest  unit  of  the  people 
became  equally  eligible. 

[l  Yedo  was  now  called  Tokyo,  or  "Eastern  Capital;"  and  Kyoto  was  named  Saikyo,  or 
"Western  Capital."] 


THE  MEIJI  GOVERNMENT 


683 


KlDO    KOlN 


FRICTION  AMONG  THE  LEADERS  OF  REFORM 

It  could  not  have:  been  expected  that  this  manner  of  treating  the  samurai 

would  obtain  universal  approval.    Already,  too,  the  strain  of  constructive 

statesmanship  had  developed  friction  among  the  progressist  leaders  who  had 

easily  marched  abreast  for  destructive  pur- 
poses.    They  differed  about  the  subject  of 

a  national  assembly,  some   being  inclined 

to  attach  more  practical  importance  than 

others  to  the  Emperor's  coronation  oath 

that  a  broadly  based  deliberative  assembly 

should  be  convened.    A  small  number  of 

zealous  reformers  wished  to  regard  this  as 

a  promise  of  a  national  assembly,  but  the 

great  majority  of  the  progressist  leaders 

interpreted  it  merely  as  a  guarantee  against 

the  undue  preponderance  of  any  one  clan. 

In  fact,  according  to  the  view  of  the  latter 

party  the  broadly  based   deliberative    as- 
sembly was  regarded  solely  as  an  instrument 

for  eliciting  the  views  of  the  samurai,  and 

entirely  without  legislative  power.     Such  an  assembly  was  actually  convened 

in  the  early  years  of  the  Meiji  era,  but  its  second  session  proved  it  to  be  nothing 

more  than  a  debating  club  and  it  was  suf- 
fered to  lapse  out  of  existence. 

A  more  perplexing  problem  now  (1873) 
presented  itself,  however.  The  Korean 
Court  deliberately  abandoned  the  custom 
followed  by  it  since  the  time  of  Hideyoshi  's 
invasion — the  custom  of  sending  a  present- 
bearing  embassy  to  felicitate  the  accession 
of  each  shogun.  Moreover,  this  step  was 
accompanied  by  an  offensive  despatch  an- 
nouncing a  determination  to  cease  all  rela- 
tions with  a  renegade  from  the  civilization 
of  the  Orient.  It  may  well  be  imagined 
how  indignantly  this  attitude  of  the  neigh- 
bouring kingdom  was  resented  by  Japan. 
The  prominent  leaders  of  national  reform 
at  that  time  were  Sanjo  and  Iwakura, 
originally  Court  nobles;1  Saigo  and  Okubo, 
samurai  of  Satsuma,  and  Kido,  a  samurai 
of  Choshu.  In  the  second  rank  were 
'  several  men  destined  afterwards  to  attain 

great  celebrity  • —  the_late  Prince  Ito,  Mar* 
quis  Inouye,  Count  Okuma,  Count  Itagaki 

—  often  spoken  of  as  the  "Rousseau  of  Japan"  —  and  several  others. 

The  first  five,  however,  were  pre-eminent  at  the  moment  when  Korea  sent  her 

offensive  message.     They  were  not,  however,  absolutely  united  as  to  policy. 

Saigo  Takamori  held  some  conservative  opinions,  the  chief  of  which  was  that 
I1  The  distinction  between  Court  nobles  and  territorial  nobles  had  been  abolished  in  1871.] 


SANJO  SANETOMI 


684 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


bud 


he  wished  to  preserve  the  military  class  in  their  old  position  of  the  empire's 
only  soldiers.  He  had,  therefore,  greatly  resented  the  conscription  law,  and 
while  his  discontent  was  still  fresh,  the  Korean  problem  presented  itself  for 

j  ,v'  solution.  In  Saigo 's  eyes  an  oversea  war 
offered  the  only  chance  of  saving  the 
samurai,  since  the  conscription  law  had 
not  yet  produced  any  trustworthy  sol- 
diers. He  therefore  voted  to  draw  the 
sword  at  once,  and  in  this  he  obtained 
the  support  of  several  influential  men 
who  burned  to  avenge  the  nation's  dis- 
grace. On  the  other  hand,  those  in  fa- 
vour of  peace  insisted  that  the  country 
must  not  venture  to  engage  in  a  foreign 
war  during  the  era  of  radical  transition. 
The  discussion  was  carried  to  the 
Emperor's  presence;  the  peace-party  pre- 
vailed, and  Saigo  with  three  other  Cab- 
inet ministers  resigned.  One  of  the 
seceders,  Eto  Shimpei,  had  recourse  to 
arms,  but  was  speedily  crushed.  Another, 
Itagaki  Taisuke,  from  that  moment  stood 
forth  as  the  champion  of  representative 
>,-,&  ti:  institutions.  The  third,  the.most  prom- 
inent: of  all,  Saigo,  Takamori,  retired 
to  Satsuma  and  devoted  himself  to  organizing  and  equipping  a  strong  body  of 
samurai.  It  is  not  by  any  means  clear  that,  in  thus  acting,  Saigo  had  any 
revolutionary  intention.  Posterity  agrees  in  thinking  that  he  sought  to  exercise 
control  rather  than  to  inspire  revolt.  He  had  the  support  of  Shimazu  Saburo 
(Hisamitsu),  former  feudatory  of  Satsuma,  who,  although  a  reformer,  resented 
a  wholesale  abandonment  of  Japanese  customs  in  favour  of  foreign.  The 
province  of  Satsuma  thus  became  a  seed-plot  of  conservative  influences,  where 
"Saigo  and  his  constantly  augmenting  band  of  samurai  found  a  congenial 
environment."  On  the  one  hand,  the  Central  Government  steadily  proceeded 
with  the  organization  of  a  conscript  army,  teaching  it  foreign  tactics  and  equip- 
ping it  with  foreign  arms.  On  the  other,  the  southern  clan  cherished  its  band 
of  samurai,  arming  them  with  the  rifle  and  drilling  them  in  the  manner  of  Europe, 
but  leaving  them  always  in  posession  of  the  samurai 's  sword. 


IWAKURA   TOMOYOSHI 


)r#l    hews  -Of f\n<jt  >I>U,Y   auii'J   -tr.'ir  J< 

THE  FORMOSAN  EXPEDITION 

Before  these  curious  conditions  bore  any  practical  fruit,  Japan  found  it 
necessary  to  send  a  military  expedition  to  Formosa.  That  island  was  claimed 
as  part  of  China 's  domains,  but  it  was  not  administered  by  her  effectively,  and 
its  inhabitants  showed  great  barbarity  in  their  treatment  of  castaways  from  the 
Ryukyu,  or  Loochoo,  Islands.  The  Chinese  Government's  plain  function  was  to 
punish  these  acts  of  cruelty,  but  as  the  Peking  statesmen  showed  no  disposition 
to  discharge  their  duty  in  that  respect,  Japan  took  the  law  into  her  own  hands. 
A  double  purpose  was  thus  served.  For  the  expedition  to  Formosa  furnished 
employment  for  the  Satsuma  samurai,  and,  at  the  same  time,  assured  the 
Ryukyu  islanders  that  Japan  was  prepared  to  protect  them. 


THE  MEIJ1  GOVERNMENT    ,.-m  685 

The  campaign  in  Formosa  proved  a  very  tame  affair.  It  amounted  to  the 
shooting-down  of  a  few  semi-savages.  No  attempt  was  made  to  penetrate 
into  the  ulterior  of  the  island,  where,  as  modern  experience  shows,  many  great 
difficulties  would  have  had  to  be  overcome.  Peking  took  serious  umbrage  on 
account  of  Japan's  high-handed  conduct  —  for  such  it  seemed  to  Chinese  eyes. 
In  the  first  place,  the  statesmen  of  the  Middle  Kingdom  contended  that  the 
Ryukyu  Islands  could  not  properly  be  regarded  as  an 'integral  part  of  the 
Japanese  empire;  and  in  the  second  place,  they  claimed  that,  in  attacking 
Formosa,  Japan  had  invaded  Chinese  territory.  After  a  long  interchange  of 
despatches  the  Tokyo  Government  sent  an  ambassador  to  Peking,  and  a 
peaceful  solution  was  found  in  the  payment  by  China  of  a  small  indemnity, 
and  the  recognition  of  Formosa  as  a  part  of  the  Middle  Kingdom.1 

THE  KOREAN  QUESTION  AGAIN 

. 

The  Formosan  expedition  took  place  in  1874,  and,  in  the  fall  of  1875,  a 
Korean  fort  opened  fire  on  a  Japanese  warship  which  was  engaged  in  surveying 
the  coast.  Such  an  insult  could  not  be  tamely  endured.  Japan  marshalled 
an  imposing  number  of  warships  and  transports,  but,  following  the  example 
set  in  her  own  case  by  Commodore  Perry,  she  employed  this  flotilla  to  intimidate 
Korea  into  signing  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  and  opening  certain  ports 
to  foreign  trade.  Thus,  Korea  was  drawn  from  her  hereditary  isolation,  and 
to  Japan  fell  the  credit  of  having  become  an  instrument  for  extending  the 
principle  of  universal  intercourse  which  she  had  herself  so  stoutly  opposed  during 
two  and  a  half  centuries.  It  was  a  clever  coup,  but  it  earned  little  credit  with 
the  samurai.  They  regarded  such  a  settlement  as  derogatory  to  their  country. 

ABOLITION  OF  THE  SAMURAI 

It  was  at  this  stage  that  the  Tokyo  Government  felt  itself  strong  enough  to 
resort  to  conclusive  measures  in  the  cases  of  the  samurai.  Three  years  had  now 
passed  since  the  wearing  of  swords  had  been  declared  optional  and  since  a 
scheme  for  the  voluntary  commutation  of  the  samurai 's  pensions  had  been  elab- 
orated. The  leaders  of  progress  felt  that  the  time  had  now  come  to  make  these 
measures  compulsory,  and,  accordingly,  two  edicts  were  issued  in  that  sense. 
The  edicts,  especially  their  financial  provisions,  imposed  a  heavy  sacrifice. 
But  it  is  very  noticeable  that  the  momentary  question  evoked  no  protests.  It 
was  to  the  loss  of  their  swords  that  a  number  of  samurai  objected  strenuously. 
Some  scores  of  them,  wearing  old-fashioned  armour  and  equipped  with  hereditary 
weapons,  attacked  a  castle,  killed  or  wounded  three  hundred  of  the  garrison,  and 
then  died  by  their  own  hands.  Here  and  there  throughout  the  empire  a  few 
equally  vain  protests  were  raised,  and  finally  the  Satsuma  samurai  took  the 
field.  ' 


This  insurrection  in  the  south  severely  taxed  the  resources  of  the  Central 
Government.  The  Satsuma  samurai  were  led  by  Saigo  Takamori,  but  it  has 
always  been  claimed  for  him  that  he  undertook  the  command,  not  for  the 
purpose  of  overthrowing  the  Meiji  Government,  but  in  the  hope  of  restraining 
his  followers.  Ultimately,  however,  he  seems  to  have  been  swept  away  by  the 
I1  The  indemnity  amounted  to  500,000  dollars  (Mexican).] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


tide  of  their  enthusiasm.  The  insurgents  numbered  some  forty  thousand ;  they 
all  belonged  to  the  samurai  class,  were  fully  trained  in  Occidental  tactics,  and 
were  equipped  with  rifles  and  field-guns.  Their  avowed  purpose  was  to  restore 

the  military  class  to  its  old  position,  and 
to  insure  to  it  all  the  posts  in  the  army 
and  the  navy. 

Fighting  began  on  January  29,  1877, 
and  ended  on  September  24th  of  the 
same  year.  All  the  rebel  leaders  fell 
in  battle  or  died  by  their  own  hands. 
During  these  eight  months  of  warfare, 
the  Government  put  sixty-six  thousand 
men  into  the  field,  and  the  casualties  on 
both  sides  totalled  thirty-five  thousand, 
or  thirty-three  per  cent,  of  the  whole. 
Apart  from  the  great  issue  directly  at 
stake,  namely,  whether  Japan  should 
have  a  permanent  military  class,  a  second- 
ary problem  of  much  interest  found  a 
solution  in  the  result.  It  was  the  problem 
whether  an  army  of  conscripts,  supposed 
to  be  lacking  in  the  fighting  instinct 
and  believed  to  be  incapable  of  standing  up  to  do  battle  with  the  samurai, 
could  hold  its  own  against  the  flower  of  the  bushi,  as  the  Satsuma  men  undoubt- 
edly were.  There  really  never  was  any  substantial  reason  for  doubt  about  such 
a  subject.  The  samurai  were  not  racially  distinct  from  the  bulk  of  tfte  nation. 
They  had  originally  been  mere  farmers,  possessing  no  special  military  aptitude. 
Nevertheless,  among  all  the  reforms  introduced  during  the  Meiji  era,  none  was 
counted  so  hazardous  as  the  substitution  of  a  conscript  army  for  the  nation's 
traditional  soldiers.  The  Satsuma  rebellion  disposed  finally  of  the  question. 

• 


SAIGO  TAKAMORI 


EDUCATION  OF  THE  NATION 

Meanwhile  the  Government  had  been  strenuously  seeking  to  equip  the  people 
with  the  products  of  Western  civilization.  It  has  been  shown  that  the  men 
who  sat  in  the  seats  of  power  during  the  first  decade  of  the  Meiji  era  owed  their 
exalted  position  to  their  own  intellectual  superiority  and  far-seeing  statesman- 
ship. That  such  men  should  become  the  nation's  teachers  would  have  been 
natural  anywhere.  But  in  Japan  there  was  a  special  reason  for  the  people's 
need  of  official  guidance.  It  had  become  a  traditional  habit  of  the  Japanese  to 
look  to  officialdom  for  example  and  direction  in  everything,  and  this  habit 
naturally  asserted  itself  with  special  force  when  there  was  question  of  assimilating 
a  foreign  civilization  which  for  nearly  three  centuries  had  been  an  object  of 
national  repugnance.  The  Government,  in  short,  had  to  inspire  the  reform 
movement  and,  at  the  sajne  time,  to  furnish  models  of  its  working. 

The  task  was  approached  with  wholesale  energy  by  those  in  power.  In 
general  the  direction  of  the  work  was  divided  among  foreigners  of  different 
nations.  Frenchmen  were  employed  in  revising  the  criminal  code  and  in 
teaching  strategy  and  tactics  to  the  Japanese  army.  The  building  of  railways, 
the  installation  of  telegraphs  and  of  lighthouses,  and  the  new  navy  were  turned  over 
to  English  engineers  and  sailors.  Americans  were  employed  in  the  formation 


THE  MEIJI  GOVERNMENT  687 

of  a  postal  service,  in  agricultural  reforms,  and  in  planning  colonization  and 
an  educational  system.  In  an  attempt  to  introduce  Occidental  ideas  of  art 
Italian  sculptors  and  painters  were  brought  to  Japan.  And  German  experts 
were  asked  to  develop  a  system  of  local  government,  to  train  Japanese  physi- 
cians, and  to  educate  army  officers.  Great  misgivings  were  expressed  by  foreign 
onlookers  at  this  juncture.  They  found  it  impossible  to  believe  that  such 
wholesale  adoption  of  an  alien  civilization  could  not  be  attended  with  due 
eclecticism,  and  they  constantly  predicted  a  violent  reaction.  But  all  these 
pessimistic  views  were  contradicted  by  results.  There  was  no  reaction,  and  the 
memory  of  the  apprehensions  then  freely  uttered  finds  nothing  but  ridicule 
to-day. 

FINANCE 

One  of  the  chief  difficulties  with  which  the  Meiji  statesmen  had  to  contend 
was  finance.  When  they  took  over  the  treasury  from  the  Bakufu  there  were 
absolutely  no  funds  in  hand,  and  for  some  years,  as  has  been  shown  above,  all 
the  revenues  of  the  former  fiefs  were  locally  expended,  no  part  of  them,  except 
a  doubtful  surplus,  finding  its  way  to  the  Imperial  treasury.  The  only  resource 
was  an  issue  of  paper  money.  Such  tokens  of  exchange  had  been  freely  employed 
since  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  at  the  time  of  the  mediatization 
of  the  fiefs,  1694  kinds  of  notes  were  in  circulation.  la  -^ 

The  first  business  of  the  Government  should  have  been  to  replace  these 
unsecured  tokens  with  uniform  and  sound  media  of  exchange.  But  instead  of 
performing  that  duty  the  Meiji  statesmen  saw  themselves  compelled  to  follow 
the  evil  example  set  by  the  fiefs  in  past  times.  Government  notes  were  issued. 
They  fell  at  the  outset  to  a  discount  of  fifty  per  cent,  and  various  devices,  more 
or  less  despotic,  were  employed  to  compel  their  circulation  at  par.  By  degrees, 
however,  the  Government's  credit  improved,  and  thus,  though  the  issues  of 
inconvertible  notes  aggregated  sixty  million  yen  at  the  close  of  the  first  five  years 
of  the  Meiji  era,  they  passed  freely  from  hand  to  hand  without  discount.  But, 
of  course,  the  need  for  funds  in  connexion  with  the  wholesale  reforms  and 
numerous  enterprises  inaugurated  officially  became  more  and  more  pressing, 
so  that  in  the  fourteenth  year  (1881)  after  the  Restoration,  the  face  value  of  the 
notes  in  circulation  aggregated  180  million  yen,  and  they  stood  at  a  heavy  discount. 

The  Government,  after  various  tentative  and  futile  efforts  to  correct  this 
state  of  depreciation,  set  themselves  to  deal  radically  with  the  problem.  Chiefly 
by  buying  exporters'  bills  and  further  by  reducing  administrative  expenditures 
as  well  as  by  taxing  alcohol,  a  substantial  specie  reserve  was  gradually  accumulated, 
and,  by  1885,  the  volume  of  fiduciary  notes  having  been  reduced  to  119  millions, 
whereas  the  treasury  vaults  contained  forty-five  millions  of  precious  metals,  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments  was  announced.  As  for  the  national  debt,  it 
had  its  origin  in  the  commutation  of  the  feudatories'  incomes  and  the  samurai's 
pensions.  A  small  fraction  of  these  outlays  was  defrayed  with  ready  money, 
but  the  great  part  took  the  form  of  public  loan-bonds.  These  bonds 
constituted  the  bulk  of  the  State's  liabilities  during  the  first  half-cycle  of  the 
Meiji  era,  and  when  we  add  the  debts  of  the  fiefs,  which  the  Central  Government 
took  over;  two  small  foreign  loans;  the  cost  of  quelling  the  Satsuma  rebellion, 
and  various  debts  incurred  on  account  of  public  works,  naval  construction,  and 
minor  purposes,  we  arrive  at  the  broad  fact  that  the  entire  national  debt  of 
Japan  did  not  exceed  305  million  yen  at  the  close  of  the  twenty-eighth  year  of 
her  new  era. 


688  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

A  war  with  China  in  1894-1895  —  to  be  presently  spoken  of  —  and  a  war 
with  Russia  in  1904-1905,  together  with  the  price  paid  for  the  nationalization 
of  railways  and  for  various  undertakings,  brought  the  whole  debt  of  the  nation 
to  2300  million  yen  in  1907,  which  is  now  being  paid  off  at  the  rate  of  fifty 
million  yen  annually.  It  remains  to  be  noted  that,  in  1897,  Japan  took  the  mo- 
mentous step  of  adopting  gold  monometallism.  The  indemnity  which  she  ob- 
tained from  China  after  the  war  of  1894-1895  brought  to  her  treasury  a  stock 
of  gold  sufficient  to  form  a  substantial  specie  reserve.  Moreover,  gold  had 
appreciated  so  that  its  value  in  terms  of  silver  had  exactly  doubled  during  the 
first  thirty  years  of  the  Meiji  era.  There  was  consequently  no  arithmetical 
complication  connected  with  the  adoption  of  the  single  gold  standard.  It  was 
only  necessary  to  double  the  denomination,  leaving  the  silver  subsidiary  coins 
unchanged. 

•  ••  •'..'i.-lsiif  chhl'fr  riHy 

EDUCATION 

• 

In  the  field  of  education  the  Meiji  statesmen  effected  speedy  reforms.  Com- 
paratively little  attention  had  been  directed  to  this  subject  by  the  rulers  of  medi- 
eval Japan,  and  the  fact  that  the  Meiji  leaders  appreciated  the  necessity  of 
studying  the  arts  and  sciences  of  the  new  civilization  simultaneously  with  the 
adoption  of  its  products,  bears  strong  testimony  to  the  insight  of  these  remark- 
able men.  Very  shortly  after  the  abolition  of  feudalism,  an  extensive  system  of 
public  schools  was  organized  and  education  was  made  compulsory.  There  were 
schools,  colleges,  and  universities,  all  modelled  on  foreign  lines  with  such  altera- 
tions as  the  special  customs  of  the  nation  dictated.  These  institutions  grew 
steadily  in  public  favour,  and  to-day  over  ninety  per  cent,  of  boys  and  girls  who 
have  attained  the  school  age  receive  education  in  the  common  elementary 
schools,  the  average  annual  cost  per  child  being  about  8s.  6d.  ($2.00),  to  which 
the  parents  contribute  l%d.  (3^  cents)  per  month.  Youths  receiving  educa- 
tion enjoy  certain  exemption  from  conscription,  but  as  this  is  in  strict. accordance 
with  the  Western  system,  it  need  not  be  dwelt  upon  here.v^fft 


'   ^fcAirADiiWSTRAW:': 

For  purposes  of  local  administration  the  empire  is  divided  into  prefectures 
(ken),  counties  (gun),  towns  (shi),  and  districts  (cho  or  son).  The  three  metro- 
politan prefectures  of  Tokyo  , Osaka,  and  Kyoto  are  called  fu,  and  their  districts 
are  distinguished  as  "urban"  (cho)  and  "rural"  (son),  according  to  the  number 
of  houses  they  contain.  The  prefectures  derive  their  names  from  their  chief 
towns.  The  principle  of  popular  representation  is  strictly  adhered  to,  every 
prefecture,  every  county,  every  town,  and  every  district  having  its  own  local 
assembly,  wherein  the  number  of  members  is  fixed  in  proportion  to  the  popula- 
tion. These  bodies  are  all  elected.  The  enjoyment  of  the  franchise  depends 
upon  a  property  qualification  which,  in  the  case  of  prefecturai  and  county 
assemblies,  is  an  annual  payment  of  direct  national  taxes  to  the  amount  of  throe 
yen  (6s.,  $1.50);  in  the  case  of  town  and  district  assemblies  two  yen;  and  in  the 
case  of  prefecturai  assemblies,  ten  yen.  There  are  other  arrangements  to  secure 
the  due  representation  of  property,  the  electors  being  divided  into  classes 
according  to  their  aggregate  payment  to  the  national  treasury.  Three  such 
classes  exist,  and  each  elects  one-third  of  an  assembly's  members.  There  is  no 
payment  for  the  members  of  an  assembly,  but  all  salaried  officials,  ministers  of 
religion,  and  contractors  for  public  works,  as  well  as  persons  unable  to  write 


THE  MEIJI  GOVERNMEN<£>T3IK 

their  own  names  and  the  names  of  the  candidates  for  whom  they  vote,  are  denied 
the  franchise. 

A  prefectural  assembly  holds  one  session  of  thirty  days  annually;  and  a 
county  assembly,  one  session  of  not  more  than  fourteen  days;  while  the  town  and 
district  assemblies  are  summoned  by  the  mayor  or  the  headman  whenever 
recourse  to  their  deliberation  appears  expedient.  Each  prefecture  has  a  prefect 
(governor)  and  each  county  assembly  has  a  headman.  Both  are  appointed 
by  the  Central  Administration,  but  an  assembly  has  competence  to  appeal  to 
the  minister  of  Home  Affairs  from  the  prefect 's  decisions.  In  the  districts,  also, 
there  are  headmen,  but  their  post  is  always  elective  and  generally  non-salaried. 
Other  details  of  the  local-government  system  are  here  omitted.  It  suffices  to 
say  that  the  system  has  been  in  operation  for  over  thirty  years  and  has  been 
found  satisfactory  in  practice.  Moreover,  these  assemblies  constitute  excellent 
schools  for  the  political  education  of  the  people. 

THE  CONSTITUTION 

:••!••!.{  •!  ^fr.. 

It  has  already  been  shown  that  the  sovereign's  so-called  coronation  oath  did 
not  contemplate  a  national  assembly  in  the  Western  sense  of  the  term.  The 
first  assembly  convened  in  obedience  to  the  oath  consisted  of  nobles  and  samurai 
only,  and  was  found  to  be  a  virtually  useless  body.  Not  till  1873,  when  Itagaki 
Taisuke,  seceding  from  the  Cabinet  on  account  of  the  Korean  complication, 
became  a  warm  advocate  of  appealing  national  questions  to  an  elective  assembly, 
did  the  people  at  large  come  to  understand  what  was  involved  in  such  an  institu- 
tion. Thenceforth  Itagaki  became  the  centre  of  a  more  or  less  enthusiastic 
group  of  men  advocating  a  parliamentary  system,  some  from  sincere  motives, 
and  others  from  a  conviction  that  their  failure  to  obtain  posts  was  in  a  manner 
due  to  the  oligarchical  form  of  their  country 's  polity. 

When  the  Satsuma  rebellion  broke  out,  four  years  later,  this  band  of  Tosa 
agitators  memorialized  the  Government,  charging  it  with  administering  affairs 
in  despite  of  public  opinion;  with  ignoring  popular  rights,  and  with-  levelling 
down  instead  of  up,  since  the  samurai  had  been  reduced  to  the  class  of  common- 
ers, whereas  the  latter  should  have  been  educated  to  the  standard  of  the  former. 
But  the  statesmen  in  power  insisted  that  the  nation  was  not  yet  ready  to  enjoy 
constitutional  privileges.  They  did  not,  indeed,  labour  under  any  delusion  as 
to  the  ultimate  direction  in  which  their  reforms  tended,  but  they  were  determined 
to  move  gradually,  not  precipitately.  They  had  already  (1874)  arranged  for 
the  convention  of  an  annual  assembly  of  prefects  who  should  act  as  channels  of 
communication  between  the  central  authorities  and  the  people  in  the  provinces. 
This  was  designed  to  be  the  embryo  of  representative  institutions,  though  obvi- 
ously it  bore  that  character  in  a  very  limited  degree  only. 

In  the  following  year  (1875),  the  second  step  was  taken  by  organizing  a 
Senate  (Genro-in),  which  consisted  of  official  nominees  and  was  charged  with  the 
duty  of  discussing  and  revising  laws  and  ordinances  prior  to  their  promulgation. 
But  it  had  no  power  of  initiative,  and  its  credit  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation  was  more 
or  less  injured  by  the  fact  that  its  members  consisted  for  the  most  part  of  men 
for  whom  no  posts  could  be  found  in  the  administration  and  who,  without  some 
steadying  influence,  might  have  been  drawn  into  the  current  of  discontent. 

At  this  stage,  an  event  occurred  which  probably  moved  the_  Government  to 
greater  expedition.  In  the  spring  of  1878,  the  great  statesman,  Okubo  Toshimit- 
su,  who  had  acted  such  a  prominent  part  on  the  stage  of  the  reformation  drama, 


690 

was  assassinated.  His  slayers  were  avowedly  sympathizers  of  SaigO,  but  in  their 
statement  of  motives  they  assigned  as  their  principal  incentive  the  Government 's 
failure  to  establish  representative  institutions.  They  belonged  to  a  province 

far  removed  from  Satsuma,  and  their 
explanation  of  the  murder  showed  that 
they  had  little  knowledge  of  Saigo's 
real  sentiments.  But  the  nation  saw  in 
them  champions  of  a  constitutional 
form  of  government,  and  the  authorities 
appreciated  the  necessity  of  greater 
expedition.  Thus,  two  months  after 
Okubo's  death,  the  establishment  of 
elective  assemblies  in  the  prefectures  and 
cities  was  proclaimed. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to 
these  and  it  will  suffice  here  .to  note  that 

'OKTOO  TosHiMirau  their  principal  functions  were  to  deter- 

mine the  amount  and  object  of  local  taxes; 

to  audit  the  accounts  for  the  previous  year;  and  to  petition  the  Central  Govern- 
ment, should  that  seem  expedient.  These  assemblies  represented  the  founda- 
tions of  genuinely  representative  institutions,  for  although  they  lacked  legislative 
power,  they  discharged  parliamentary  functions  in  other  respects.  In  fact, 
they  served  as  excellent  training  schools  for  the  future  Diet.  But  this  did  not 
at  all  satisfy  Itagaki  and  his  followers.  They  had  now  persuaded  themselves 
that  without  a  national  assembly  it  would  be  impossible  to  oust  the  clique  of 
clansmen  who  monopolized  the  prizes  of  power.  Accordingly,  Itagaki  organized 
an  association  called  Jiyu-to  (Liberals),  the  first  political  party  in  Japan.  Be- 
tween the  men  in  office  and  these  visionary  agitators  a  time  of  friction,  more  or 
less  severe,  ensued.  The  Government  withheld  from  the  people  the  privileges 
of  free  speech  and  public  meeting,  so  that  the  press  and  the  platform  found 
themselves  in  frequent  collision  with  the  police.  Thus,  little  by  little,  the 
Liberals  came  to  be  regarded  as  victims  of  official  tyranny,  so  that  they  constantly 
obtained  fresh  adherents. 

Three  years  subsequently  (1881),  another  political  crisis  occurred.  Okuma 
Shigenobu  resigned  his  portfolio,  and  was  followed  into  private  life  by  many  able 
politicians  and  administrators.  These  organized  themselves  into  a  party 
ultimately  called  Progressists  (Shimpo-to) ,  who,  although  they  professed  the 
same  doctrine  as  the  Liberals,  were  careful  to  maintain  an  independent  attitude ; 
thus  showing  that  "Japan's  first  political  parties  were  grouped,  not  about  prin- 
ciples, but  about  persons."1 

It  must  not  be  supposed  for  a  moment  that  the  Progressists  were  conserva- 
tive. There  was  no  such  thing  as  real  conservatism  in  Japan  at  that  time.  The 
whole  nation  exhaled  the  breath  of  progress.  Okuma 's  secession  was  followed 
quickly  by  an  edict  promising  the  convention  of  a  national  assembly  in  ten  years. 
Confronted  by  this  engagement,  the  political  parties  might  have  been  expected 
to  lay  down  their  arms.  But  a  great  majority  of  them  aimed  at  ousting  the 
clan-statesmen  rather  than  at  setting  up  a  national  assembly.  Thus,  having 
obtained  a  promise  of  a  parliament,  they  applied  themselves  to  exciting  anti- 
official  sentiments  in  the  future  electorates;  and  as  the  Government  made  no 
attempt  to  controvert  the  prejudices  thus  excited,  it  was  evident  that  when  the 
[lEncyclopcedia  Britannica  (llth  edition);  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.] 


THE  MEIJI  GOVERNMENT  691 

promised  parliament  came  into  existence,  it  would  become  an  arena  for  vehement 
attacks  upon  the  Cabinet. 

Of  course,  as  might  have  been  expected,  the  ten  years  of  agitated  waiting, 
between  1881  and  1891,  were  often  disfigured  by  recourse  to  violence.  Plots 
to  assassinate  ministers;  attempts  to  employ  dynamite;  schemes  to  bring  about 
an  insurrection  in  Korea  —  such  things  were  not  infrequent.  There  were  also 
repeated  dispersions  of  political  meetings  by  order  of  police  inspectors,  as  well 
as  suspensions  or  suppressions  of  newspapers  by  the  fiat  of  the  Home  minister. 
Ultimately  it  became  necessary  to  enact  a  law  empowering  the  police  to  banish 
persons  of  doubtful  character  from  Tokyo  without  legal  trial,  and  even  to  arrest 
and  detain  such  persons  on  suspicion.  In  1887,  the  Progressist  leader,  Okuma, 
rejoined  the  Cabinet  for  a  time  as  minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  but  after  a  few 
months  of  office  his  leg  was  shattered  by  a  bomb  and  he  retired  into  private  life 
and  founded  the  Waseda  University  in  Tokyo. 

It  may  indeed  be  asserted  that  during  the  decade  immediately  prior  to  the 
opening  of  the  national  assembly,  "an  anti-Government  propaganda  was 
incessantly  preached  from  the  platform  and  in  the  press."  The  Tokyo  states- 
men, however,  were  not  at  all  discouraged.  They  proceeded  with  their  reforms 
unflinchingly.  In  1885,  the  ministry  was  recast,  Ito  Hirobumi — the  same  Prince 
Ito  who  afterwards  fell  in  Manchuria  under  the  pistol  of  an  assassin  —  being 
appointed  premier  and  the  departments  of  State  being  reorganized  on  European 
lines.  Then  a  nobility  was  created,  with  five  orders,  prince,  marquis,  count, 
viscount,  and  baron.  The  civil  and  penal  laws  were  codified.  The  finances 
were  placed  on  a  sound  footing.  A  national  bank  with  a  network  of  subordinate 
institutions  was  established.  Railway  construction  was  pushed  on  steadily. 
Postal  and  telegraph  services  were  extended.  The  foundations  of  a  strong 
mercantile  marine  were  laid.  A  system  of  postal  savings-banks  was  instituted. 
Extensive  schemes  of  harbour  improvement,  roads,  and  riparian  works  were 
planned  and  put  into  operation.  The  portals  of  the  civil  service  were  made 
accessible  solely  by  competitive  examination.  A  legion  of  students  was  sent 
westward  to  complete  their  education,  and  the  country's  foreign  affairs  were 
managed  with  comparative  skill. 

PROMULGATION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION 

On  the  llth  of  February,  1889,  the  Constitution  was  promulgated  amid 
signs  of  universal  rejoicing.  The  day  was  signalized,  however,  by  a  terrible 
deed.  Viscount  Mori,  one  of  Japan's  most  enlightened  statesmen,  was  stabbed 
to  death  by  Nishino  Buntaro,  a  mere  stripling,  the  motive  being  to  avenge  what 
the  murderer  regarded  as  a  sacrilegious  act,  namely,  that  the  viscount,  when 
visiting  the  shrine  at  Ise  in  the  previous  year,  had  partially  raised  one  of  the 
curtains  with  his  cane.  The  explanation  given  of  this  extraordinary  act  by  a 
modern  historian  is  that  "Japan  was  suffering  at  the  time  from  an  attack  of 
hysterical  loyalty,  and  the  shrine  at  Ise  being  dedicated  to  the  progenitrix  of  the 
country's  sovereigns,  it  seemed  to  Nishino  Buntaro  that  when  high  officials 
began  to  touch  the  sacred  paraphernalia  with  walking-sticks,  the  foundations 
of  Imperialism  were  menaced."  An  interesting  light  is  thrown  upon  the 
Japanese  character  in  the  sequel  of  this  crime.  During  many  subsequent  years 
the  tomb  of  Nishino  received  the  homage  of  men  and  women  who  "worshipped 
achievement  without  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  thing  achieved."  There  was 
a  similar  furore  of  enthusiasm  over  the  would-be  assassin  of  Okuma.  •  (o  rav 


692  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

PROVISIONS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION 

The  framers  of  the  Constitution,  chief  among  whom  was  Prince  Ito,  naturally 
took  care  not  to  make  its  provisions  too  liberal.  The  minimum  age  for  electors 
and  elected  was  fixed  at  twenty-five  and  the  property  qualification  at  payment 
of  direct  taxes  aggregating  not  less  than  fifteen  yen  (30s. — $7.20)  annually. 

A  bicameral  system  was  adopted. 
The  House  of  Peers  was  in  part 
hereditary,  hi  part  elective  (one 

p*^.^  ^%7  representative  of  the  highest  tax- 

(f^it^nK  payers  in  each  prefecture),  and  in 

v  //VTVulBy  Part  nominated  by  the   sovereign 

a'd&^Lia  (from  among  men  of  signal  attain- 

ments), while  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives consisted  of  three  hundred 
elected  members.  In  the  eyes  of 
party  politicians  this  property 
qualification  was  much  too  high ;  it 
restricted  the  number  of  franchise- 
holders  to  460,000  in  a  nation  of 
nearly  fifty  millions.  A  struggle  for 
the  extension  of  the  franchise  com- 
menced immediately,  and,  after 
nearly  ten  years,  the  Government 
framed  a  bill  lowering  the  qualifi- 
cation to  ten  yen  for  electors;  dis- 
pensing with  it  altogether  in  the 
case  of  candidates;  inaugurating 
secret  ballots;  extending  the  limits 
of  the  electorates  so  as  to  include 
the  whole  of  a  prefecture,  and  in- 
creasing the  members  of  the  lower 
house  to  363.  By  this  change  of 
qualification  the  number  of  fran- 
chise holders  was  nearly  doubled. 

As  for  the   provisions   of   the 
Constitution,  they  differed  in  no 

1  HE    J_>ATB   X^RINCE    ITO  ,/•  •  i  *•    1 1  j_i 

>rn  a  respect  from  those  of  the  most  ad- 
vanced Western  standard.  One  exception  to  this  statement  must  be  noted, 
however.  The  wording  of  the  document  lent  itself  to  the  interpretation 
that  a  ministry's  tenure  of  office  depended  solely  on  the  sovereign's  will. 
In  other  words,  a  Cabinet  received  its  mandate  from  the  Throne,  not  from 
the  Diet.  This  reservation  immediately  became  an  object  of  attack  by  party 
politicians.  They  did  not  venture  to  protest  against  the  arrangement  as  an 
Imperial  prerogative.  The  people  would  not  have  endured  such  a  protest. 
The  only  course  open  for  the  party  politicians  was  to  prove  practically  that  a 
ministry  not  responsible  to  the  legislature  is  virtually  impotent  for  legislation. 

Success  has  not  attended  this  essay.  The  Throne  continues,  nominally  at  all 
events,  to  appoint  and  dismiss  ministers.  As  for  the  proceedings  of  the  diet,  the 
most  salient  feature  was  that,  from  the  very  outset,  the  party  politicians  in  the 
lower  chamber  engaged  in  successive  attacks  upon  the  holders  of  power.  This 


THE  MEIJI  GOVERNMENT  693 

had  been  fully  anticipated;  for  during  the  whole  period  of  probation  antecedent 
to  the  meeting  of  the  first  Diet,  the  party  politicians  had  been  suffered  to  discredit 
the  Cabinet  by  all  possible  means,  whereas  the  Cabinet  had  made  no  effort  to 
win  for  themselves  partisans  in  the  electorates.  They  relied  wholly  upon  the 
sovereign's  prerogative,  and  stood  aloof  from  alliances  of  any  kind,  apparently 
indifferent  to  everything  but  their  duty  to  their  country.  Fortunately,  the 
House  of  Peers  ranged  itself  steadfastly  on  the  side  of  the  Cabinet  throughout 
this  struggle,  and  thus  the  situation  was  often  saved  from  apparently  pressing 
danger.  The  war  with  China  (1894-1895)  greatly  enhanced  the  Diet's  reputa- 
tion; for  all  the  political  parties,  laying  aside  their  differences,  without  a  dis- 
senting voice  voted  funds  for  the  prosecution  of  the  campaign. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES 

During  several  years  the  House  of  Representatives  continued  to  be  divided 
into  two  great  parties  with  nearly  equally  balanced  power  —  the  Liberals  and 
the  Progressists,  together  with  a  few  minor  coteries.  But,  in  1898,  the  Liberals 
and  Progressists  joined  hands,  thus  coming  to  wield  a  large  majority  in  the  lower 
house.  Forthwith,  the  Emperor,  on  the  advice  of  Prince  Ito,  invited  Counts 
Okuma  and  Itagaki  to  form  a  Cabinet.  An  opportunity  was  thus  given  to  the 
parties  to  prove  the  practical  possibility  of  the  system  they  had  so  long  lauded  in 
theory.  The  united  parties  called  themselves  Constitutionists  (Kensei-to). 
Their  union  lasted  barely  six  months,  and  then  "the  new  links  snapped  under 
the  tension  of  the  old  enmities." 

A  strange  thing  now  happened.  The  Liberals  invited  Prince  Ito  to  be  their 
leader,  and  he  agreed  on  condition  that  his  followers  should  obey  him  implicitly. 
A  new  and  powerful  party  was  thus  formed  under  the  designation  of  Friends  of 
the  Constitution  (Rikken  Seiyukai).  Thus,  the  Liberals  not  only  enlisted  under 
the  statesmen  whose  overthrow  they  had  for  nearly  twenty  years  sought  to 
effect,  but  also  they  practically  expunged  from  their  platform  an  essential  article 
of  faith  —  parliamentary  cabinets.  Another  proof  was  here  furnished  that 
political  combinations  in  Japan  were  based  rather  on  persons  than  on  principles. 

As  for  the  new  party,  even  Prince  Ito 's  Wonderful  talents  and  unequalled 
prestige  failed  to  hold  successfully  the  reins  of  the  heterogeneous  team  which  he 
had  now  undertaken  to  drive.  The  House  of  Peers  opposed  him  on  account 
of  his  association  with  political  parties,  and  he  at  once  resigned  the  premiership. 
The  party  he  had  formed  did  not,  however,  dissolve.  Prince  Ito,  indeed,  stepped 
out  of  its  ranks,  but  he  was  succeeded  by  his  intimate  friend,  Marquis  Saionji, 
one  of  Japan's  blue-blooded  aristocrats,  and  to  him  the  Constitutionists  have 
yielded  implicit  obedience  ever  since.  For  the  rest,  it  is  impossible  to  foresee 
what  the  outcome  of  the  parliamentary  system  will  be  in  Japan.  Up  to  the  pres- 
ent the  principal  lesson  learned  by  politicians  seems  to  have  been  the  value  of 
patience.  The  Constitutionists  have  shown  that  they  are  quite  ready  to  support 
a  Cabinet  entirely  independent  of  parties,  where  its  measures  seem  conducive  to 
the  nation's  good.  Such  a  Cabinet  was  that  of  Prince  Katsura,  who,  in  turn, 
after  three  years'  tenure  of  office,  stepped  down  quietly  in  August,  1911,  to  make 
way  for  the  Constitutionists,  under  Marquis  Saionji.  In  a  word,  the  nation 
seems  to  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  these  parliamentary  problems 
cannot  be  safely  solved  except  by  long  and  deliberate  experiment.1 

f1  For  minute  information  about  party  politics  and  parliamentary  procedure  see  the 
"Oriental  Series,"  Vol.  IV.] 


694 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


i  I>l.JTKj   uloiiv/  Mi,')  mm;)!;  •|.)t_J 

AGRICULTURE  AND  INDUSTRY 

The  growth  of  agricultural  and  industrial  enterprise  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  features  of  modern  Japan.  Up  to  the  beginning  of  the  Meiji  era, 
agriculture  almost  monopolized  attention,  manufacturing  industry  being 
altogether  of  a  domestic  character.  Speaking  broadly,  the  gross  area  of  land 
in  Japan,  exclusive  of  Saghalien,  Korea,  and  Formosa  is  seventy-five  million 
acres,  and  of  this  only  some  seventeen  millions  are  arable.  It  may  well  be 

supposed  that  as  rice  is  the  prin- 
>!•*•.  -(    ^\    cipal  staple  of  foodstuff,  and  as 

/^     f^\    ^-^  r  the  area  over  which  it  can  be 

produced  is  so  limited,  the  farm- 
ers have  learned  to  apply  very 
intensive  methods  of  cultivation. 
Thus  it  is  estimated  that  they 
spend  annually  twelve  millions 
sterling  —  $60,000,000  —  on  fer- 
tilizers. By  unflinching  industry 
and  skilled  processes,  the  total 
yield  of  rice  has  been  raised  to 
an  annual  average  of  about  fifty 
million  koku;  that  is  to  say,  two 
hundred  and  fifty  million  bushels. 
But  the  day  cannot  be  far 
distant  when  the  growth  of  the 
population  will  outstrip  that  of 
this  essential  staple,  and  unless 
the  assistance  of  Korea  and 

Formosa  can  be  successfully  enlisted,  a  problem  of  extreme  difficulty  may  present 
itself.  Meanwhile,  manufacturing  industry  has  increased  by  leaps  and  bounds. 
Thus,  whereas  at  the  opening  of  the  Meiji  era,  every  manufacture  was  of  a 
domestic  character,  and  such  a  thing  as  a  joint-stock  company  did  not  exist, 
there  are  now  fully  11,000  factories  giving  employment  to  700,000  operatives, 
and  the  number  of  joint-stock  companies  aggregates  9000.  Evidently,  Japan 
threatens  to  become  a  keen  competitor  of  Europe  and  America  in  all  the  markets 
of  the  Orient,  for  she  possesses  the  advantage  of  propinquity,  and  as  well  an 
abundance  of  easily  trained  labour.  But  there  are  two  important  conditions 
that  offset  these  advantages.  In  the  first  place  Japanese  wages  have  increased 
so  rapidly  that  in  the  last  fifteen  years  they  have  nearly  doubled,  and,  secondly, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  Japanese  labour  is  not  so  efficient  as  that  of 
Europe  and  America. 

RAILWAYS 

The  work  of  railway  construction,  which  may  be  said  to  have  commenced 
with  the  Meiji  era,  has  not  advanced  as  rapidly  as  some  other  undertakings. 
The  country  has  now  only  5770  miles  of  lines  open  to  traffic  and  1079  miles 
under  construction.  All  these  railways  may  be  said  to  have  been  built  with 
domestic  capital.  Nearly  the  whole  was  nationalized  in  1907,  so  that  the  State 
has  paid  out  altogether  sixty-six  million  pounds  sterling — $325,000,000 — on 
account  of  railways,  an  investment  which  yields  a  net  return  of  about  three  and 
a  half  millions  sterling — $17,000,000 — annually. 


SEAL  OF  MUTSUHITO,  THE  LATE  EMPEROR 


THE  MEIJI  GOVERNMENT  695 

oJ  vmiB  odj  S^HK      -i.-.-'i:  b'-rt!:M  .ssviteJaosa-rqoJlto  sai/oH 

THE  MERCANTILE  MARINE 

Another  direction  in  which  Japanese  progress  has  been  very  marked  is  in  the 
development  of  a  mercantile  marine.  At  an  early  period  of  the  country's 
modern  history,  her  statesmen  recognized  that  transports  are  as  necessary  to 
the  safety  of  a  State  as  are  soldiers,  and,  in  fact,  that  the  latter  cannot  be  utilized 
without  the  former.  The  Government,  therefore,  encouraged  with  liberal 
subsidies  and  grants-in-aid  the  purchase  or  construction  of  ships,  the  result  being 
that  whereas,  in  1871,  Japan's  mercantile  marine  comprised  only  forty-six 
ships  with  a  total  tonnage  of  17,948,  the  corresponding  figures  in  1910  were 
6436  and  1,564,443  respectively.  In  the  war  with  China  in  1894-1895,  as  well 
as  in  that  with  Russia  in  1904-1905,  Japan  was  able  to  carry  large  armies  to  the 
Asiatic  continent  in  her  own  vessels,  thus  demonstrating  the  wisdom  of  the 
policy  pursued  by  the  Government,  although  it  had  been  habitually  denounced 
by  the  enemies  of  subsidies  in  any  circumstances.  Shipbuilding  yards  had  also 
been  called  into  existence,  and  there  are  now  four  of  them  where  vessels  aggregat- 
ing 87,495  tons  have  been  built. 

YV/./I  iilHT 

ARMY 


;a9fliinovoD  u\»r,\       odd 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  Satsuma  rebellion  of  1877  severely  taxed  the  military 
resources  of  the  empire.  In  fact,  the  organization  of  special  brigades  to  supple- 
ment the  conscripts  was  found  necessary.  Therefore,  two  years  later,  the  con- 
scription law  was  revised,  the  total  term  of  service  being  increased  from  seven 
years  to  ten,  with  the  result  that  the  number  of  trained  soldiers  who  could  be 
called  out  in  case  of  war  became  larger  by  fully  one-half.  Further,  in  1882, 
another  expansion  of  armaments  was  effected  in  obedience  to  an  Imperial  decree, 
so  that  when  war  with  China  broke  out  in  1894,  Japan  possessed  an  available 
force  of  seven  divisions  (including  the  guards),  and  these,  raised  to  a  war-footing, 
represented  about  150,000  men.  She  had  already  learned  that,  however 
civilized  the  Occident  might  claim  to  be,  all  the  great  States  of  the  West  depend- 
ed mainly  on  military  and  naval  force,  and  that  only  by  a  demonstration  of  that 
force  could  international  respect  be  won. 

Of  course,  this  creed  was  not  publicly  proclaimed.  Firmly  as  Japanese 
statesmen  believed  it,  they  could  not  confess  their  conviction  openly  in  the  Diet, 
and  therefore  much  difficulty  was  experienced  in  inducing  the  two  houses  to 
endorse  the  Government  's  scheme  of  increased  armaments.  Indeed,  the  subject 
came  to  be  a  frequent  topic  of  discussion  between  the  Cabinet  and  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  in  the  end  Japan  was  obliged  to  go  into  war  against  China 
without  a  single  line-of-battle  ship,  though  her  adversary  possessed  two.  Never- 
theless, the  Island  Empire  emerged  signally  victorious. 

It  might  have  been  supposed  that  she  would  then  rest  content  with  the 
assurance  of  safety  her  prowess  had  won.  But,  in  the  immediate  sequel  of  the 
war,  three  of  the  great  European  powers,  Russia,  Germany,  and  France,  joined 
hands  to  deprive  Japan  of  the  fruits  of  her  victory  by  calling  upon  her  to  vacate 
the  southern  littoral  of  Manchuria  from  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  to  the  Liaotung 
peninsula.  Japan  thus  acquired  the  conviction  that  her  successes  against 
China  were  not  estimated  by  Western  States  as  any  great  evidence  of  belligerent 
power,  and  that  it  would  be  necessary  for  her  to  fight  again  if  she  hoped  to  win 
any  considerable  measure  of  international  respect.  Prince  Ito,  then  prime 
minister,  keenly  appreciated  this  necessity.  He  invited  the  Diet  to  vote  for  a 
substantial  increment  of  land  and  sea  forces,  and  after  much  opposition  in  the 


696  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

House  of  Representatives,  funds  were  obtained  for  raising  the  army  to  thirteen 
divisions  and  for  an  increase  of  the  navy  which  will  be  by  and  by  spoken  of. 

The  wisdom  of  these  measures  found  full  justification,  in  1904,  when  swords 
had  to  be  crossed  with  Russia.  After  that  war,  which  raised  Japan  to  a  leading 
place  among  the  nations,  the  old  problem  came  up  again  for  solution.  Once 
more  the  Elder  Statesmen  —  as  the  Meiji  leaders  were  called  —  asked  the  Diet 
to  maintain  the  organization  of  the  army  at  the  point  to  which  it  had  been 
carried  during  the  war,  and  once  more  the  lower  house  of  the  Diet  proved  very 
difficult  to  persuade.  Ultimately,  however,  the  law  of  military  service  was 
revised  so  that  the  fixed  establishment  became  nineteen  divisions,  together  with 
various  special  corps.  It  is  not  possible  to  speak  with  absolute  accuracy  of  the 
force  that  Japan  is  now  capable  of  mobilizing,  but  when  the  new  system  is  in 
full  working  order,  she  will  be  able  to  put  something  like  a  million  and  a  half  -of 
men  into  the  fighting  line.  Her  military  budget  amounts  to  only  seven  millions 
sterling  —  $35,000,000  —  a  wonderfully  small  sum  considering  the  results  obtained. 

^o  ii/<il 


THE  NAVY 

It  has  been  shown  how,  in  the  year  1636,  the  Bakufu  Government  strictly 
interdicted  the  building  of  all  vessels  of  ocean-going  capacity.  The  veto  natural- 
ly precluded  enterprise  in  the  direction  of  naval  expansion,  and  when  Commodore 
Perry,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  squadron,  arrived  in  Uraga  Bay,  two  centuries 
afterwards,  the  Japanese  were  suddenly  and  vividly  instructed  in  the  enormous 
power  of  a  nation  wielding  such  weapons  of  war.  This  object  lesson  having 
been  most  practically  inculcated  by  the  bombardments  of  Kagoshima  and 
Shimonoseki,  Japan  saw  that  she  must  not  lose  one  moment  in  equipping  herself 
with  a  naval  force.  At  first,  she  had  to  purchase  all  her  ships  from  foreign  coun- 
tries, and  so  difficult  was  it  to  obtain  parliamentary  support  for  these  acquisitions 
that,  as  already  stated,  when  war  with  the  neighbouring  empire  broke  out  in 
1894,  she  did  not  possess  a  single  ironclad,  her  strongest  vessels  being  four 
second-class  cruisers,  which,  according  to  modern  ideas,  would  not  be  worthy  of 
a  place  in  the  fighting  line. 

During  the:  next  ten  years  the  teachings  of  experience  took  deeper  root,  and 
when  the  great  combat  with  Russia  commenced,  the  Japanese  navy  included 
four  ironclads  and  six  armoured  cruisers.  The  signal  victories  obtained  by  her 
in  that  war  did  not  induce  any  sentiment  of  self-complacency.  She  has  gone  on 
ever  since  increasing  her  navy,  and  the  present  programme  of  her  statesmen  is 
that  by  the  end  of  1921,  she  will  possess  twenty-five  units  of  the  first  fighting 
line;  that  figure  being  based  on  the  principle  that  she  should  be  competent  to 
encounter  the  greatest  force  which  any  foreign  State,  England  excluded,  will  be 
able  to  mass  in  Far  Eastern  waters  ten  years  hence.  Her  annual  expenditure 
on  account  of  the  up-keep  of  her  navy  is  at  present  three  and  one-quarter  million 
pounds  sterling  —  $17,000,000.  No  feature  is  more  remarkable  than  the  fact 
that  Japan  can  now  build  and  equip  in  her  own  yards  and  arsenals  warships  of 
the  largest  size.  She  is  no  longer  dependent  on  foreign  countries  for  these 
essentials  of  safety. 

'  :lo9fltt'.. 

alff  o  .  : 

jmhcj  4;  >fU  cOH  r;->frr;cf  ...... 

ifftjB  vjno'jvl  . 
sdi  at  not  iieoqqo  rbi/m  i9)1/;  bruj  ,-  .  brii;!  lo  ^ii'/nwiom  l&tinsitedus, 


5IHT  '1C 

.91  torannlttas  Imifl  ,a  aew  f,78  f  litm;  ton  bn.fi 
v 
1      ^fei 


NIJU-BASHI  (DOUBLE  BRIDGE) 
(Entrance  to  the  present  Imperial  Palace,  at  Tokyo) 


I 


THE  SAGHALIEN  COMPLICATION 

ONE  of  the  problems  which  invited  the  attention  of  the  new  Government 
early  in  the  Meiji  era  had  been  handed  down  from  the  days  of  feudalism.  In 
those  days,  neither  Yezo  nor  Saghalien  nor  the  Kurile  Islands  were  under  effective 
Japanese  administration.  The  feudatory  of  Matsumae  had  his  castle  at  the 
extreme  south  of  Yezo,  but  the  jurisdiction  he  exercised  was  only  nominal. 
Yet  the  earliest  explorers  of  Saghalien  were  certainly  Japanese.  As  far  back  as 
1620,  some  vassals  of  the  Matsumae  feudatory  landed  on  the  island  and  remained 
there  throughout  a  winter.  The  supposition  then  was  that  Saghalien  formed  part 
of  the  Asiatic  mainland.  But,  in  1806,  Mamiya  Rinzo,  a  Japanese  traveller, 
voyaged  up  and  down  the  Amur,  and,  crossing  to  Saghalien,  discovered  that  a 
narrow  strait  separated  it  from  the  continent.  There  still  exists  in  Europe  a 
theory  that  Saghalien 's  insular  character  was  discovered  first  by  a  Russian, 
Captain  Nevelskoy,  in  1849,  but  in  Japan  the  fact  had  already  been  known. 

Saghalien  commands  the  estuary  of  the  Amur,  and  Muravieff,  the  distinguished 
Russian  commander  in  East  Asia,  appreciated  the  necessity  of  acquiring  the 
island  for  his  country.  In  1858,  he  visited  Japan  with  a  squadron  and  demanded 
that  the  Strait  of  La  Perouse,  which  separates  Saghalien  from  Yezo,  should  be 
regarded  as  the  Russo-Japanese  frontier.  Japan  naturally  refused  a  proposal 
which  would  have  given  the  whole  of  Saghalien  to  Russia,  and  Muravieff  then 
resorted  to  the  policy  of  sending  emigrants  to  settle  on  the  island.  Two  futile 
attempts  to  prevent  this  process  of  gradual  absorption  were  made  by  the 
Japanese  Government;  they  first  proposed  a  division  of  the  island,  and  afterwards 
they  offered  to  purchase  the  Russian  portion  for  a  sum  of  about  £400,000  — 
$2,000,000.  St.  Petersburg  seemed  inclined  to  acquiesce,  but  the  bargain 

697 


698  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

provoked  opposition  in  Tokyo,  and  not  until  1875  was  a  final  settlement  reached, 
the  conditions  being  that  Japan  should  recognize  Russia 's  title  to  the  whole  of 
Saghalien  and  Russia  should  recognize  Japan's  title  to  the  Kuriles.  These 
latter  islands  had  always  been  regarded  as  Japanese  property,  and  thorrfmv 
the  arrangement  now  effected  amounted  to  the  purchase  of  an  area  of  Japanese 
territory  by  Russia,  who  paid  for  it  with  a  part  of  Japan's  belongings.  An 
interesting  sequel  to  this  chapter  of  history  is  that,  thirty  years  later,  Saghalien 
became  the  scene  of  a  Japanese  invasion  and  was  ultimately  divided  between  the 
two  nations  along  the  fiftieth  parallel,  which  was  precisely  what  the  Bakufu 
statesmen  had  originally  proposed. 


THE  FORMOSAN  EXPEDITION 

The  expedition  of  Formosa  in  1874  has  already  been  spoken  of.  Insignificant 
in  itself,  the  incident  derived  vicarious  interest  from  its  effect  upon  the  relations 
between  Japan  and  China  in  connexion  with  the  ownership  of  the  Ryukyu  Is- 
lands. Lying  a  little  south  of  Japan,  these  islands  had  for  some  centuries  been 
regarded  as  an  appanage  of  the  Satsuma  fief,  and  the  language  spoken  by  their 
inhabitants  showed  unmistakable  traces  of  affinity  with  the  Japanese  tongue. 
Therefore  when,  in  1873,  the  crew  of  a  wrecked  Ryukyuan  junk  was  barbarously 
treated  by  the  Formosan  aborigines,  the  Yedo  Government  at  once  sought  redress 
from  Peking.  But  the  Chinese  paid  no  attention  to  this  demand  until  a  force 
of  Japanese  troops  had  made  a  punitory  visit  to  Formosa,  and  China,  recognizing 
that  her  territory  had  been  invaded,  lodged  a  protest  which  would  probably 
have  involved  the  two  empires  in  a  war  had  not  the  British  minister  hi  Peking 
intervened.  The  arrangement  made  was  that  China  should  indemnify  Japan 
to  the  extent  of  the  expenses  incurred  by  the  latter  in  punishing  the  aborigines. 

THE  RYUKYU  COMPLICATION 

' 

A  fact  collaterally  established  by  the  Formosan  affair  was  that  the  Ryukyu 
Islands  belonged  to  Japan,  and,  hi  1876,  the  system  of  local  government  already 
inaugurated  hi  Japan  proper  was  extended  to  Ryukyu,  the  ruler  of  the  latter 
being  pensioned.  China  now  formulated  a  protest.  She  claimed  that  Ryukyu 
had  always  been  a  tributary  of  her  empire.  But  China's  interpretation  of 
"tribute"  was  essentially  unpractical.  "So  long  as  her  own  advantage  could 
be  promoted,  she  regarded  as  a  token  of  vassalage  the  presents  periodically 
carried  to  her  Court  from  neighbouring  States,  but  so  soon  as  there  arose  any 
question  of  discharging  a  suzerain's  duties,  she  classed  these  offerings  as  an 
insignificant  interchange  of  neighbourly  courtesy."  Undoubtedly  Ryukyu, 
from  time  to  time,  had  followed  the  custom  of  despatching  gift-bearing  envoys 
to  Peking,  just  as  Japan  herself  had  done.  But  it  was  on  clear  record  that 
Ryukyu  had  been  subdued  by  Satsuma  without  any  attempt  whatever  on 
China's  part  to  save  the  islands  from  that  fate;  that  thereafter,  during  two  cen- 
turies, they  had  been  included  hi  the  Satsuma  fief,  and  that  China,  in  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Formosan  complication,  had  constructively  acknowledged  Japan 's 
title  to  the  group.  Each  empire  asserted  its  claims  with  equal  assurance,  and 
things  remained  thus  until  1880,  when  General  Grant,  who  visited  Japan  in  the 
course  of  a  tour  round  the  world,  suggested  a  peaceful  compromise.  A  conference 
met  in  Peking,  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  islands  should  be  divided,  Japan  taking 
the  northern  part  and  China  the  southern.  But  at  the  moment  of  signing  the 


THE  EMPEROR  MEIJI   (MUTSUHITO) 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIAlH  699 

convention,  China  drew  back,  and  the  discussion  ended  in  Japan  retaining  the 
islands,  China's  protests  being  pigeonholed. 

KOREAN  COMPLICATION 

Sufficient  reference  has  already  been  made  in  these  pages  to  the  series  of 
events  that  terminated  in  1875,  when  Japan,  by  a  display  of  partly  fictitious 
force,  drew  Korea  out  of  international  isolation  and  signed  with  the  Peninsular 
Kingdom  a  treaty  acknowledging  the  latter  'a  independence. 

WAR  WITH  CHINA 

During  the  centuries  when  China  occupied  the  undisputed  position  of  first 
in  might  and  first  in  civilization  on  the  Asiatic  continent,  her  habit  was  to  use 
as  buffer  states  the  small  countries  lying  immediately  beyond  her  borders.  But 
she  always  took  care  to  avoid  any  responsibilities  that  might  grow  out  of  this 
arrangement.  In  a  word,  the  tide  of  foreign  aggression  was  to  be  checked  by  an 
understanding  that  these  little  countries  shared  the  inviolability  of  great  China, 
but  it  was  understood,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  consequences  of  their  own  acts 
must  rest  upon  their  own  heads.  Such  a  system,  having  no  bases  except  senti- 
ment and  prestige,  soon  proved  futile  in  the  face  of  Occidental  practicality. 
Burma,  Siam,  Annam,  and  Tonking,  one  by  one,  ceased  to  be  dependent  on 
China  and  independent  towards  all  other  nations. 

In  Korea's  case,  however,  the  fiction  proved  more  tenacious,  since  the 
peninsula  furnished  easy  access  to  Manchuria,  the  cradle  of  the  Manchu  dynasty. 
But  while  seeking  to  maintain  the  old-time  relations  with  Korea,  Chinese 
statesmen  clung  uniformly  to  traditional  methods.  They  refrained  from 
declaring  Korea  a  dependency  of  China,  yet  they  sought  to  keep  up  "the  ro- 
mance of  ultimate  dependency  and  intermediate  sovereignty."  It  was  thus 
that,  in  1876,  Korea  was  allowed  to  conclude  with  Japan  a  treaty  describing 
the  former  as  "an  independent  State  enjoying  the  same  rights  as  Japan,"  nor 
did  the  Peking  Government  make  any  protest  when  the  United  States,  Great 
Britain,  and  other  powers  concluded  similar  treaties. 

To  exercise  independence  in  practice,  however,  was  not  permitted  to  Korea. 
A  Chinese  resident  was  stationed  hi  Seoul,  the  Korean  capital,  and  he  quickly 
became  an  imperium  in  imperio.  Thenceforth  Japan,  in  all  her  dealings  with 
the  Peninsular  Kingdom,  found  the  latter  behaving  as  a  Chinese  dependency, 
obeying  the  Chinese  resident  in  everything.  Again  and  again,  Japanese  patience 
was  tried  by  these  anomalous  conditions,  and  although  nothing  occurred  of 
sufficient  magnitude  to  warrant  official  protest,  the  Tokyo  Government  became 
sensible  of  perpetual  rebuffs  and  humiliating  interferences  at  China's  hands. 
Korea  herself  suffered  seriously  from  this  state  of  national  irresponsibility. 
There  was  no  security  of  life  and  property,  or  any  effective  desire  to  develop 
the  country's  resources.  If  the  victims  of  oppression  appealed  to  force,  China 
readily  lent  military  assistance  to  suppress  them,  and  thus  the  royal  family  of 
Korea  learned  to  regard  its  tenure  of  power  as  dependent  on  ability  to  conciliate 
China. 

On  Japan's  side,  also,  the  Korean  question  caused  much  anxiety.  It  was 
impossible  for  the  Tokyo  statesmen  to  ignore  the  fact  that  their  country's  safety 
depended  largely  on  preserving  Korea  from  the  grasp  of  a  Western  power. 
.They  saw  plainly  that  such  a  result  might  at  any  moment  be  expected  if  Korea 


700  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

was  suffered  to  drift  into  a  state  of  administrative  incompetence.  Once,  in  1882, 
and  again,  in  1884,  when  Chinese  soldiers  were  employed  to  suppress  reform 
movements  which  would  have  impaired  the  interests  of  the  Korean  monarch, 
the  latter 's  people,  counting  Japan  to  be  the  source  of  progressive  tendencies 
in  the  East,  destroyed  her  legation  in  Seoul,  driving  its  inmates  out  of  the  city. 
Japan  was  not  yet  prepared  to  assert  herself  forcibly  in  redress  of  such  outrages, 
but  in  the  ensuing  negotiations  she  acquired  titles  that  "touched  the  core  of 
China's  alleged  Suzerainty."  i  Thus,  in  1882,  Japan  obtained  recognition  of  her 
right  to  protect  her  legation  with  troops;  and,  in  1885,  a  convention,  signed  at 
Tientsin,  pledged  each  of  the  contracting  parties  not  to  send  a  military  force 
to  Korea  without  notifying  the  other. 

In  spite  of  these  agreements  China's  arbitrary  and  unfriendly  interference 
in  Korean  affairs  continued  to  be  demonstrated  to  Japan.  Efforts  to  obtain 
redress  proved  futile,  and  even  provoked  threats  of  Chinese  armed  intervention. 
Finally,  in  the  spring  of  1894,  an  insurrection  of  some  magnitude  broke  out  in 
Korea,  and  in  response  to  an  appeal  from  the  Royal  family,  China  sent  twenty- 
five  hundred  troops,  who  went  into  camp  at  Asan,  on  the  southwest  coast  of  the 
peninsula.  Notice  was  duly  given  to  the  Tokyo  Government,  which  now  decid- 
ed that  Japan 's  vital  interests  as  well  as  the  cause  of  civilization  in  the  East 
required  that  an  end  must  be  put  to  Korea's  dangerous  misrule  and  to  China's 
arbitrary  interference.  Japan  did  not  claim  for  herself  anything  that  she  was 
not  willing  to  accord  to  China.  But  the  Tokyo  statesmen  were  sensible  that  to 
ask  their  conservative  neighbour  to  promote  in  the  Peninsular  Kingdom  a  pro- 
gressive programme  which  she  had  always  steadily  rejected  and  despised  in  her 
own  case,  must  prove  a  chimerical  attempt,  if  ordinary  diplomatic  methods  alone 
were  used.  Accordingly,  on  receipt  of  Peking 's  notice  as  to  the  sending  of  troops 
to  the  peninsula,  Japan  gave  corresponding  notice  on  her  own  part,  and  thus 
July,  1894,  saw  a  Chinese  force  encamped  at  Asan  and  a  Japanese  force  in  the 
vicinity  of  Seoul. 

In  having  recourse  to  military  aid,  China's  nominal  purpose  was  to  quell  the 
Tonghak  insurrection,  and  Japan's  motive  was  to  obtain  a  position  such  as 
would  strengthen  her  demand  for  drastic  treatment  of  Korea's  malady.  .In 
giving  notice  of  the  despatch  of  troops,  China  described  Korea  as  her  "tributary 
State,"  thus  emphasizing  a  contention  which  at  once  created  an  impossible  situa- 
tibn;  During  nearly  twenty  years  Japan  had  treated  Korea  as  her  own  equal,  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1876,  and  she  could  not  now  agree  that 
the  Peninsular  Kingdom  should  be  officially  classed  as  a  tributary  of  China. 
Her  protests,  however,  were  contemptuously  ignored,  and  Chinese  statesmen 
continued  to  apply  the  offensive  appellation  to  Korea,  while  at  the  same  time 
they  asserted  the  right  of  limiting  the  number  of  troops  sent  by  Japan  to  the 
peninsula  as  well  as  the  manner  of  their  employment. 

Still  desirous  of  preserving  the  peace,  Japan  proposed  a  union  between  herself 
and  China  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  order  in  Korea  and  amending  that  coun- 
try's administration.  China  refused.  "She  even  expressed  supercilious  sur- 
prise that  Japan,  while  asserting  Korea's  independence,  should  suggest  the  idea 
of  peremptorily  reforming  its  administration.  The  Tokyo  Cabinet  now  an- 
nounced that  the  Japanese  troops  should  not  be  withdrawn  without "  some  under- 
standing that  would  guarantee  the  future  peace,  order,  and  good  government  of 
Korea,"  and  as  China  still  refused  to  come  to  such  an  understanding,  Japan 
undertook  the  work  single-handed. 

The  Tonghak  rebellion,  which  Chinese  troops  were  originally  sent  to  quell, 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  701 

had  died  of  inanition  before  they  landed.  The  troops,  therefore,  had  been 
withdrawn.  But  China  kept  them  in  Korea,  her  avowed  reason  being  the 
presence  of  the  Japanese  military  force  near  Seoul.  In  these  circumstances, 
Peking  was  notified  that  a  despatch  of  re-enforcements  on  China's  side  must  be 
construed  as  an  act  of  hostility.  Notwithstanding  this  notice,  China  not  only 
sent  a  further  body  of  troops  by  sea  to  encamp  at  Asan,  but  also  despatched  an 
army  overland  across  the  Yalu.  These  proceedings  precipitated  hostilities. 
Three  Chinese  warships,  convoying  a  transport  with  twelve  hundred  soldiers  on 
board,  met  and  opened  fire  on  two  Japanese  cruisers.  The  result  was  signal. 
One  of  the  Chinese  warships  was  captured*  another  was  so  riddled  with  shot 
that  she  had  to  be  beached  and  abandoned;  the  third  escaped  in  a  dilapidated 
condition,  and  the  transport,  refusing  to  surrender,  was  sent  to  the  bottom. 
These  things  happened  on  the  25th  of  July,  1894,  and  war  was  declared  by  each 
empire  six  days  subsequently. 

The  Japanese  took  the  initiative.  They  despatched  from  Seoul  a  column 
of  troops  and  routed  the  Chinese  entrenched  at  Asan,  many  of  whom  fled 
northward  to  Pyong-yang,  a  town  on  the  Tadong  River,  memorable  as  the 
scene  of  a  battle  between  a  Chinese  and  a  Japanese  army  in  1592.  Pyong-yang 
offered  great  facilities  for  defence.  The  Chinese  massed  there  a  force  of  seven- 
teen thousand  men,  and  made  preparations  for  a  decisive  contest,  building  para- 
pets, mounting  guns,  and  strengthening  the  position  by  every  device  of  modern 
warfare.  Their  infantry  had  the  advantage  of  being  armed  with  repeating 
rifles,  and  the  configuration  of  the  ground  offered  little  cover  for  an  attacking 
army.  Against  this  strong  position  the  Japanese  moved  in  two  columns;  one 
marching  northward  from  Seoul,  the  other  striking  westward  from  Yuensan. 
Forty  days  elapsed  before  the  Japanese  forces  came  into  action,  and  one  day 's 
fighting  sufficed  to  carry  all  the  Chinese  positions,  the  attacking  armies  having 
only  seven  hundred  casualties  and  the  defenders,  six  thousand. 

The  next  day,  September  17th,  Japan  achieved  an  equally  conspicuous 
success  at  sea.  Fourteen  Chinese  warships  and  six  torpedo-boats,  steering  home- 
ward after  convoying  a  fleet  of  transports  to  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  River,  fell 
in  with  eleven  Japanese  war-vessels  cruising  in  the  Yellow  Sea.  The  Chinese 
squadron  was  not  seeking  an  encounter.  Their  commanding  officer  did  not 
appear  to  appreciate  the  value  of  sea-power.  His  fleet  included  two  armoured 
battle-ships  of  over  seven  thousand  tons'  displacement,  whereas  the  Japanese 
had  nothing  stronger  than  belted  cruisers  of  four  thousand.  Therefore  a  little 
enterprise  on  China 's  part  might  have  severed  Japan 's  maritime  communications 
and  compelled  her  to  evacuate  Korea.  The  Chinese,  however,  used  their  war- 
vessels  as  convoys  only,  keeping  them  carefully  hi  port  when  no  such  duty  was 
to  be  performed.  It  is  evident  that,  as  a  matter  of  choice,  they  would  have 
avoided  the  battle  of  the  Yalu,  though  when  compelled  to  fight  they  fought 
stoutly.  After  a  sharp  engagement,  four  of  their  vessels  were  sunk,  and  the 
remainder  steamed  into  Weihaiwei,  their  retreat  being  covered  by  torpedo-boats. 

By  this  victory  the  maritime  route  to  China  lay  open  to  Japan.  She  could 
now  attack  Talien,  Port  Arthur,  and  Weihaiwei,  naval  stations  on  the  Liaotung  . 
and  Shantung  peninsulas,  where  strong  permanent  fortifications  had  been  built 
under  the  direction  of  European  experts.  These  forts  fell  one  by  one  before  the 
assaults  of  the  Japanese  troops  as  easily  as  the  castle  of  Pyong-yang  had  fallen. 
Only  by  the  remains  of  the  Chinese  fleet  at  Weihaiwei  was  a  stubborn  resistance 
made,  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Ting.  But,  after  the  entire  squadron 
of  torpedo  craft  had  been  captured,  and  after  three  of  the  largest  Chinese  ships 


702  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

had  been  sent  to  the  bottom  by  Japanese  torpedoes,  and  one  had  met  the  same 
fate  by  gunfire,  the  remainder  surrendered,  and  their  gallant  commander,  Admi- 
ral Ting,  rejecting  all  overtures  from  the  Japanese,  committed  suicide. 

The  fall  of  Weihaiwei  ended  the  war.  It  had  lasted  seven  and  a  half  months, 
and  during  that  time  the  Japanese  had  operated  with  five  columns  aggregating 
120,000  men.  "  One  of  these  columns  marched  northward  from  Seoul,  won  the 
battle  of  Pyong-yang,  advanced  to  the  Yalu,  forced  its  way  into  Manchuria,  and 
moved  towards  Mukden  by  Feng-hwang,  fighting  several  minor  engagements, 
and  conducting  the  greater  part  of  its  operations  amid  deep  snow  in  midwinter. 
The  second  column  diverged  westward  from  the  Yalu,  and,  marching  through 
southern  Manchuria,  reached  Haicheng,  whence  it  advanced  to  the  capture  of 
Niuchwang.  The  third  landed  on  the  Liaotung  peninsula,  and,  turning  south- 
ward, carried  Talien  and  Port  Arthur  by  assault.  The  fourth  moved  up  the 
Liaotung  peninsula,  and,  having  seized  Kaiping,  advanced  against  Niuchwang, 
where  it  joined  hands  with  the  second  column.  The  fifth  crossed  from  Port 
Arthur  to  Weihaiwei,  which  it  captured."  In  all  these  operations  the  Japanese 
casualties  totalled  1005  killed  and  4922  wounded;  the  deaths  from  disease 
aggregated  16,866,  and  the  monetary  expenditure  amounted  to  twenty  millions 
sterling,  about  $100,000,000.  It  had  been  almost  universally  believed  that, 
although  Japan  might  have  some  success  at  the  outset,  she  would  ultimately  be 
shattered  by  impact  with  the  enormous  mass  and  the  overwhelming  resources  of 
China.  Never  was  forecast  more  signally  contradicted  by  events. 
•%'iijli.Rtfs  ff/5  TO!  i'SYOooltr 


CONCLUSION  OF  PEACE 

Li  Hung-chang,  viceroy  of  Pehchili,  whose  troops  had  been  chiefly  engaged 
during  the  war,  and  who  had  been  mainly  responsible  for  the  diplomacy  that 
had  led  up  to  it,  was  sent  by  China  as  plenipotentiary  to  discuss  terms  of  peace. 
The  conference  took  place  at  Shimonoseki,  Japan  being  represented  by  Marquis 
(afterwards  Prince)  Ito,  and  on  the  17th  of  April,  1895,  the  treaty  was  signed. 
It  recognized  the  independence  of  Korea;  ceded  to  Japan  the  littoral  of  Manchu- 
ria lying  south  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  Anping  to  the  estuary 
of  the  Liao,  together  with  the  islands  of  Formosa  and  the  Pescadores;  pledged 
China  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  two  hundred  million  taels;  provided  for  the  occupa- 
tion of  Weihaiwei  by  Japan  pending  payment  of  that  sum;  secured  the  opening 
of  four  new  places  to  foreign  trade  and  the  right  of  foreigners  to  engage  in  manu- 
facturing enterprises  in  China,  and  provided  for  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  amity 
between  the  two  empires,  based  on  the  lines  of  China 's  treaty  with  Occidental 
powers. 

FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE 

Scarcely  was  the  ink  dry  upon  this  agreement  when  Russia,  Germany,  and 
France  presented  a  joint  note  to  the  Tokyo  Government,  urging  that  the  perma- 
nent occupation  of  the  Manchurian  littoral  by  Japan  would  endanger  peace. 
Japan  had  no  choice  but  to  bow  to  this  mandate.  The  Chinese  campaign  had 
exhausted  her  treasury  as  well  as  her  supplies  of  war  material,  and  it  would 
have  been  hopeless  to  oppose  a  coalition  of  three  great  European  powers.  She 
showed  no  sign  of  hesitation.  On  the  very  day  of  the  ratified  treaty 's  publica- 
tion, the  Emperor  of  Japan  issued  a  rescript,  in  which,  after  avowing  his  devotion 
to  the  cause  of  peace,  he  "  yielded  to  the  dictates  of  magnanimity,  and  accepted 
the  advice  of  the  three  powers." 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  703 

But  although  the  Tokyo  Government  sought  to  soften  the  situation  by  the 
grace  of  speedy  acquiescence,  the  effect  produced  upon  the  nation  was  profound. 
There  was  no  difficulty  in  appreciating  the  motives  of  Russia  and  France.  It 
was  natural  that  the  former  should  object  to  the  propinquity  of  a  warlike  people 
like  the  Japanese,  and  it  was  natural  that  France  should  remain  true  to  her  ally. 
But  Germany's  case  defied  interpretation.  She  had  no  interest  in  the  owner- 
ship of  Manchuria,  and  she  professed  herself  a  warm  friend  of  Japan.  It  seemed, 
therefore,  that  she  had  joined  in  snatching  from  the  lips  of  the  Japanese  the 
fruits  of  their  victory  simply  for  the  sake  of  establishing  some  shadowy  title 
to  Russia's  good-will. 

ii  btevvt^}  oil!  r;.-jH  U     .i&vO!  ni  not*;  •  lyB.j;  nnisauH  10! 
0,|tTHE  CHINESE  CRISIS  OF  1900 

Iii  the  second  half  of  the  year  1900  an  anti-foreign  outbreak,  known  as  the 
"Boxer  Rebellion,"  broke  out  in  the  province  of  Shantung,  and,  spreading 
thence  to  Pehchili,  produced  a  situation  of  imminent  peril  for  the  foreign  com- 
munities of  Peking  and  Tientsin.  No  Western  power  could  intervene  with 
sufficient  promptness.  Japan  alone  was  within  easy  reach  of  the  commotion. 
But  Japan  held  back.  She  had  fully  fathomed  the  distrust  with  which  the 
growth  of  her  military  strength  had  inspired  some  European  nations,  and  she 
appreciated  the  wisdom  of  not  seeming  to  grasp  at  an  opportunity  for  armed 
display.  In  fact,  she  awaited  a  clear  mandate  from  Europe  and  America,  and, 
on  receiving  it,  she  rapidly  sent  a  division  (20,000  men)  to  Pehchili.  Tientsin 
was  relieved  first,  and  then  a  column  of  troops  provided  by  several  powers,  the 
Japanese  in  the  van,  marched  to  the  succour  of  Peking.  In  this  campaign  the 
Japanese  greatly  enhanced  their  belligerent  reputation  as  they  fought  under  the 
eyes  of  competent  military  critics.  Moreover,  after  the  relief  of  the  legations 
in  Peking,  they  withdrew  one-half  of  their  forces,  and  they  subsequently  co- 
operated heartily  with  Western  powers  in  negotiating  peace  terms,  thus  disarm- 
ing the  suspicions  with  which  they  had  been  regarded  at  first. 

.^vr.ii  ffoo?.  bkroTT  ii'>f/iw  trrf>ffT-'[tr')3  P.  ri?fM»;*?<)  <;]  /K^'f  y-Jmtp 


WAR  WITH  RUSSIA 

From  the  time  (1895)  when  the  three-power  mandate  dictated  to  Japan  a 
cardinal  alteration  of  the  Shimonoseki  treaty,  Japanese  statesmen  concluded 
that  their  country  must  one  day  cross  swords  with  Russia.  Not  a  few  Occidental 
publicists  shared  that  view,  but  the  great  majority,  arguing  that  the  little 
Island  Empire  of  the  Far  East  would  never  risk  annihilation  by  such  an  encoun- 
ter, believed  that  forbearance  sufficient  to  avert  serious  trouble  would  always  be 
forthcoming  on  Japan's  side.  Yet  neither  geographical  nor  historical  conditions 
warranted  that  confidence.  The  Sea  of  Japan,  which,  on  the  east,  washes  the 
shores  of  the  Japanese  islands  and  on  the  west  those  of  Russia  and  Korea,  has 
virtually  only  two  routes  communicating  with  the  Pacific  Ocean.  One  is  in  the 
north,  namely,  the  Tsugaru  Strait;  the  other  is  in  the  south,  namely,  the  channel 
between  the  Korean  peninsula  and  the  Japanese  island  of  Kyushu.  Tsugaru 
Strait  is  practically  under  Japan's  complete  control;  she  can  close  it  at  any 
moment  with  mines.  But  the  channel  between  the  Korean  peninsula  and 
Kyushu  has  a  width  of  102  miles,  and  would  therefore  be  a  fine  open  seaway 
were  it  free  from  islands.  Midway  in  this  channel,  however,  lie  the  twin  islands 
of  Tsushima,  and  the  space  that  separates  them  from  Japan  is  narrowed  by 
another  island,  Iki.  Tsushima  and  Iki  have  belonged  to  Japan  from  time  im- 
memorial, and  thus  the  avenues  from  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the  Sea  of  Japan  are 


704  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

controlled  by  the  Japanese  empire.  In  other  words,  access  to  the  Pacific  from 
Korea's  eastern  and  southern  coasts,  and  access  to  the  Pacific  from  Russia's 
Maritime  Province  depend  upon  Japan's  good-will. 

These  geographical  conditions  had  no  great  concern  for  Korea  in  former 
days.  But  with  Russia  the  case  was  different.  Vladivostok,  the  principal 
port  in  the  Far  East,  lay  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  Maritime  Province. 
Freedom  of  passage  by  the  Tsushima  Strait  was  therefore  a  matter  of  vital 
importance,  and  to  secure  it  one  of  two  things  was  essential,  namely,  that  she 
herself  should  possess  a  fortified  port  on  the  Korean  side,  or  that  Japan  should 
be  restrained  from  acquiring  such  a  port.  Here,  then,  was  a  strong  inducement 
for  Russian  aggression  in  Korea.  When  the  eastward  movement  of  the  great 
northern  power  brought  it  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amur,  the  acquisition  of  Nikol- 
aievsk  for  a  naval  basis  was  the  immediate  reward.  But  Nikolaievsk,  lying  in 
an  inhospitable  region,  far  away  from  all  the  main  routes  of  the  world 's  com- 
merce, offered  itself  only  as  a  stepping-stone  to  further  acquisitions.  To  push 
southward  from  this  new  port  became  an  immediate  object. 

There  lay  an  obstacle  in  the  way.  The  long  strip  of  seacoast  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Amur  to  the  Korean  frontier  —  an  area  then  called  the  Usuri  region  be- 
cause that  river  forms  part  of  its  western  boundary  —  belonged  to  China,  and 
she,  having  conceded  much  to  Russia  in  the  way  of  the  Amur,  showed  no  inclina- 
tion to  make  further  concessions  in  the  matter  of  the  Usuri.  She  was  persuaded 
to  agree,  however,  that  the  region  should  be  regarded  as  common  property, 
pending  a  convenient  opportunity  for  clear  delimitation.  That  opportunity 
soon  came.  Seizing  the  moment  (1860)  when  China  had  been  beaten  to  her 
knees  by  England  and  France,  Russia  secured  the  final  cession  of  the  Usuri 
region,  which  then  became  the  Maritime  Province  of  Siberia.  Then  Russia 
shifted  her  naval  basis  in  the  Pacific  to  a  point  ten  degrees  south  from  Nikolaievsk, 
namely^  Vladivostok.  Immediately  after  this  transfer  an  attempt  was  made  to 
obtain  possession  of  Tsushima.  A  Russian  man-of-war  proceeded  thither,  and 
quietly  began  to  establish  a  settlement  which  would  soon  have  constituted  a 
title  of  ownership  had  not  Great  Britain  interfered.  The  same  instinct  that  led 
Russia  from  the  mouth  of  the  Amur  to  Vladivostok  prompted  the  acquisition  of 
Saghalien  also,  which,  as  already  related,  was  accomplished  in  1875. 

But  all  this  effort  did  not  procure  for  Russia  an  unobstructed  avenue  from 
Vladivostok  to  the  Pacific  or  an  ice-free  port  in  the  Far  East.  In  Korea  seemed 
to  lie  a  facile  hope  of  saving  the  maritime  results  of  Russia's  great  trans-Asian 
march  from  Lake  Baikal  to  the  Maritime  Province  and  to  Saghalien.  Korea 
seemed  to  offer  every  facility  for  such  an  enterprise.  Her  people  were  unpro- 
gressive;  her  resources  undeveloped;  her  self-defensive  capacities  insignificant; 
her  government  corrupt.  On  the  other  hand,  it  could  not  be  expected  that 
Japan  and  China  would  acquiesce  in  any  aggressions  against  their  neighbour, 
Korea,  and  it  became  necessary  that  Russia  should  seek  some  other  line  of 
communication  supplementing  the  Amur  waterway  and  the  long  ocean  route. 
Therefore  she  set  about  the  construction  of  a  railway  across  Asia.  This  railway 
had  to  be  carried  along  the  northern  bank  of  the  Amur  where  engineering  and 
economic  difficulties  abound.  Moreover,  the  river  makes  a  huge  semicircular 
sweep  northward,  and  a  railway  following  its  northern  bank  to  Vladivostok  must 
make  the  same  detour.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  road  could  be  carried  south  of 
the  river  along  the  diameter  of  the  semicircle,  it  would  be  a  straight,  and  therefore 
a  shorter,  line,  technically  easier  and  economically  better.  To  follow  this 
diameter,  however,  would  involve  passing  through  Chinese  territory,  namely, 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  705 

Manchuria,  and  an  excuse  for  soliciting  China's  permission  was  not  in  sight. 
In  1894,  however,  war  broke  out  between  Japan  and  China,  and  in  its  sequel 
Japan  passed  into  possession  of  the  southern  littoral  of  Manchuria,  which  meant 
that  Russia  could  never  get  nearer  to  the  Pacific  than  Vladivostok,  unless  she 
swept  Japan  from  her  path.  It  is  here,  doubtless,  that  we  must  find  Russia's 
true  motive  in  inducing  Germany  and  France  to  unite  with  her  for  the  purpose 
of  ousting  Japan  from  Manchuria.  The  "notice  to  quit"  gave  for  reasons  that 
the  tenure  of  the  Manchurian  littoral  by  Japan  would  menace  the  security 
of  the  Chinese  capital,  would  render  the  independence  of  Korea  illusory,  and 
would  constitute  an  obstacle  to  the  peace  of  the  Orient.  Only  one  saving  clause 
offered  for  Japan — to  obtain  from  China  a  guarantee  that  no  portion  of  Manchu- 
ria should  thereafter  be  leased  or  ceded  to  a  foreign  State.  But  France  warned 
the  Tokyo  Government  that  to  press  for  such  a  guarantee  would  offend  Russia, 
and  Russia  declared  that,  for  her  part,  she  entertained  no  design  of  trespassing 
in  Manchuria.  Thus,  Japan  had  no  choice  but  to  surrender  quietly  the  main 
fruits  of  her  victory.  She  did  so,  and  proceeded  to  double  her  army  and  treble 
her  navy. 

RUSSIA'S  AND  GERMANY'S  REWARDS 

As  a  recompense  for  the  assistance  nominally  rendered  to  China  in  the  above 
matter,  Russia  obtained  permission  in  Peking  to  divert  her  trans-Asian  railway 
from  the  huge  bend  of  the  Amur  to  the  straight  line  through  Manchuria.  Neither 
Germany  nor  France  received  any  immediate  compensation.  But  three  years 
later,  by  way  of  indemnity  for  the  murder  of  two  missionaries  by  a  Chinese 
mob,  Germany  seized  a  portion  of  the  province  of  Shantung,  and  forth  with  Russia 
obtained  a  lease  of  the  Liaotung  peninsula,  from  which  she  had  driven  Japan 
in  1895.  This  act  she  followed  by  extorting  from  China  permission  to  construct 
a  branch  of  the  trans- Asian  railway  from  north  to  south,  that  is  to  say  from 
Harbin  through  Mukden  to  Talien  and  Port  Arthur.  Russia's  maritime  aspira- 
tions had  now  assumed  a  radically  altered  phase.  Hitherto  her  programme  had 
been  to  push  southward  from  Vladivostok  along  the  coast  of  Korea,  but  she  had 
now  suddenly  leaped  Korea  and  found  access  to  the  Pacific  by  the  Liaotung 
peninsula.  Nothing  was  wanting  to  establish  her  as  practical  mistress  of  Man- 
churia except  a  plausible  excuse  for  garrisoning  the  place.  Such  an  excuse  was 
furnished  by  the  Boxer  rising,  in  1900.  The  conclusion  of  that  complication 
found  her  in  practical  occupation  of  the  whole  region.  But  here  her  diplomacy 
fell  somewhat  from  its  usually  high  standard.  Imagining  that  the  Chinese 
could  be  persuaded,  or  intimidated,  to  any  concession,  she  proposed  a  convention 
virtually  recognizing  her  title  to  Manchuria. 

.•.  rn  •vr,:fT<x?r<:-;'i\  vmoa  J^v-msb  siffi  >?J39-5  ot"baEfeiI-J3tE>lJa 
I, a,:;  .-;-•  -r'T  .*««•?  D  Ki'iiirf  hojiii'T  -±  .M-.OI  '>  I .tdaJm Tn/t;uf  sii 

TAT>AXTIO       A  T'T'T'T'TTTM^ 

.  JAPAN'S  ATTITUDE  limO[ 

Japan  watched  all  these  things  with  profound  anxiety.  If  there  were  any 
reality  in  the  dangers  which  Russia,  Germany,  and  France  had  declared  to  be 
incidental  to  Japanese  occupation  of  a  part  of  Manchuria,  the  same  dangers 
must  be  doubly  incidental  to  Russian  occupation  of  the  whole  of  Manchuria. 
There  were  other  considerations,  also.  The  reasons  already  adduced  show  that 
the  independence  of  Korea  was  an  object  of  supreme  solicitude  to  Japan.  It  was 
to  establish  that  independence  that  she  fought  with  China,  in  1894,  and  the  same 
motive  led  her  after  the  war  to  annex  the  Manchurian  littoral  adjacent  to  Korea's 
northern  frontier.  If  Russia  came  into  possession  of  all  Manchuria,  her  sub- 


706  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

sequent  absorption  of  Korea  would  be  almost  inevitable.  Manchuria  is  larger 
than  France  and  the  United  Kingdom  put  together.  The  addition  of  such  an 
immense  area  to  Russia 's  East  Asiatic  dominions,  together  with  its  littoral  on 
the  Gulf  of  Pehchili  and  the  Yellow  Sea,  would  necessitate  a  corresponding 
expansion  of  her  naval  force  in  the  Far  East.  With  the  exception  of  Port 
Arthur  and  Talien,  however,  the  Manchurian  coast  does  not  offer  any  convenient 
naval  base.  It  is  only  ha  the  harbours  of  southern  Korea  that  such  bases  can 
be  found.  In  short,  without  Korea,  Russia's  East  Asian  extension  would  have 
been  economically  incomplete  and  strategically  defective. 

If  it  be  asked  why,  apart  from  history  and  national  sentiment,  Japan  should 
object  to  Russia  in  Korea,  the  answer  is,  first,  because  there  would  thus  be  plant- 
ed almost  within  cannon-shot  of  her  shores  a  power  of  enormous  strength  and 
traditional  ambition;  secondly,  because  whatever  voice  hi  Manchuria's  destiny 
Russia  derived  from  her  railway,  the  same  voice  in  Korea's  destiny  was  possessed 
by  Japan,  as  the  sole  owner  of  the  railways  in  the  Korean  peninsula;  thirdly, 
that  whereas  Russia  had  an  altogether  insignificant  share  in  the  foreign  commerce 
of  Korea  and  scarcely  ten  bona  fide  settlers,  Japan  did  the  greater  part  of  the 
oversea  trade  and  had  tens  of  thousands  of  settlers;  fourthly,  that  if  Russia's 
dominions  stretched  uninterruptedly  from  the  sea  of  Okhotsk  to  the  Gulf  of 
Pehchili,  her  ultimate  absorption  of  northern  China  would  be  inevitable,  and 
fifthly,  that  such  domination  and  such  absorption  would  involve  the  practical 
closure  of  all  that  immense  region  to  the  commerce  and  industry  of  every  Western 
nation  except  Russia. 

This  last  proposition  did  not  rest  solely  on  the  fact  that  in  opposing  artificial 
barriers  to  free  competition  lies  Russia's  sole  hope  of  utilizing,  to  her  own  benefit, 
any  commercial  opportunities  brought  within  her  reach.  It  rested,  also,  on  the 
fact  that  Russia  had  objected  to  foreign  settlement  at  the  Manchurian  marts 
recently  opened,  by  Japan's  treaty  with  China,  to  American  and  Japanese 
subjects.  Without  settlements,  trade  at  those  marts  would  be  impossible,  and 
thus  Russia  had  constructively  announced  that  there  should  be  no  trade  but  the 
Russian,  if  she  could  prevent  it.  Against  such  dangers  Japan  would  have  been 
justified  in  adopting  any  measure  of  self-protection.  She  had  foreseen  them  for 
six  years  and  had  been  strengthening  herself  to  avert  them.  But  she  wanted 
peace.  She  wanted  to  develop  her  material  resources  and  to  accumulate  some 
measure  of  wealth  without  which  she  must  remain  insignificant  among  the 
nations. 

Two  pacific  programmes  offered  and  she  adopted  them  both.  Russia,  instead 
of  trusting  time  to  consolidate  her  tenure  of  Manchuria,  had  made  the  mistake 
of  pragmatically  importuning  China  for  a  conventional  title.  If,  then,  Peking 
could  be  strengthened  to  resist  this  demand,  some  arrangement  of  a  distinctly 
terminable  nature  might  be  made.  The  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  Japan, 
joining  hands  for  that  purpose,  did  succeed  in  so  far  stiffening  China's  backbone 
that  her  show  of  resolution  finally  induced  Russia  to  sign  a  treaty  pledging  herself 
to  withdraw  her  troops  from  Manchuria  in  three  installments,  each  step  of  evacu- 
ation to  be  accomplished  by  a  fixed  date.  That  was  one  of  the  pacific  pro- 
grammes. The  other  suggested  itself  in  connexion  with  the  new  commercial 
treaties  which  China  had  agreed  to  negotiate  in  the  sequel  of  the  Boxer  troubles. 
These  documents  contained  clauses  providing  for  the  opening  of  three  places  in 
Manchuria  to  foreign  trade.  It  seemed  a  reasonable  hope  that  the  powers, 
having  secured  commercial  access  to  Manchuria  by  covenant  with  its  sovereign, 
would  not  allow  Russia  to  restrict  arbitrarily  their  privileges.  Both  of  these 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  707 

hopes  were  disappointed.  When  the  time  came  for  evacuation,  Russia  behaved 
as  though  no  promise  had  been  given.  She  proposed  new  conditions  which 
would  have  strengthened  her  grasp  of  Manchuria  instead  of  loosening  it. 

NEGOTIATION  BETWEEN  RUSSIA  AND  JAPAN 

China  being  powerless  to  offer  any  practical  protest,  and  Japan's  interest 
ranking  next  in  order  of  importance,  the  Tokyo  Government  approached  Russia 
direct.  They  did  not  ask  for  anything  that  could  hurt  her  pride  or  impair  her 
position.  Appreciating  fully  the  economical  status  she  had  acquired  in  Man- 
churia by  large  outlays  of  capital,  they  offered  to  recognize  that  status,  provided 
that  Russia  would  extend  similar  recognition  to  Japan's  status  in  Korea;  would 
promise,  in  common  with  Japan,  to  respect  the  sovereignty  and  the  territorial 
integrity  of  China  and  Korea,  and  would  be  a  party  to  a  mutual  engagement 
that  all  nations  should  have  equal  commercial  and  industrial  opportunities  in 
Manchuria  and  in  the  Korean  peninsula.  In  a  word,  they  invited  Russia  to 
subscribe  the  policy  originally  enunciated  by  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  the  policy  of  the  open  door  and  of  the  integrity  of  the  Chinese  and 
Korean  empires. 

Thus  commenced  negotiations  which  lasted  five  and  a  half  months.  Japan 
gradually  reduced  her  demands  to  a  minimum.  Russia  never  made  any  appre- 
ciable reduction  of  hers.  She  refused  to  listen  to  Japan  for  one  moment  about 
Manchuria.  Eight  years  previously,  Japan  had  been  in  military  possession  of 
the  littoral  of  Manchuria  when  Russia,  with  the  assistance  of  Germany  and 
France,  had  expelled  her  for  reasons  which  concerned  Japan  much  more  than 
they  concerned  any  of  these  three  powers.  Now,  Russia  had  the  assurance  to 
declare  that  none  of  these  things  concerned  Japan  at  all.  The  utmost  she  would 
admit  was  Japan's  partial  right  to  be  heard  about  Korea.  At  the  same  time, 
she  herself  commenced  a  series  of  aggressions  in  northern  Korea.  That  was  not 
all.  While  she  studiously  deferred  her  answers  to  Japan's  proposals,  and  while 
she  protracted  the  negotiations  to  an  extent  visibly  contemptuous,  she  hastened 
to  make  substantial  additions  to  her  fleet  and  her  army  in  far-eastern  Asia.  It 
was  impossible  to  mistake  her  purpose.  She  intended  to  yield  nothing,  but  to 
prepare  such  a  parade  of  force  that  her  obduracy  would  command  submission. 
The  only  alternatives  for  Japan  were  war  or  permanent  effacement  hi  Asia. 
She  chose  war. 

EXTRATERRITORIAL  JURISDICTION 

Before  passing  to  the  story  of  this  war,  it  is  necessary  to  refer  to  two  incidents 
of  Japan's  foreign  relations,  both  of  which  preceded  her  struggle  with  Russia. 
The  first  was  the  restoration  of  her  judicial  autonomy.     It  has  always  been 
regarded  as  axiomatic  that  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  Western  countries,  when 
they  travel  or  reside  hi  Oriental  territories,  should  be  exempted  from  the  penal- 
ties and  processes  of  the  latter 's  criminal  laws.     In  other  words,  there  is  reserved 
j  to  a  Christian  the  privilege,  when  within  the  territories  of  a  pagan  State,  of  being 
j  tried  for  penal  offences  by  Christian  judges.    In  civil  cases  the  jurisdiction  is 
divided,  the  question  at  issue  being  adjudicated  by  a  tribunal  of  the  defendant's 
I  nationality;  but  in  criminal  cases  jurisdiction  is  wholly  reserved.    Therefore 
J  powers  making  treaties  with  Oriental  nations  establish  within  the  latter 's  borders 
|  consular  courts  which  exercise  what  is  called  "extraterritorial  jurisdiction." 
This  system  was,  of  course,  pursued  hi  Japan's  case.     It  involved  the  confine- 


708 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 


ment  of  the  foreign  residents  to  settlements  grouped  around  the  sites  of  their 
consular  courts;  for  it  would  plainly  have  been  imprudent  that  such  residents 
should  have  free  access  to  provincial  districts  remote  from  the  only  tribunals 

competent  to  control  them. 
This  provision,  though  in- 
serted without  difficulty  hi  the 
early  treaties  with  Japan,  pro- 
voked much  indignation 
among  the  conservative  states- 
men hi  Kyoto.  Accordingly, 
no  sooner  had  the  M eiji  Res- 
toration been  effected  than  an 
embassy  was  despatched  to 
the  Occident  to  negotiate  for 
a  revision  of  the  treaties  so  as 
to  remove  the  clause  about 
consular  jurisdiction,  and  to 
restore  the  customs  tariff  to 
the  figure  at  which  it  had  stood 
prior  to  Sir  Harry  Parkes' 
naval  demonstration  at  Hyogo. 
The  Japanese  Government  was 
entitled  to  raise  this  question 
hi  1871,  for  the  treaties  were 

^^J!^E|«Pig^>'^»  textually  subject  to  revision  in 

that  year.  ,  No  time  was  lost 

^^g^^^^^  3?^  in  desPatching  the  embassy. 

^^^^-^•^       ^**^*S^J^  But  its  failure  was  a  foregone 

/    W  ^wjf  conclusion.     The  conditions 

^jr  originally  necessitating  extra- 

DANJUBO,  A  FAMOUS  ACTOR,  AS  BBNKEI  IN  K.ANJIXCBU  (A  PLAY)     territorial  jurisdiction  had  not, 

by  187 1 ,  undergone  any  change 

justifying  its  abolition.  It  is  not  to  be  denied,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the 
consular  courts  themselves  invited  criticism.  Some  of  the  great  Western 
powers  had  organized  competent  tribunals  with  expert  judicial  officials,  but 
others,  whose  trade  with  Japan  was  comparatively  insignificant,  were  content 
to  entrust  consular  duties  to  merchants,  who  not  only  lacked  legal  training  but 
were  also  themselves  engaged  hi  the  commercial  transactions  upon  which  they 
might,  at  any  moment,  be  required  to  adjudicate  magisterially. 

It  cannot  be  contended  that  this  obviously  imperfect  system  was  disfigured 
by  many  abuses.  On  the  whole,  it  worked  passably  well,  and  if  its  organic 
faults  helped  to  discredit  it,  there  is  no  denying  that  it  saved  the  Japanese  from 
complications  which  would  inevitably  have  arisen  had  they  been  entrusted  with 
jurisdiction  which  they  were  not  prepared  to  exercise  satisfactorily.  Moreover, 
the  system  had  vicarious  usefulness;  for  the  ardent  desire  of  Japanese  patriots 
to  recover  the  judicial  autonomy,  which  is  a  fundamental  attribute  of  every 
sovereign  State,  impelled  them  to  recast  their  laws  and  reorganize  their  law 
courts  with  a  degree  of  diligence  which  would  otherwise  have  probably  been  less 
conspicuous.  Twelve  years  of  this  work,  carried  on  with  the  aid  of  thoroughly 
competent  foreign  jurists,  placed  Japan  in  possession  of  codes  of  criminal  and 
civil  law  in  which  the  best  features  of  European  jurisprudence  were  applied  to 


uiaaiifl 

•10  d  •:'. 

I 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  709 

*•  •:         :-; 

the  conditions  and  usages  of  Japan.  Then,  in  1883,  Japan  renewed  her  proposal 
for  the  abolition  of  consular  jurisdiction,  and  by  way  of  compensation  she 
promised  to  throw  the  country  completely  open  and  to  remove  all  restrictions 
hitherto  imposed  on  foreign  trade,  travel,  and  residence  within  her  realm. 

But  this  was  a  problem  against  whose  liberal  solution  the  international 
prejudice  of  the  West  was  strongly  enlisted.  No  Oriental  State  had  ever  pre- 
viously sought  such  recognition,  and  the  Occident,  without  exception,  was 
extremely  reluctant  to  entrust  the  lives  and  properties  of  its  subjects  and 
citizens  to  the  keeping  of  a  "pagan"  people.  Not  unnaturally  the  foreigners 
resident  in  Japan,  who  would  have  been  directly  affected  by  the  change,  protest- 
ed against  it  with  great  vehemence.  Many  of  them,  though  not  averse  to 
trusting  Japan,  saw  that  her  reforms  had  been  consummated  with  celerity 
amounting  to  haste,  and  a  great  majority  fought  simply  for  consular  jurisdiction 
as  a  privilege  of  inestimable  value,  not  to  be  surrendered  without  the  utmost 
deliberation.  The  struggle  that  ensued  between  foreign  distrust  and  Japanese 
aspirations  often  developed  painful  phases,  and  did  much  to  intensify  the  feeling 
of  antagonism  which  had  existed  between  the  Japanese  and  the  foreign  residents 
at  the  outset  and  which  even  to-day  has  not  wholly  disappeared.  The  Govern- 
ment and  citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America  never  failed  to  show  sympathy 
with  Japanese  aspirations  in  this  matter,  and,  as  a  general  rule,  "foreign  tourists 
and  publicists  discussed  the  problem  liberally  and  fairly,  perhaps  because,  unlike 
the  foreign  communities  resident  in  Japan,  they  had  no  direct  interest  in  its 
solution." 

The  end  was  not  reached  until  1894.  Then  Great  Britain  agreed  that  from 
July,  1899,  jurisdiction  over  all  British  subjects  within  the  confines  of  Japan 
should  be  entrusted  to  Japanese  tribunals,  provided  that  the  new  Japanese  codes 
of  law  should  have  been  in  operation  during  at  least  one  year  before  the  surrender 
of  jurisdiction.  Japan,  on  her  side,  promised  to  throw  the  whole  country  open 
from  the  same  date,  removing  all  limitations  upon  trade,  travel,  and  residence 
of  foreigners. 

Tariff  autonomy  had  been  an  almost  equal  object  of  Japanese  ambition,  and 
it  was  arranged  that  she  should  recover  it  after  a  period  of  twelve  years,  an  in- 
creased scale  of  import  duties  being  applied  in  the  interval.  It  will  be  observed 
that  Great  Britain  took  the  lead  in  abandoning  the  old  system.  It  was  meet 
that  she  should  do  so;  for,  in  consequence  of  her  preponderating  commercial 
interests,  she  had  stood  at  the  head  of  the  combination  of  powers  by  which  the 
irksome  conditions  were  originally  imposed  upon  Japan.  The  other  Occidental 
States  followed  her  example  with  more  or  less  celerity,  and  the  foreign  residents, 
now  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  continuing  the  struggle,  showed  clearly 
that  they  intended  to  bow  gracefully  to  the  inevitable.  The  Japanese  also  took 
some  conspicuous  steps. 

"An  Imperial  rescript  declared  in  unequivocal  terms  that  it  was  the  sover- 
eign's policy  and  desire  to  abolish  all  distinctions  between  natives  and  foreign- 
ers, and  that,  by  fully  carrying  out  the  friendly  purpose  of  the  treaties,  his 
people  would  best  consult  his  wishes,  maintain  the  character  of  the  nation,  and 
promote  its  prestige.  The  premier  and  other  ministers  of  State  issued  instruc- 
tions to  the  effect  that  the  responsibility  now  devolved  on  the  Government,  and 
the  duty  on  the  people,  of  enabling  foreigners  to  reside  confidently  and  contented- 
ly in  every  part  of  the  country.  Even  the  chief  Buddhist  prelates  addressed  to 
the  priests  and  parishioners  of  their  dioceses  injunctions  pointing  out  that  free- 
dom of  conscience  being  now  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution,  men  professing 


710 

alien  creeds  must  be  treated  as  courteously  as  the  disciples  of  Buddhism  and 
must  enjoy  the  same  privileges."*  , 

It  may  here  be  stated  once  for  all  that  Japan's  recovery  of  her  judicial 
autonomy  has  not  been  attended  by  any  of  the  disastrous  results  freely  predicted 
at  one  time.     Her  laws  are  excellent,  and  her  judiciary  is  competent  and  just. 
•i  !":ii  ' ."T-ufi  Jiirroh'J  o^I     .boiailne  vlgnoiifi j&u 

FIRST  ANGLO-JAPANESE  ALLIANCE 
imc  aJooious  .:j   Lti:*:  .-.•//'FT  l-.in-j 

The  second  of  the  two  incidents  alluded  to  above  was  an  alliance  between 
England  and  Japan,  signed  on  January  30,  1902.  The  preamble  of  this  agree- 
ment —  the  first  of  its  kind  ever  concluded  between  England  and  an  Oriental 
power  —  affirmed  that  the  contracting  parties  were  solely  actuated  by  a  desire 
to  preserve  the  status  quo  and  the  general  peace  of  the  Far  East;  that  they  were 
both  specially  interested  in  maintaining  the  independence  and  territorial  integrity 
of  the  empires  of  China  and  Korea,  and  in  securing  equal  opportunities  in  these 
countries  for  all  nations;  that  they  mutually  recognized  it  as  admissible  for 
either  of  the  contracting  parties  to  take  such  measures  as  might  be  indispensable 
to  safeguard  these  interests  against  a  threat  of  aggressive  action  by  any  other 
power,  or  against  disturbances  in  China  or  Korea,  and  that,  if  one  of  the  contract- 
ing parties  became  involved  in  war  in  defence  of  these  interests,  the  other  should 
maintain  strict  neutrality  and  endeavour  to  prevent  any  third  power  from 
joining  in  hostilities  against  its  ally.  Finally,  should  a  third  power  join  hi  such 
hostilities,  then  the  other  contracting  party  promised  to  come  to  the  assistance 
of  its  ally,  to  conduct  the  war  in  common,  and  to  make  peace  by  mutual  agree- 
ment only.  The  alliance  was  to  hold  good  for  five  years  from  the  date  of  signa- 
ture, but  if  either  ally  was  engaged  hi  war  at  such  time,  the  alliance  was  to 
continue  until  the  conclusion  of  peace. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  the  influence  exerted  by  this  compact  on 
the  Russo-Japanese  war.  It  kept  the  field  clear  for  Japan  and  guaranteed 
her  against  a  repetition  of  such  a  combination  as  that  which  must  be  regarded 
as  the  remote  cause  of  the  struggle.  -  iaomiB  i 


J*HE  EARLY  PHASES  OF  THE  WAR 

J'.i  'fll  &; .'1  71      .msjgX&J  :•.<•  -.'.:• 

Japan's  great  problem  in  crossing  swords  with  Russia  was  to  obtain  a  safe 
avenue  for  her  troops  over  the  sea.  Russia  might  at  once  have  gained  an  over- 
whelming advantage  had  she  seized  and  controlled  the  lines  of  communication 
between  the  Japanese  islands  and  the  continent  of  Asia.  Her  strategists  can 
scarcely  have  failed  to  appreciate  that  fact,  and  would  doubtless  have  acted 
accordingly  had  they  obtained  a  few  months '  leisure  to  mass  an  overwhelmingly 
strong  fleet  in  the  seas  of  China  and  Japan.  They  had  such  a  fleet  actually  in 
esse;  for,  at  the  moment  when  war  broke  out,  the  Russian  squadrons  assembled 
in  the  East,  or  en  route  thither,  comprised  no  less  than  fifty-nine  fighting  ships, 
mounting  1350  guns  and  manned  by  18,000  men.  But  these  figures  included 
fbhe  Mediterranean  squadron  which,  surprised  by  the  outbreak  of  hostilities, 
abandoned  its  journey  to  the  Pacific.  Obviously,  Japan's  wisest  course  was 
to  anticipate  the  combination  of  Russia's  sea  forces,  and  consciousness  of  that 
laet  operated  to  hasten  the  current  of  events. 

o  J  I Sfort  Arthur,  where  the  bulk  of  the  Russian  Pacific  squadron  lay,  is  somewhat 
<iM5cmiti«)f  ingress  and  egress.  On  January  31,  1904,  the  operation  of  extracting 
[i.Brinkley,  article  "Japan,"  Encyclopaedia  Brilannica,  llth  Edition.] 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSLAiH  711 

-*n  ^ 

the  ships  and  parading  them  outside  was  commenced,  being  brought  to  a  con- 
clusion on  February  3rd,  whereafter  the  squadron  steamed  out  to  sea,  and,  having 
made  a  short  cruise  off  the  coast  of  the  Shantung  promontory,  returned  to  its 
position  on  the  following  day.  The  fleet  taking  part  in  this  manoeuvre  consisted 
of  twenty-six  ships,  and  the  whole  Russian  naval  force  then  in  eastern  Asia 
comprised  seven  battle-ships,  four  armoured  cruisers,  seven  protected  cruisers, 
four  gunboats,  six  sloops,  twenty-five  destroyers,  two  mining  transports,  and 
fourteen  first-class  torpedo-boats. 

The  Japanese,  on  their  side,  had  six  battle-ships,  eight  armoured  cruisers, 
thirteen  protected  cruisers,  fourteen  small  cruisers,  nineteen  destroyers,  and 
eighty-five  torpedo-boats.  This  enumeration  shows  a  numerical  superiority 
on  the  Japanese  side,  but  in  fighting  capacity  the  two  fleets  were  nearly  equal. 
For,  though  the  Russians  possessed  seven  battle-ships  to  six  Japanese,  the  latter 
had  better  gun-protection  and  greater  weight  of  broadside  fire  than  the  former; 
and  though  Japan  could  muster  eight  armoured  cruisers  against  Russia's  four, 
the  latter  were  supplemented  by  five  protected  cruisers  which  ranked  far  above 
anything  of  the  same  class  on  the  Japanese  side. 

ujoJlfid  f)di  ixui)  aviijnixjmi 

[;  'ifi8  vipirrtK>I 
THE  FIRST  NAVAL  OPERATION 

When  the  Russian  ships  returned  on  the  4th  of  February  from  their  cruise  off 
the  Shantung  promontory,  they  took  up  their  stations  outside  Port  Arthur,  all 
the  harbour  lights  and  beacons  being  left  in  position,  and  no  special  precaution 
being  taken  except  that  a  patrol  of  three  torpedo-boats  was  sent  out.  Yet  the 
Russians  should  have  appreciated  the  presence  of  danger.  For,  on  the  6th  of 
February,  Japan  had  broken  off  the  negotiations  in  St.  Petersburg,  and  had 
given  official  information  of  her  intention  to  take  measures  for  protecting  her 
menaced  interests.  That  signified  war  and  nothing  but  war,  and  the  "  Official 
Messenger"  of  the  same  evening  published  the  intimation,  which  was  immediately 
communicated  to  Admiral  Alexieff  at  Port  Arthur. 

The  Russian  fleet  was  then  divided  into  three  squadrons.  The  largest  body 
lay  off  Port  Arthur,  and  two  very  much  smaller  squadrons  were  posted,  one  at 
Chemulpo  on  the  west  coast  of  Korea,  and  another  at  Vladivostok.  It  is  obvious 
that  such  division  of  the  fleet  on  the  eve  of  hostilities  should  have  been  carefully 
avoided.  The  ships  should  all  have  been  held  together  with  an  extensive 
network  of  scouts  so  as  to  enable  them  swiftly  and  strongly  to  fall  upon  any 
Japanese  transports  carrying  troops  to  the  mainland,  or  to  meet  effectually  and 
crush  any  attempt  of  the  Japanese  squadrons  to  obtain  command  of  the  sea. 

On  the  night  of  February  8th-9th,  three  Japanese  squadrons  of  destroyers, 
aggregating  ten  vessels,  steamed  across  a  calm,  moonlit  sea  and  delivered  a 
torpedo  attack  on  the  Russian  squadron  at  Port  Arthur,  the  result  being  that  the 
battle-ships  Retvisan  and  Tsarevitch  together  with  the  cruiser  Pallada  were 
holed.  These  battle-ships  were  the  most  powerful  vessels  in  the  Russian  squad- 
ron, and  the  Pallada  was  a  first-class  protected  cruiser  of  6630  tons'  displace- 
ment. The  Japanese  destroyers  had  left  Sasebo  on  the  6th  of  February  and 
they  returned  thither  uninjured,  having  materially  weakened  the  Russian  fleet. 
On  the  day  following  this  surprise,  Admiral  Togo,  the  Japanese  commander-in- 
chief,  engaged  the  remains  of  the  Russian  squadron  with  the  heavy  guns  of  his 
battle-ships  at  a  range  of  eight  thousand  yards,  and  succeeded  in  inflicting  some 
injury  on  the  battle-ship  Poltava,  the  protected  cruisers  Diana  and  Askold,  and  a 
second-class  cruiser  Novik.  The  Russians  ultimately  retreated  towards  the 


712  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

harbour  with  the  intention  of  drawing  the  Japanese  under  closer  fire  of  the  land 
batteries,  but  the  Japanese  fleet  declined  to  follow  after  them,  and,  instead, 
steamed  away.  Three  days  later  (February  llth)  another  disaster  overtook 
the  Russians.  The  Yenisei,  one  of  the  two  mining-transports  included  in 
their  fleet,  struck  a  mine  and  sank  so  rapidly  in  Talien  Bay  that  ninety-six  of 
her  crew  perished.  The  Japanese  had  no  part  at  all  in  this  catastrophe.  It 
was  purely  accidental. 


.  -    _.L 

THE  CHEMULPO  AFFAIR 

While  these  things  were  happening  at  Port  Arthur,  a  squadron  of  the  Japanese 
navy,  under  Admiral  Uryu,  escorted  a  number  of  transports  to  Chemulpo,  the 
port  of  the  Korean  capital,  Seoul.  There  the  Russian  protected  cruiser  Variag 
(6500  tons)  together  with  the  gunboat  Korietz  and  the  transport  Sungari  were 
lying.  It  does  not  appear  that  Admiral  Uryu  's  prime  object  was  to  engage  these 
Russian  ships.  But  Chemulpo  having  been  chosen  as  the  principal  landing-place 
of  the  Japanese  army  corps  which  was  to  operate  in  Korea,  it  was,  of  course, 
imperative  that  the  harbour  should  be  cleared  of  Russian  war-vessels.  On 
February  8th,  the  Russians  at  Chemulpo  were  surprised  by  a  summons  from 
Admiral  Uryu  to  leave  the  port  or  undergo  bombardment  at  their  anchorage. 
The  vessels  stood  out  bravely  to  sea,  and  after  an  engagement  lasting  thirty-five 
minutes  at  ranges  varying  from  five  to  ten  thousand  yards,  they  were  so  badly 
injured  that  they  returned  to  the  port  and  were  sunk  by  then*  own  crews, 
together  with  the  transport  Sungari.  The  moral  effect  of  the  destruction  of 
these  vessels  was  incalculable. 


DECLARATION  OF  WAR 

Ip.rinK>    -orn  ban 

On  the  10th  of  February,  the  Czar  and  the  Mikado  respectively  issued  declara- 
tions of  war.  The  former  laid  stress  upon  Russia 's  pacific  intentions  in  propos- 
ing revision  of  the  agreements  already  existing  between  the  two  empires  with 
regard  to  Korean  affairs,  and  accused  the  Japanese  of  making  a  sudden  attack 
on  the  Russian  squadron  at  Port  Arthur  "without  previously  notifying  that  the 
rupture  of  diplomatic  relations  implied  the  beginning  of  warlike  action."  The 
Japanese  declaration  insisted  that  the  integrity  of  Korea  was  a  matter  of  the 
gravest  concern  to  Japan,  inasmuch  as  the  separate  existence  of  the  former  was 
essential  to  the  safety  of  the  latter,  and  charged  that  "Russia,  in  disrespect  of 
her  solemn  treaty  pledges  to  China  and  of  her  repeated  assurances  to  other 
powers,  was  still  in  occupation  of  Manchuria,  had  consolidated  and  strengthened 
her  hold  upon  those  provinces,  and  was  bent  upon  their  final  annexation." 
With  regard  to  Russia's  accusation  against  Japan  of  drawing  the  sword  without 
due  notice,  a  distinguished  British  publicist  made  the  following  comment  hi  the 
columns  of  The  Times  (London) : 

"  Far  from  thinking  the  Japanese  attack  on  the  night  of  February  8th,  two 
full  days  after  the  announcement  of  the  intention  to  take  action,  was  an  excep- 
tion to,  or  a  deviation  from,  tradition  and  precedent,  we  should  rather  count 
ourselves  fortunate  if  our  enemy,  in  the  next  naval  war  we  have  to  wage,  does 
not  strike  two  days  before  blazoning  forth  his  intention,  instead  of  two  days 
after.  The  tremendous  and  decisive  results  of  success  for  the  national  cause  are 
enough  to  break  down  all  the  restraining  influences  of  the  code  of  international 
law  and  Christian  morality." 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  713 

WAKfc    wij    I    4.,jj  •  ;\  V    AXD    : •.'.>*•»;,.''-.  "'-j. 

nl  oldfil/i;/i  o-k  ai  luyiSLjJLfiffl     .qj -ib-teia*//  sldabioi  are  jslsn 

THE  FIRST  MILITARY  OPERATIONS 

From  the  moment  when  war  became  inevitable,  the  problem  of  absorbing 
interest  was  to  determine  Russia 's  strategy,  and  it  was  ultimately  seen  that  the 
two  main  groups  of  her  forces  were  to  be  posted  at  Port  Arthur  and  on  the 
Yalu;  the  latter  to  resist  an  advance  from  Korea,  and  the  former  to  defend  the 
Liaotung  peninsula,  which  constituted  the  key  of  the  Russian  position.  Between 
the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  and  the  Liaotung  peninsula,  a  distance  of  120  miles, 
there  were  many  points  where  raiding  parties  might  have  been  landed  to  cut  tha 
Russian  railway.  Against  this  danger,  flying  squadrons  of  Cossacks  were 
employed.  After  the  destruction  of  the  three  Russian  vessels  in  Chemulpo  and 
the  crippling  of  the  Port  Arthur  squadron,  Japanese  transports  entered  the  for- 
mer port  and  quietly  landed  some  three  thousand  troops,  which  advanced 
immediately  upon  Seoul  and  took  possession  of  it. 

From  that  time  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  intention  of  the  Japanese 
was  to  make  their  first  attack  upon  the  enemy  by  marching  up  the  Korean 
peninsula,  and  that  the  capital  of  Korea  was  chosen  for  a  base  of  operations 
because  of  climatic  considerations.  Chemulpo,  however,  was  not  the  only 
landing-place.  Fusan  also  served  for  that  purpose,  as  subsequently  did  also 
Chinnampo,  an  inlet  on  the  west  coast  of  the  peninsula.  The  distance  from  the 
port  of  Fusan  to  the  Yalu  River  is  four  hundred  miles,  in  round  numbers,  and 
the  roads  are  very  bad  throughout  the  whole  country.  Hence  the  advance  of 
the  Japanese,  which  was  made  in  a  leisurely  manner  with  the  utmost  circumspec- 
tion and  attention  to  detail,  involved  so  much  time  that  April  had  drawn  to  its 
close  before  the  troops  deployed  on  the  banks  of  the  Yalu.  They  consisted  of 
three  divisions  constituting  an  army  corps,  and  each  division  had  a  ration-strength 
of  19,000  men  with  a  combatant  strength  of  14,000  sabres  and  rifles  and  thirty- 
six  field-guns.  It  may  be  assumed,  therefore,  that  when  the  Japanese  First 
Army  under  General  (afterwards  Count)  Kuroki  reached  the  Yalu,  it  had  a 
fighting-strength  of  between  forty  and  fifty  thousand  men.  There  had  practical- 
ly been  no  collision  during  the  interval  of  the  advance  from  the  southern  extrem- 
ity of  the  peninsula  to  its  northern  boundary.  It  is  true  that,  on  March  28th,  a 
squadron  of  Cossacks  attempted  to  surprise  the  Japanese  cavalry  at  Chong-ju, 
but  the  essay  proved  a  failure,  and  the  Cossacks  were  driven  back  upon  Wiju, 
which  they  evacuated  without  any  further  struggle. 

The  Russian  plan  of  operations  did  not  originally  contemplate  a  serious  stand 
at  the  Yalu.  The  idea  was  to  retire  gradually,  drawing  the  Japanese  into 
Manchuria  towards  the  railway,  and  engaging  them  in  the  exceedingly  difficult 
country  crowned  by  the  Motien  Mountains.  But  at  the  last  moment  General 
Kuropatkin,  Russian  commander-in-chief  in  Manchuria,  issued  orders  to  General 
Sassulitch,  commander  of  the  Second  Siberian  Army  Corps,  to  hold  the  line  of 
the  Yalu  with  all  his  strength.  Sassulitch  could  muster  for  this  purpose  only 
five  regiments  and  one  battalion  of  infantry;  forty  field-guns;  eight  machine-guns, 
and  some  Cossacks  —  twenty  thousand  combatants,  approximately.  Kuroki 
disposed  his  troops  so  that  their  front  extended  some  twenty  miles  along  the 
Yalu,  the  centre  being  at  Kiuliencheng,  a  walled  town  standing  about  180  feet 
above  the  river.  From  this  point  southward,  the  right,  or  Manchurian,  bank 
has  a  considerable  command  over  the  left,  and  at  Kiuliencheng  a  tributary 
stream,  called  the  Ai,  joins  the  main  river,  "which  thenceforth  widens  from 
4000  to  7000  yards  and  runs  in  three  channels  between  the  islands  and  the 
mainland.  The  central  channel  is  navigable  by  small  craft,  and  the  other  chan- 


714  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

nels  are  fordable  waist-deep.  The  Ai  River  is  also  fordable  in  many  places 
during  the  spring."  On  the  right  bank  of  the  Yalu,  at  the  point  of  its  junction 
with  the  Ai,  the  ground  rises  so  as  to  command  the  position  taken  by  the  Rus- 
sians. .{]  4<  > 

The  plan  of  the  Japanese  commander  was  to  threaten  an  attack  on  the  lower 
radius  of  the  river;  to  throw  two  divisions  against  Kiuliencheng,  and  to  use  the 
remaining  division  in  a  wide  flanking  movement,  crossing  the  river  higher  up. 
The  battle  took  place  on  Sunday,  the  1st  of  May.  During  the  preceding  nights, 
the  Japanese  placed  a  strong  force  of  artillery  in  cleverly  masked  batteries,  and 
under  cover  of  these  guns,  threw  seven  bridges  across  the  river,  the  highest  up- 
stream being  thirteen  miles  above  Kiuliencheng  and  the  lower  two  being  direct- 
ed to  the  centre  of  the  Russian  position.  General  Kuroki  then  telegraphed 
to  Tokyo  that  he  proposed  to  attack  at  dawn  on  Sunday,  his  plan  being  to  march 
one  division  across  the  fords  of  the  Ai  River,  and  to  employ  the  other  two,  one 
in  crumpling  up  the  Russian  left,  the  other  in  attacking  Antung,  where  a  large 
Russian  force  was  in  position.  This  programme  was  accurately  carried  out. 
The  Japanese  infantry  forded  the  Ai  breast-deep,  and,  swarming  up  the  heights, 
drove  the  Russians  from  these  strong  positions.  Meanwhile,  the  Japanese 
guards'  division  had  crossed  on  the  left  and  directed  its  march  upon  Antung, 
while  the  remaining  division  had  completely  turned  the  Russian  left  flank.  The 
fiercest  struggle  occurred  at  Homutang,  where  a  Russian  regiment  and  a  battery 
of  artillery  made  a  splendid  stand  to  save  their  comrades  at  Antung  from 
being  cut  off. 

The  casualties  on  the  Japanese  side  were  318  killed,  including  five  officers,  and 
783  \vounded,  including  thirty-three  officers.  The  Russian  casualties  numbered 
13G3  k'lled  and  613  prisoners,  but  the  cietail  of  wounded  was  not  published. 
The  Japanese  captured  twenty-one  quick-firing  field-guns,  eight  machine-guns, 
1021  rifles  and  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  etc.  The  moral  result  of  this  battle 
can  hardly  be  overestimated.  It  had  never  been  seriously  believed  in  Europe 
that  a  Russian  army  could  be  conquered  by  a  Japanese  in  a  fair  fight,  and  prob- 
ably that  incredulity  influenced  Kuropatkin  when  he  ordered  Sassulitch  to  defy 
strategical  principles  by  attempting  to  hold  a  radically  defective  position 
against  a  greatly  superior  force.  In  a  moment,  the  Japanese  were  crowned  with 
military  laurels  and  placed  on  a  pedestal  for  the  world  to  admire.  But  the 
Japanese  themselves  were  not  deceived.  They  saw  clearly  that  the  contest  had 
been  between  six  battalions  of  Russians  and  two  divisions  of  Japanese,  a  disparity 
of  strength  amply  sufficient  to  account  for  the  result  in  any  circumstances. 

NAVAL  OPERATIONS 

During  the  period  of  eleven  weeks  immediately  subsequent  to  the  battle  of 
the  Yalu,  there  were  no  military  operations  of  a  striking  character.  Japan  was 
preparing  to  despatch  a  second  army  to  Manchuria,  and  pending  its  shipment 
the  chief  duty  to  be  discharged  devolved  upon  the  fleet,  namely,  the  further 
crippling  of  the  Port  Arthur  squadron  in  order  to  secure  the  transports  against 
its  enterprises.  The  object  was  promoted  on  the  13th  of  April  by  the  loss  of  the 
Russian  battle-ship  Petropavlovsk.  She  struck  one  of  the  mines  laid  by  the  Jap- 
anese and  sank  in  a  few  minutes,  carrying  the  Russian  admiral,  Makaroff,  to- 
gether with  about  six  hundred  sailors,  to  the  bottom. 

This  event,  although  it  materially  weakened  the  Port  Arthur  squadron,  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  fixed  programme  of  Admiral  Togo,  which  programme  was 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  715 

to  block  the  narrow  channel  forming  the  entrance  of  Port  Arthur  by  sinking 
merchant  vessels  in  the  fairway.  Three  attempts  to  accomplish  this  were  made. 
The  first  was  on  February  24th;  the  second,  on  March  2nd-3rd.  In  the  first  essay, 
five  steamers  were  employed,  their  crews  consisting  of  seventy-seven  volunteers. 
They  failed.  On  the  second  occasion  four  steamers  of  at  least  two  thousand 
tons  each  were  sent  in  under  the  orders  of  Commander  Hirose.  On  this  occasion, 
again,  the  steamers  failed  to  reach  vital  points  in  the  channel,  and  their  experi- 
ence alone  remained  to  compensate  the  loss  of  many  lives.  These  two  attempts 
were  watched  by  the  public  with  keen  interest  and  high  admiration.  The  cour- 
age and  coolness  displayed  by  officers  and  men  alike  elicited  universal  applause. 
But  it  was  generally  believed  that  the  successful  prosecution  of  such  a  design 
was  impossible  and  that  no  further  essay  would  be  made.  The  Japanese,  how- 
ever, are  not  easily  deterred.  On  the  night  of  May  2nd,  eight  steamers,  aggregat- 
ing some  17,000  tons,  were  driven  into  the  channel  in  the  face  of  mines,  batteries, 
and  torpedoes,  and  five  of  them  reached  their  allotted  positions,  so  that  the 
blocking  of  the  harbour  for  the  passage  of  large  vessels  was  accomplished.  The 
list  of  casualties  proved  very  heavy.  Out  of  159  persons  only  eight  officers  and 
thirty-six  men  returned  unhurt.  The  whole  of  the  remainder,  including  twenty 
officers,  were  killed,  wounded,  or  missing. 

.-:•   ti»d  Jtthi-mr*  borrcoeg  :/b.H$.fE   iBfnoVf    A   •  .arvift 
LANDING  OF  THE  SECOND  ARMY 

On  the  very  night  after  the  accomplishment  of  this  third  blocking  operation, 
a  second  Japanese  army  commenced  to  land  at  Pitszewo,  eastward  of  the 
Liaotung  peninsula.  This  was  precisely  the  point  chosen  for  a  similar  purpose 
by  the  Japanese  in  the  war  with  China,  ten  years  previously,  and  such  close 
adherence  to  the  former  programme  was  condemned  by  some  critics,  especially 
as  transports  cannot  get  close  to  the  shore  at  Pitszewo,  but  have  to  lie  four 
miles  distant,  the  intervening  space  consisting,  for  the  most  part,  of  mud  flats. 
But  the  Japanese  were  perfectly  familiar  with  every  inch  of  the  coast  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Yalu  to  Port  Arthur,  and  had  the  Russian  commanders  possessed 
equally  accurate  knowledge,  they  would  have  recognized  that  Pitszewo  was 
designated  by  natural  features  as  the  best  available  landing-place,  and  knowing 
that,  they  might  have  made  effective  dispositions  to  oppose  the  Japanese  there, 
whereas  ten  thousand  men  had  been  put  on  shore  before  any  suspicion  seems  to 
have  been  roused  in  the  Russian  camp. 

BATTLE  OF  KINCHOU 

After  its  landing  at  Pitszewo,  on  May  5th  and  the  following  days,  the  Second 
Japanese  Army,  consisting  of  three  divisions  under  General  (afterwards  Count) 
Oku,  pushed  westward,  driving  away  the  Russian  detachments  in  the  vicinity 
and  securing  the  control  of  the  Port  Arthur  railway.  Then,  at  Kinchou,  on  the 
26th  of  May,  a  great  battle  was  fought.  A  little  south  of  Kinchou  lies  a  narrow 
neck  of  land  connecting  the  Kwangtung  promontory  with  the  mainland.  It 
is  a  neck  only  a  mile  and  three-quarters  broad,  having  Kinchou  Bay  on  the 
northwest  and  Hand  Bay  on  the  southeast.  On  each  side  the  ground  near  the 
sea  is  low,  but  along  the  centre  of  the  neck  a  ridge  rises,  which  culminates  in  a 
point  about  350  feet  above  the  sea.  This  point  is  known  as  Nanshan,  and  its 
commanding  position  is  such  that  an  army  holding  it  blocks  all  access  to  the 
Kwangtung  peninsula.  noqeE 


716  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

• 

The  problem  for  the  Japanese  was  to  obtain  possession  of  this  neck  as  the 
sole  road  of  access  to  Port  Arthur;  while  General  Stossel,  who  commanded  the 
Russian  troops,  knew  that  if  the  neck  fell  into  Japanese  hands,  Port  Arthur 
would  become  unapproachable  by  land.  "  The  Nanshan  position  offered  unusual 
advantages  for  defence,  and  had  been  diligently  prepared  for  permanent  occupa- 
tion during  many  weeks.  Ten  forts  of  semi-permanent  character  had  been  built, 
and  their  armament  showed  that,  on  this  occasion,  the  Russian  artillery  was 
vastly  superior,  both  in  calibre  and  in  range,  to  the  Japanese  guns.  Forts, 
trenches,  and  rifle-pits,  covered  by  mines  and  wire  entanglements,  were  con- 
structed on  every  point  of  vantage  and  in  separate  tiers.  Searchlights  were 
also  employed,  and  every  advantage  was  taken  of  the  proximity  of  a  great 
fortress  and  its  ample  plant."1 

It  will  occur  to  the  reader  that  war-vessels  might  have  been  advantageously 
used  for  the  attack  and  defence  of  such  a  position,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
Russian  gunboats  manoeuvred  in  Hand  Bay  on  the  southeastern  shore  of  the 
neck.  But,  on  the  western  side,  the  shoal  waters  of  Kinchou  Bay  prevented 
access  by  Japanese  vessels  in  the  face  of  the  heavy  batteries  erected  by  the 
Russians  on  dominating  sites.  This  splendid  position  was  held  by  a  Russian 
army  mustering  ten  thousand  strong  with  fifty  siege-guns  and  sixteen  quick- 
firers.  A  frontal  attack  seemed  suicidal  but  was  deliberately  chosen.  At 
daybreak  the  battle  commenced,  and,  after  sixteen  hours  of  incessant  fighting, 
a  Japanese  infantry  force  turned  the  left  flank  of  the  Russian  line  and  the  day 
was  won.  Over  seven  hundred  Russian  dead  were  buried  by  the  Japanese,  and 
into  the  latter 's  hands  fell  sixty-eight  cannon  of  all  calibres  with  ten  machine- 
guns.  The  Japanese  casualties  totalled  4912. 

This  battle  finally  solved  the  problem  as  to  whether  Japanese  infantry  could 
hold  its  own  against  Russian.  "With  almost  everything  in  its  favour,  a  strong, 
fresh,  and  confident  Russian  army,  solidly  entrenched  behind  almost  inaccessible 
fortifications  and  supported  by  a  formidable  and  superior  artillery,  was,  in  a 
single  day,  fairly  swept  out  of  its  trenches."1  The  victorious  Japanese  pressed 
forward  rapidly,  and  on  the  30th  of  May  obtained  possession  of  Dalny,  a  base 
presenting  incalculable  advantages  for  the  prosecution  of  an  attack  upon  Port 
Arthur,  which  fortress  it  was  now  evident  that  the  Japanese  had  determined  to 
capture. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  TELISSU 

To  have  left  the  Japanese  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  neck  of  the  Liao- 
tung  peninsula  would  have  been  to  abandon  Port  Arthur  to  its  fate.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Russians  ought  not  to  have  entertained  any  hope  of  their  own 
ability  to  carry  such  a  position  by  assault  after  they  had  signally  failed  to  hold 
it  in  the  face  of  attack.  Nevertheless,  finding  it  intolerable,  alike  to  their 
prestige  and  to  their  sense  of  camaraderie,  to  take  no  measure  in  behalf  of  the 
great  fortress  and  its  thirty  thousand  defenders,  they  determined  to  march  at 
once  to  its  assistance.  To  that  end  celerity  was  all  important,  and  on  June  14th, 
that  is  to  say,  only  eighteen  days  after  the  battle  of  Kinchou,  a  Russian  army  of 
some  thirty-five  thousand  combatants,  under  the  command  of  General  Baron 
Stackelberg,  moving  down  the  railway  to  recover  Kinchou  and  Nanshan,  came 
into  collision  with  the  Japanese  and  fought  the  battle  of  Telissu.  The  Russian 
general,  clinging  always  to  the  railway,  advanced  with  such  a  restricted  front 
that  the  Japanese,  under  General  Oku,  outflanked  him,  and  he  was  driven  back 
I1  The  War  in  the  Far  East,  by  the  Military  Correspondent  of  "The  Times."] 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  717 

with  a  loss  of  about  ten  thousand,  killed  and  wounded,  fourteen  guns,  and  four 
hundred  prisoners. 

NAVAL  INCIDENTS 

On  June  15th,  the  very  day  after  the  Telissu  victory,  the  Japanese  met  their 
only  naval  catastrophe.  While  their  fleet  was  watching  the  enemy  off  Port 
Arthur,  the  battleships  Hatsuse  and  Yashima  struck  mines  and  sank  immediate- 
ly. Moreover,  on  the  same  day,  the  cruisers  Kasuga  and  Yoshino  collided  in  a 
dense  fog,  and  the  latter  vessel  was  sent  to  the  bottom.  As  the  Japanese  pos- 
sessed only  six  battle-ships,  the  loss  of  two  was  a  serious  blow,  and  might  have 
emboldened  the  Russians  to  despatch  a  squadron  from  the  Baltic  to  take  the 
earliest  possible  advantage  of  this  incident.  Foreseeing  this,  the  Japanese  took 
care  to  conceal  the  loss  of  the  Hatsuse  and  Yashima,  and  the  fact  did  not  become 
known  until  after  the  battle  of  Tsushima,  a  year  later,  when  the  Russian  fleet 
had  been  practically  annihilated. 

Meanwhile,  the  Russian  squadron  at  Vladivostok  had  accomplished  little. 
This  squadron  consisted  originally  of  three  armoured  cruisers,  Gromovoi,  Rossia, 
and  Rurik,  with  one  protected  cruiser,  Bogatyr.  But  the  last-named  ship  ran 
on  a  rock  near  Vladivostok  and  became  a  total  wreck  in  the  middle  of  May,  a 
month  marked  by  many  heavy  losses.  These  cruisers  made  several  excursions 
into  the  Sea  of  Japan,  sinking  or  capturing  a  few  Japanese  merchantmen,  and 
cleverly  evading  a  Japanese  squadron  under  Admiral  Kamimura,  detailed  to 
watch  them.  But  their  only  achievement  of  practical  importance  was  the 
destruction  of  two  large  Japanese  transports,  the  Hitachi  Maru  and  the  Sado 
Maru.  In  achieving  this  feat  the  Russians  appeared  off  Tsushima  in  the 
Straits  of  Korea,  on  June  15th,  and  the  transports  which  they  sunk  or  disabled 
carried  heavy  guns  for  the  bombardment  of  Port  Arthur. 

Of  course,  nothing  was  publicly  known  about  the  cargo  of  the  Hitachi  and 
her  consort,  but  there  could  be  no  question  that,  in  timing  their  attack  with 
such  remarkable  accuracy,  the  Russians  must  have  obtained  secret  information 
as  to  the  movements  of  the  transports  and  the  nature  of  their  cargo.  Consider- 
able criticism  was  uttered  against  Admiral  Kamimura  for  failure  to  get  into 
touch  with  the  Vladivostok  vessels  during  such  a  long  interval.  But  much  of 
the  censure  was  superficial.  Kamimura  redeemed  his  reputation  on  the  14th 
of  August  when,  in  a  running  fight  between  Fusan  and  Vladivostok,  the  Rurik 
was  sunk  and  the  Gromovoi  and  Rossia  were  so  seriously  damaged  as  to  be  unable 
to  take  any  further  part  in  the  war.  On  this  occasion  six  Tiundred  Russians  were 
rescued  by  the  Japanese  from  the  sinking  Rurik,  and  it  was  noted  at  the  time 
that  the  Russians  had  made  no  attempt  to  save  Japanese  life  at  the  sinking  of  the 
Hitachi  Maru. 

!-ft-J  c;.'u  f;nj''H')fi;;M  io  ymB.tfifi>  sirfnh  ilxjf07:tt  faod'i  'jtsiol 
THE  JAPANESE  FORCES 

Immediately  after  the  landing  of  the  army  corps  under  General  Oku  and  the 
capture  of  Dalny  in  the  sequel  of  the  battle  of  Kinchou,  the  Japanese  began  to 
pour  troops  into  Dalny,  and  soon  they  had  there  three  divisions  under  the 
command  of  General  (afterwards  Count)  Nogi.  This  force  was  henceforth 
known  as  the  Third  Army,  that  of  General  Kuroki  being  the  First,  and  that 
under  General  Oku,  the  Second.  The  next  operation  was  to  land  another  army 
at  Takushan,  which  lies  on  the  south  coast  of  Manchuria,  between  Pitszewo  and 
the  estuary  of  the  Yalu.  This  army  was  under  the  command  of  General 
(afterwards  Count)  Nozu,  and  its  purpose  was  to  fill  the  gap  between  the  First 


718  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

Army  and  the  Second.  Nozu's  corps  thus  became  the  Fourth  Army.  In 
fact,  the  Japanese  repeated,  in  every  respect,  the  plan  of  campaign  pursued  by 
them  ten  years  previously  in  the  war  with  China. 

There  was  one  ultimate  difference,  however.  In  the  latter  war,  the  force 
which  captured  Port  Arthur  was  subsequently  carried  oversea  to  the  Shantung 
province,  where  it  assaulted  and  took  the  great  Chinese  naval  port  at  Weihaiwei. 
But  the  army  sent  against  Port  Arthur,  in  1904,  was  intended  to  march  up  the 
Liaotung  peninsula  after  the  capture  of  the  fortress,  so  ,as  to  fall  into  line  with 
the  other  three  armies  and  to  manoeuvre  on  their  left  flank  during  the  general 
advance  northward.  Thus  considered,  the  plan  of  campaign  suggests  that 
General  Nogi  and  his  three  divisions  were  expected  to  capture  Port  Arthur 
without  much  delay,  and  indeed  their  early  operations  against  the  fortress  were 
conducted  on  that  hypothesis.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  in  spite  of  heroic 
efforts  and  unlimited  bravery  on  the  Japanese  side,  Port  Arthur,  with  its  garrison 
of  thirty  thousand  men,  its  splendid  fortifications,  and  its  powerful  artillery, 
backed  by  the  indomitable  resolution  and  stubborn  resistance  of  Russian 
soldiers,  did  not  fall  until  the  last  day  of  1904,  and  Nogi's  army  was  unable  to 
take  part  in  the  great  field-battles  which  marked  the  advance  of  the  three  other 
Japanese  armies  from  the  seacoast  to  the  capital  of  Manchuria. 

Step  by  step,  however,  though  at  heavy  sacrifice  of  life,  the  Japanese  fought 
their  way  through  the  outer  lines  of  the  Russian  defences,  and  the  end  of  July 
saw  the  besiegers  in  such  a  position  that  they  were  able  to  mount  guns  partly 
commanding  the  anchorage  within  the  port.  An  intolerable  situation  being 
thus  created  for  the  Russian  squadron,  it  determined  to  put  to  sea,  and  on 
August  10th  this  was  attempted.  Without  entering  into  details  of  the  fight 
that  ensued,  it  will  suffice  to  state  briefly  that  the  result  of  the  sortie  was  to  de- 
prive the  Russian  squadron  of  the  services  of  one  battle-ship,  three  cruisers,  and 
five  torpedo  craft,  leaving  to  Rear-Admiral  Prince  Ukhtonsky,  who  commanded 
the  vessels  in  Port  Arthur,  only  five  battle-ships,  two  cruisers  (of  which  one  was 
injured),  and  three  destroyers.  On  August  18th,  a  gunboat;  on  August  23d, 
another  battle-ship,  and  on  August  24th  another  destroyer  were  sunk  or  disabled 
by  striking  Japanese  mines,  and  it  may  be  said  briefly  that  the  Russian  squadron 
thenceforth  ceased  to  be  a  menace  to  the  Japanese,  and  that  only  the  land 
forces  had  to  be  counted  with. 

'\V-\;''^      i1'*      ~A( '•  I-OV ff>('!    •'"  '  «-•»»  t«»'J     f^-orl   T» rr f n ft   rt    f>    erf      rrr»"' 

FIELD  OPERATIONS  PRIOR  TO  BATTLE  OF  LIAOYANG 

By  the  close  of  June  the  three  Japanese  armies  under  Generals  Kuroki, 
Nozu,  and  Oku  were  fully  deployed  and  ready  to  advance  in  unison.  The  task 
before  them  was  to  clear  the  Russians  from  the  littoral  of  the  Korean  Sea  and 
force  them  through  the  mountains  of  Manchuria  into  the  valley  of  the  Liao 
River.  In  these  operations  the  Japanese  acted  uniformly  on  the  offensive, 
whereas  the  Russians  occupied  positions  carefully  chosen  and  strictly  fortified, 
where  they  stood  always  on  the  defensive.  Five  heavy  engagements,  beginning 
with  Fenshuiling  on  the  26th  of  June  and  ending  with  Yangtzuling  on  July 
31st,  were  fought  in  these  circumstances,  and  in  every  instance  the  Japanese 
emerged  victorious.  From  the  commencement  of  the  land  campaign  until  the 
end  of  July  the  invading  army's  casualties  were  12,000,  while  the  Russian  losses, 
exclusive  of  those  at  Port  Arthur,  aggregated  28,000  killed  and  wounded, 
and  113  light  siege-  and  field-guns,  together  with  eighteen  machine-guns, 
captured. 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  719 

•     iv/  -itf  ,i.i;J    m  -10  a  -fiooij  hid  .Joi-  «-H 

THE  BATTLE  OF  LIAOYANG 

:r  ?,  >i-.ew  .      .         .  /m.ioiln 

The  first  great  phase  of  the  field-operations  may  be  said  to  have  terminated 
with  the  battle  of  Liaoyang,  which  commenced  on  August  25th  and  continued 
almost  without  interruption  for  nine  days,  terminating  on  the  3rd  of  September. 
In  this  historic  contest  the  Russians  had  220,000  men  engaged.  They  were  de- 
ployed over  a  front  of  about  forty  miles,  every  part  of  which  had  been  entrenched 
and  fortified  with  the  utmost  care  and  ingenuity.  In  fact,  the  position  seemed 
impregnable,  and  as  the  Japanese  could  muster  only  some  200,000  men  for  the 
attack,  their  chances  of  success  appeared  very  small.  Desperate  fighting  ensued, 
but  no  sensible  impression  could  be  made  on  the  Russian  lines,  and  finally,  as  a 
last  resource,  a  strong  force  of  Kuroki  's  army  was  sent  across  the  Taitsz  River 
to  turn  the  enemy's  left  flank.  The  Russian  general,  Kuropatkin,  rightly 
estimated  that  the  troops  detached  by  General  Kuroki  for  this  purpose  were 
not  commensurate  with  the  task  assigned  to  them,  whereas  the  Russians  could 
meet  this  flanking  movement  with  overwhelming  strength.  Therefore,  Kuro- 
patkin sent  three  army  corps  across  the  river,  and  by  September  1st,  the 
Japanese  flanking  forces  were  confronted  by  a  powerful  body. 

Strategists  are  agreed  that,  had  Kuropatkin  's  plans  found  competent 
agents  to  execute  them,  the  Japanese  advance  would  have  been  at  least  checked 
at  Liaoyang.  In  fact,  the  Japanese,  in  drafting  their  original  programme,  had 
always  expected  that  Nogi  's  army  would  be  in  a  position  on  the  left  flank  hi  the 
field  long  before  there  was  any  question  of  fighting  at  Liaoyang.  It  was  thus 
due  to  the  splendid  defence  made  by  the  garrison  of  the  great  fortress  that 
Kuropatkin  found  himself  in  such  a  favourable  position  at  the  end  of  August. 
But  unfortunately  for  the  Russians,  one  of  their  generals,  Orloff,  who  had 
thirteen  battalions  under  his  command,  showed  incompetence,  and  falling  into 
an  ambuscade  in  the  course  of  the  counter-flanking  operation,  suffered  defeat 
with  heavy  losses.  The  Japanese  took  full  advantage  of  this  error,  and  Kuropat- 
kin, with  perhaps  excessive  caution,  decided  to  abandon  his  counter-movement 
and  withdraw  from  Liaoyang.  He  effected  his  retreat  in  a  manner  that  bore 
testimony  to  the  excellence  of  his  generalship.  The  casualties  in  this  great 
battle  were  very  heavy.  From  August  25th,  when  the  preliminary  operations 
may  be  said  to  have  commenced,  to  September  3rd,  when  the  field  remained  in 
the  possession  of  the  Japanese,  their  losses  were  17,539,  namely,  4866  in  the 
First  Army,  4992  in  the  Fourth,  and  7681  in  the  Second,  while  the  Russian 
casualties  were  estimated  at  25,000. 

••  T>-:I;>;  V.kvi,  •;>•:?  -l.aH-1  ?uH.->:iCl 


BATTLES  OF  SHAHO  AND  OF  HEIKAUTAI 

i;;-ti    I'TV  '  t  :'-'     1>1U5    i90ff*Mj)Jj 

On  the  2nd  of  October,  General  Kuropatkin  issued  from  his  headquarters  in 
Mukden  an  order  declaring  that  the  "moment  for  the  attack,  ardently  desired 
by  the  army,  had  at  last  arrived,  and  that  the  Japanese  were  now  to  be  compelled 
to  do  Russia's  will."  Barely  a  month  had  elapsed  since  the  great  battle  at 
Liaoyang,  and  it  still  remains  uncertain  what  had  happened  in  that  interval  to 
justify  the  issue  of  such  an  order.  But  the  most  probable  explanation  is  that 
Kuropatkin  had  received  re-enforcements,  so  that  he  could  marshal  250,000  to 
260,000  troops  for  the  proposed  offensive,  and  that  his  news  from  Port  Arthur 
suggested  the  necessity  of  immediate  and  strenuous  efforts  to  relieve  the  fortress. 
His  plan  was  to  throw  forward  his  right  so  as  to  outflank  the  Japanese,  recover 
possession  of  Liaoyang,  and  obtain  command  of  the  railway. 


720  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

He  set  his  troops  in  motion  on  the  9th  of  October,  but  he  was  driven  back 
after  more  than  a  week's  fighting.  No  less  than  13,333  Russian  dead  were  left 
on  the  field,  and  at  the  lowest  calculation,  Kuropatkin's  casualties  must  have 
exceeded  60,000  men  exclusive  of  prisoners.  There  can  be  no  doubt  whatever 
that  the  Russian  army  had  suffered  one  of  the  most  overwhelming  defeats  in  its 
history,  and  that  after  a  fortnight's  hard  marching  and  nine  days'  hard  fighting, 
with  little  food  or  sleep,  it  had  been  reduced  by  terrible  losses  and  depressing 
fatigues  to  a  condition  bordering  on  extermination.  Such  was  the  result  of 
Kuropatkin's  first  attempt  to  assume  the  offensive.  Thereafter,  fully  three 
months  of  complete  inaction  ensued,  and  the  onlooking  world  occupied  itself 
with  conjectures  as  to  the  explanation  of  this  apparent  loss  of  time. 

Yet  the  chief  reason  was  very  simple.  The  weather  in  central  Manchuria  at 
the  close  of  the  year  is  such  as  to  render  military  manoeuvres  almost  impossible 
on  a  large  scale,  and  this  difficulty  is  greatly  accentuated  by  the  almost  complete 
absence  of  roads.  In  fact,  the  reasons  which  induced  Kuropatkin  to  defy  these 
obstacles,  and  renew  his  outflanking  attempts  after  the  beginning  of  the  cold 
weather,  have  never  been  fully  explained.  The  most  probable  theory  is  that 
held  by  Japanese  strategists,  namely,  that  he  desired  to  find  some  opening  for  the 
vigorous  campaign  which  he  intended  to  pursue  in  the  spring,  and  that  his 
attention  was  naturally  directed  to  the  region  between  the  Hun  and  the  Liao 
rivers,  a  region  unoccupied  by  either  army  and  yet  within  striking  distance  of 
the  bases  of  both.  Moreover,  he  had  received  nearly  three  whole  divisions  from 
Europe,  and  he  looked  to  these  fresh  troops  with  much  confidence.  He  set  his 
forces  in  motion  on  the  25th  of  January,  1905.  Seven  Russian  divisions  were 
engaged,  and  the  brunt  of  the  fighting  was  borne  by  two  Japanese  divisions  and 
a  brigade  of  cavalry.  Two  other  divisions  were  engaged,  but  the  part  they  acted 
in  the  fight  was  so  subordinate  that  it  need  scarcely  be  taken  into  account.  The 
Russians  were  finally  driven  back  with  a  loss  of  some  twenty  thousand  killed, 
wounded,  or  prisoners.  This  battle  of  Heikautai  was  the  last  engagement  that 
took  place  before  the  final  encounter, 
^loti  -tnrij  lyan-ioi  &  id  JttiAtei;  sid  bodyjite  ©H  .?:: 

•t.yyiTi    £:,'•  >    n\    c.  •  ui'l         T' 

PORT  ARTHUR 

The  relief  of  Port  Arthur  had  ceased  to  be  an  important  objective  of  Kuropat-. 
kin  before  he  planned  his  Heikautai  attack.  The  great  fortress  fell  on  the  last 
day  of  1904.  It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  May  that  the  Kinchou  isthmus  and 
Dalny  came  into  Japanese  hands,  nor  was  the  siege  army  under  General  Nogi 
marshalled  until  the  close  of  June.  During  that  interval,  General  Stossel,  who 
commanded,  on  the  Russian  side,  availed  himself  of  all  possible  means  of 
defence,  and  the  investing  force  had  to  fight  for  every  inch  of  ground.  The 
attack  on  the  outlying  positions  occupied  fully  a  month,  and  not  till  the  end  of 
July  had  the  Japanese  advanced  close  enough  to  attempt  a  coup  de  main.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  they  had  contemplated  success  by  that  method  of  proced- 
ure, but  they  met  with  such  a  severe  repulse,  during  August,  that  they  recog- 
nized the  necessity  of  recourse  to  the  comparatively  slow  arts  of  the  engineer. 
Thereafter,  the  story  of  the  siege  followed  stereotyped  lines  except  that  the 
colossal  nature  of  the  fortifications  entailed  unprecedented  sacrifice  of  life  on 
the  besiegers '  part.  The  crucial  point  of  the  siege-operations  was  the  capture  of 
a  position  called  203-Metre  Hill.  This  took  place  on  November  30th  after 
several  days  of  the  most  terrible  fighting  ever  witnessed,  fighting  which  cost  the 
Japanese  ten  thousand  casualties.  The  importance  of  the  hill  was  that  it 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  721 

furnished  a  post  of  observation  whence  indications  could  be  given  to  guide  the 
heavy  Japanese  artillery  in  its  cannonade  of  the  remaining  Russian  ships  in  the 
harbour. 

Nothing  then  remained  for  the  Russians  except  to  sink  the  ships,  and  this 
they  did,  so  that  Russia  lost  a  squadron  which,  all  told,  represented  an  outlay  of 
over  thirty  millions  sterling  —  $150,000,000.  In  a  telegram  despatched  to  his 
own  Government  on  January  1st,  General  Stossel  said:  "Great  Sovereign, 
forgive!  We  have  done  all  that  was  humanly  possible.  Judge  us;  but  be 
merciful.  Eleven  months  have  exhausted  our  strength.  A  quarter  only  of 
the  defenders,  and  one-half  of  them  invalids,  occupy  twenty-seven  versts  of 
fortifications  without  supports  and  without  intervals  for  even  the  briefest 
repose.  The  men  are  reduced  to  shadows!"  On  the  previous  day  Stossel  had 
written  to  General  Nogi,  declaring  that  further  resistance  would  merely  entail 
useless  loss  of  life  considering  the  conditions  within  the  fortress.  The  total 
number  of  prisoners  who  surrendered  at  the  fall  of  the  fortress  was  878  officers 
and  23,491  men,  and  the  captured  material  included  546  guns;  35,252  rifles;  60 
torpedoes;  30,000  kilograms  of  powder;  82,670  rounds  of  gun-ammunition;  two 
and  a  quarter  million  rounds  of  small-arm  ammunition;  a  number  of  wagons; 
1,920  horses;  four  battle-ships;  two  cruisers;  fourteen  gunboats  and  torpedo- 
craft;  ten  steamers;  thirty-three  steam  launches,  and  various  other  vessels. 
These  figures  are  worthy  of  study,  as  one  of  General  Stossel's  alleged  reasons 
for  surrendering  was  scarcity  of  ammunition. 

- 

MISHCHENKO'S  RAID 

The  capture  of  Port  Arthur  meant  something  more  than  the  fall  of  a  fortress 
which  had  been  counted  impregnable  and  which  had  dominated  the  strategical 
situation  for  fully  seven  months.  It  meant,  also,  that  General  Nogi's  army 
would  now  be  free  to  join  their  comrades  beyond  the  Liao  River,  and  that 
Kuropatkin  would  find  his  opponents'  strength  increased  by  four  divisions. 
It  became,  therefore,  important  to  ascertain  how  soon  this  transfer  was  likely 
to  be  effected,  and,  if  possible,  to  interrupt  it  by  tearing  up  the  railway.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  January  8th,  General  Mishchenko 's  division  of  Cossacks,  Cau- 
casians, and  Dragoons,  mustering  six  thousand  sabres,  with  six  batteries  of 
light  artillery,  crossed  the  Hun  River  and  marched  south  on  a  five-mile  front. 
Throughout  the  war  the  Cossacks,  of  whom  a  very  large  force  was  with  the 
Russian  army,  had  hitherto  failed  to  demonstrate  their  usefulness,  and  this 
raid  in  force  was  regarded  with  much  curiosity.  It  accomplished  very  little. 
Its  leading  squadrons  penetrated  as  far  south  as  Old  Niuchwang,  and  five  hun- 
dred metres  of  the  railway  north  of  Haicheng  were  destroyed,  a  bridge  also  being 
blown  up.  But  this  damage  was  speedily  restored,  and  as  for  the  reconnoitring 
results  of  the  raid,  they  seem  to  have  been  very  trifling. 


After  the  battle  of  Heikautai,  which  cost  the  Russians  twenty  thousand 
casualties  and  exposed  the  troops  to  terrible  hardships,  Kuropatkin 's  army  did 
not  number  more  than  260,000  effectives.  On  the  other  hand,  he  could  rely 
upon  a  constant  stream  of  re-enforcements  from  Europe,  as  the  efficiency  of  the 
railway  service  had  been  enormously  increased  by  the  genius  and  energy  of 
Prince  Khilkoff,  Russian  minister  of  Ways  and  Communications.  In  fact, 


722  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

when  all  the  forces  under  orders  for  Manchuria  had  reached  their  destination, 
Kuropatkin  would  have  under  his  command  twelve  army  corps,  six  rifle-brigades, 
and  nine  divisions  of  mounted  troops,  a  total  of  something  like  half  a  million 
men.  Evidently  the  Japanese  would  not  have  acted  wisely  in  patiently  await  inp; 
the  coming  of  these  troops.  Moreover,  since  the  break-up  of  winter  would  soon 
render  temporarily  impossible  all  operations  in  the  field,  to  have  deferred  any 
forward  movement  beyond  the  month  of  March  would  have  merely  facilitated 
the  massing  of  Russian  re-enforcements  in  the  lines  on  the  Shaho,  where  the 
enemy  had  taken  up  his  position  after  his  defeat  at  Heikautai.  These  considera- 
tions induced  Marshal  Oyama  to  deliver  an  attack  with  his  whole  force  during 
the  second  half  of  February,  and  there  resulted  a  conflict  which,  under  the  name 
of  the  "battle  of  Mukden,"  will  go  down  in  the  pages  of  history  as  the  greatest 
fight  on' records  i  : 

It  has  been  claimed  by  the  Russians  that  Kuropatkin  was  thinking  of  assum- 
ing the  offensive  when  the  Japanese  forced  his  hand;  but  however  that  may  be, 
the  fact  is  that  he  fought  on  the  defensive  as  he  had  done  throughout  the  whole 
war  with  two  exceptions.  Nevertheless,  we  may  confidently  assert  that  at  no 
previous  period  had  the  Russians  been  so  confident  and  so  strong.  According 
to  the  Japanese  estimate,  the  accuracy  of  which  may  be  trusted,  Kuropatkin 
had  376  battalions,  171  batteries,  and  178  squadrons;  representing  300,000 
rifles,  26,000  sabres  and  1368  guns,  while  the  defences  behind  which  these 
troops  were  sheltered  were  of  the  most  elaborate  character,  superior  to  anything 
that  the  Japanese  had  encountered  during  the  previous  battles  of  the  field- 
campaign.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Japanese  also  were  in  unprecedented 
strength.  Up  to  the  battle  of  Heikautai,  Kuropatkin  had  been  confronted  by 
only  three  armies,  namely,  the  First,  Second,  and  Fourth,  under  Generals 
Kuroki,  Oku,  and  Nozu,  respectively.  In  the  middle  of  February,  these  num- 
bered three,  four,  and  two  divisions,  respectively.  But  there  had  now  been 
added  a  considerable  number  of  reserve  brigades,  bringing  up  the  average 
strength  of  most  of  the  divisions  to  from  22,000  to  25,000  men.  Further,  in 
addition  to  these  armies,  two  others  were  in  the  field,  namely,  the  Third,  under 
General  Nogi,  and  the  Fifth,  under  General  Kawamura.  General  Nogi  's 
force  had  marched  up  from  Port  Arthur,  but  General  Kawamura 's  was  a  new 
army  formed  of  special  reservists  and  now  put  in  the  field  for  the  first  time. 

The  Russians  occupied  a  front  forty-four  miles  in  extent  and  from  five  to 
six  miles  in  depth._  They  did  not  know,  apparently,  that  General  Kawamura 's 
army  had  joined  Oyama 's  forces,  nor  did  they  know  where  Nogi's  army  was 
operating.  The  Japanese  programme  was  to  hold  the  Russian  centre;  to  attack 
their  left  flank  with  Kawamura 's  army,  and  to  sweep  round  their  right  flank 
with  Nogi 's  forces.  The  latter  were  therefore  kept  in  the  rear  until  Kawamura 's 
attack  had  developed  fully  on  the  east  and  until  the  two  centres  were  hotly 
engaged.  Then  "under  cover  of  the  smoke  and  heat  generated  by  the  conflict 
of  the  other  armies  on  an  immense  front,  and  specially  screened  by  the  violent 
activity  of  the  Second  Army,  Nogi  marched  in  echelon  of  columns  from  the 
west  on  a  wide,  circling  movement;  swept  up  the  Liao  valley,  and  bending  thence 
eastward,  descended  on  Mukden  from  the  west  and  northwest,  giving  the  finish- 
ing blow  of  this  gigantic  encounter;  severing  the  enemy's  main  line  of  retreat, 
and  forcing  him  to  choose  between  surrender  and  flight.  To  launch,  direct,  and 
support  four  hundred  thousand  men  engaged  at  such  a  season  over  a  front 
one  hundred  miles  in  length  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  tasks  ever  under- 
taken on  the  field  of  battle  by  a  modern  staff." 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA!*!  723 

Of  course,  all  these  events  did  not  move  exactly  as  planned,  but  the  main 
feature  of  the  great  fight  was  that  Kuropatkin,  deceived  by  Kawamura  's  move- 
ment, detached  a  large  force  to  oppose  him,  and  then  recalled  these  troops  too 
late  for  the  purpose  of  checking  General  Nogi's  flanking  operation.  The 
fighting  was  continuous  for  almost  two  weeks,  and  on  the  morning  of  March 
16th,  the  Russians  had  been  driven  out  of  Mukden  and  forced  northward  beyond 
Tiehling.  In  fact,  they  did  not  pause  until  March  20th,  when  Linievitch,  who 
had  succeeded  Kuropatkin  in  the  chief  command,  was  able  to  order  a  halt  at 
Supingchieh,  seventy  miles  to  the  north  of  Mukden.  "The  Russian  losses  in 
this  most  disastrous  battle  included,  according  to  Marshal  Oyama's  reports, 
27,700  killed  and  110,000  wounded,"  while  an  immense  quantity  of  war  material 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  The  Japanese  losses,  up  to  the  morning  of 
March  12th,  were  estimated  at  41,222. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  TSUSHIMA 

From  the  outset,  both  sides  had  appreciated  the  enormous  preponderance 
that  would  be  conferred  by  command  of  the  sea.  It  was  in  obedience  to  this 
conviction  that  the  Russian  authorities  were  in  the  act  of  taking  steps  to  increase 
largely  their  Pacific  squadron  when  the  outbreak  of  war  compelled  them  to 
suspend  the  despatch  of  re-enforcements.  They  did  not,  however,  relinquish 
their  preparations.  Evidently,  any  vessels  sent  to  the  scene  of  combat  after 
fighting  had  begun  must  be  competent  to  defend  themselves  against  attack, 
which  condition  entailed  strength  to  form  an  independent  squadron.  The 
preparations  to  acquire  this  competence  involved  a  long  delay,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  16th  of  October,  1904,  that  Admiral  Rozhdestvensky  left  Libau  with 
some  forty  ships.  The  world  watched  this  adventure  with  astonished  eyes. 
Thitherto  Great  Britain,  equipped  as  she  is  with  coaling-stations  all  round  the 
globe,  had  been  the  only  power  thought  capable  of  sending  a  large  fleet  on  an 
ocean  voyage.  Rozhdestvensky 's  squadron  consumed  over  three  thousand 
tons  of  coal  daily  when  steaming  at  a  reduced  speed,  and  how  this  supply  was 
to  be  kept  up  in  the  absence  of  ports  of  call,  no  one  was  able  to  conjecture.  The 
difficulty  was  ultimately  overcome  by  the  very  benevolent  character  which  the 
neutrality  of  certain  powers  assumed,  and  in  May,  1905,  the  Baltic  squadron, 
as  the  vessels  under  Rozhdestvensky  were  called,  made  its  appearance  in  Far 
Eastern  waters. 

It  had  been  supposed  that  the  Russians  would  seek  to  envelop  their  move- 
ments in  obscurity,  but  they  seem  to  have  appreciated,  from  the  outset,  the  ab- 
surdity of  endeavouring  to  conceal  the  traces  of  a  fleet  of  forty  vessels  steaming 
along  the  routes  of  the  world 's  commerce.  They  therefore  proceeded  boldly  on 
their  way,  slowly  but  indomitably  overcoming  all  obstacles.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  date  of  their  departure  from  Libau  was  just  two  months  after  the  last 
attempt  of  the  Port  Arthur  squadron  to  escape  to  Vladivostok.  Doubtless,  this 
sortie,  which  ended  so  disastrously  for  the  Russians,  was  prompted  in  part  by 
anticipation  of  the  Baltic  fleet's  approaching  departure,  and  had  the  Port 
Arthur  squadron,  or  any  considerable  portion  of  it,  reached  Vladivostok  before 
Rozhdestvensky 's  coming,  Admiral  Togo  might  have  been  caught  between  two 
fires.  The  result  of  the  sortie,  however,  dispelled  that  hope.  Long  before 
Rozhdestvensky  reached  the  Far  East,  he  fell  into  touch  with  Japanese  scouts, 
and  every  movement  of  his  ships  was  flashed  to  the  enemy.  That  Vladivostok 
was  his  objective  and  that  he  would  try  to  reach  that  place  if  possible  without 


724 

fighting,  were  unquestionable  facts.  But  by  what  avenue  would  he  enter  the  Sea 
of  Japan?  The  query  occupied  attention  in  all  the  capitals  of  the  world  during 
several  days,  and  conjectures  were  as  numerous  as  they  were  conflicting.  But 
Admiral  Togo  had  no  moment  of  hesitation.  He  knew  that  only  two  routes  were 
possible,  and  that  one  of  them,  the  Tsugaru  Strait,  could  be  strewn  with  mines 
at  very  brief  notice.  The  Russians  dare  not  take  that  risk.  Therefore  Tog5 
waited  quietly  at  his  base  in  the  Korean  Strait  and  on  the  27th  of  May  his 
scouts  reported  by  wireless  telegraphy  at  5  A.M.,  "Enemy's  fleet  sighted  in  203 
section.  He  seems  to  be  steering  for  the  east  channel." 

In  the  historic  action  which  ensued,  Rozhdestvensky  had  under  his  command 
eight  battle-ships,  nine  cruisers,  three  coast-defence  ships,  nine  destroyers,  an 
auxiliary  cruiser,  six  special-service  steamers,  and  two  hospital  ships.  T&g5's 
fleet  consisted  of  five  battle-ships  (one  of  them  practically  valueless),  one  coast- 
defence  vessel,  eight  armoured  cruisers,  ten  protected  cruisers,  twenty  destroy- 
ers, and  sixty-seven  torpedo-boats.  Numerically,  the  advantage  was  on  the 
Japanese  side,  although  in  first-class  fighting  material  the  disparity  was  not 
remarkable.  As  for  the  result,  it  can  only  be  called  annihilation  for  the  Russian 
squadron.  Out  of  the  thirty-eight  ships  composing  it,  twenty  were  sunk;  six 
captured;  two  went  to  the  bottom  or  were  shattered  while  escaping;  six  were 
disarmed  and  interned  in  neutral  ports  to  which  they  had  fled;  one  was  released 
after  capture,  and  of  one  the  fate  is  unknown.  Only  two  escaped  out  of  the 
whole  squadron.  This  wonderful  result  justifies  the  comment  of  a  competent 
authority: 

r  "We  can  recognize  that  Togo  is  great  —  great  in  the  patience  he  exercised 
in  the  face  of  much  provocation  to  enter  upon  the  fight  under  conditions  lc>> 
favourable  to  the  success  of  his  cause;  great  in  his  determination  to  give  decisive 
battle  despite  advice  offered  to  him  to  resort  to  methods  of  evasion,  subterfuge, 
and  finesse;  great  in  his  use  of  not  one  but  every  means  in  his  power  to  crush 
his  enemy,  and  great,  greatest  perhaps  of  all,  in  his  moderation  after  victory 
unparalleled  hi  the  annals  of  modern  naval  war. 

,;"The  attitude  of  the  Japanese  people  in  the  presence  of  this  epoch-making 
triumph  is  a  sight  for  men  and  gods.  They  have  the  grand  manner  of  the 
ancients,  and  their  invariable  attitude  throughout  the  war,  whether  in  the  hour 
of  victory  or  in  that  of  disappointment,  has  been  worthy  of  a  great  people. 
No  noisy  and  vulgar  clamour,  no  self-laudation,  no  triumph  over  a  fallen  enemy, 
but  deep  thankfulness,  calm  satisfaction,  and  reference  of  the  cause  of  victory 
to  the  illustrious  virtue  of  their  Emperor."1 

The  Japanese  losses  in  the  two-days '  fighting  were  three  torpedo-boats,  and 
they  had  116  killed  and  538  wounded. 
«o  ylblod  bobo-^onq  9iol<mrft  Y;idT     .s-nymino')  K'  bhovr  •.,-•{}  io  - 

bovioedo  sd  Iliy/  JI     .89lo£tedo  Ik;  JMUpXOgl^a^^iaioblu  ,Ji 

PEACE  RESTORED 

1 

After  the  battles  of  Mukden  and  Tsushima,  which  were  great  enough  to  termi- 
nate the  greatest  war,  the  Russians  and  the  Japanese  alike  found  themselves  in 
a  position  which  must  either  prelude  another  stupendous  effort  on  both  sides 
or  be  utilized  to  negotiate  peace.  Here  the  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America  intervened,  and,  on  the  9th  of  June,  1905,  the  American  minister  in 
Tokyo  and  the  ambassador  in  St.  Petersburg,  instructed  from  Washington, 
handed  an  identical  note  to  the  Japanese  and  the  Russian  Governments  respec- 
tively, urging  the  two  countries  to  approach  each  other  direct.  On  the  following 
3^..il  ii  .vp-STAe  War  in  the  Far  East,  by  the  Military  Correspondent  of  "The  Times."] 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  725 

day,  Japan  intimated  her  frank  acquiescence,  and  Russia  lost  no  time  in  taking 
a  similar  step.  Two  months  nevertheless  elapsed  before  the  plenipotentiaries 
of  the  two  powers  met,  on  August  10th,  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire. 
Russia  sent  M.  (afterwards  Count)  de  Witte  and  Baron  Rosen;  Japan,  Baron 
(afterwards  Marquis)  Komura,  who  had  held  the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Affairs 
throughout  the  war,  and  Mr.  (afterwards  Baron)  Takahira.  The  Japanese 
statesmen  well  understood  that  much  of  the  credit  accruing  to  them  for  their 
successful  conduct  of  the  war  must  be  forfeited  in  the  sequel  of  the  negotiations. 
For  the  people  of  Japan  had  accustomed  themselves  to  expect  that  Russia  would 
recoup  a  great  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  the  expenses  incurred  by  their  country 
in  the  contest,  whereas  the  ministry  in  Tokyo  knew  that  to  look  for  payment  of 
indemnity  by  a  great  State  whose  territory  has  not  been  invaded  effectively  or 
its  existence  menaced  must  be  futile. 

Nevertheless,  diplomacy  required  that  this  conviction  should  be  concealed, 
and  thus  Russia  carried  to  the  conference  a  belief  that  the  financial  phase  of 
the  discussion  would  be  crucial.  Baron  Komura 's  mandate  was,  however,  that 
the  only  radically  essential  terms  were  those  formulated  by  Japan  prior  to  the 
war.  She  must  insist  on  securing  the  ends  for  which  she  had  fought,  since  she 
believed  them  to  be  indispensable  to  the  peace  of  the  Far  East,  but  beyond  that 
she  would  not  go.  The  Japanese  plenipotentiaries,  therefore,  judged  it  wise  to 
submit  their  terms  in  the  order  of  the  real  importance,  leaving  their  Russian 
colleagues  to  imagine,  as  they  probably  would,  that  the  converse  method  had 
been  adopted,  and  that  everything  prefatory  to  questions  of  finance  and  territory 
was  of  minor  consequence. 

The  negotiations,  commencing  on  the  10th  of  August,  were  not  concluded 
until  the  5th  of  September,  when  a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed.  There  had  been 
a  moment  when  the  onlooking  world  believed  that  unless  Russia  agreed  to  ran- 
som the  island  of  Saghalien  by  paying  to  Japan  a  sum  of  120  millions  sterling, 
—  $580,000,000,  the  conference  would  be  broken  off.  Nor  did  such  an  exchange 
seem  unreasonable,  for  were  Russia  expelled  from  the  northern  part  of  Saghalien, 
which  commands  the  estuary  of  the  Amur,  her  position  in  Siberia  would  have 
been  compromised.  But  Japan 's  statesmen  were  not  disposed  to  make  any  dis- 
play of  territorial  aggression.  The  southern  half  of  Saghalien  had  originally 
belonged  to  Japan  and  had  passed  into  Russia's  possession  by  an  arrangement 
which  the  Japanese  nation  strongly  resented.  To  recover  that  portion  of  the 
island  seemed,  therefore,  a  legitimate  ambition.  Japan  did  not  contemplate 
any  larger  demand,  nor  did  she  seriously  insist  on  an  indemnity.  Thus,  the 
negotiations  were  never  in  real  danger  of  failure*.' •• 

The  Treaty  of  Portsmouth  recognized  Japan's  "paramount  political,  military, 
and  economic  interests"  in  Korea;  provided  for  the  simultaneous  evacuation 
of  Manchuria  by  the  contracting  parties;  transferred  to  Japan  the  lease  of  the 
Liaotung  peninsula,  held  by  Russia  from  China,  together  with  that  of  the 
Russian  railways  south  of  Kwanchengtsz  and  all  collateral  mining  or  other 
privileges;  ceded  to  Japan  the  southern  half  of  Saghalien,  the  fiftieth  parallel  of 
latitude  to  be  the  boundary  between  the  two  parties;  secured  fishing-rights  for 
Japanese  subjects  along  the  coasts  of  the  seas  of  Japan,  Okhotsk,  and  Bering; 
laid  down  that  the  expense  incurred  by  the  Japanese  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Russian  prisoners  during  the  war  should  be  reimbursed  by  Russia,  less  the  out- 
lays made  by  the  latter  on  account  of  Japanese  prisoners,  by  which  arrange- 
ment Japan  obtained  a  payment  of  some  four  million  sterling  —  $20,000,000, 
and  provided  that  the  contracting  parties,  while  withdrawing  their  military  force 


726  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

from  Manchuria,  might  maintain  guards  to  protect  their  respective  railways, 
the  number  of  such  guards  not  to  exceed  fifteen  per  kilometre  of  line.  There 
were  other  important  restrictions:  first,  the  contracting  parties  were  to  abstain 
from  taking,  on  the  Russo-Korean  frontier,  any  military  measures  which  might 
menace  the  security  of  Russian  or  Korean  territory;  secondly,  the  two  powers 
pledged  themselves  not  to  exploit  the  Manchurian  railways  for  strategic  pur- 
poses, and  thirdly,  they  promised  not  to  build  on  Saghalien  or  its  adjacent 
islands  any  fortifications  or  other  similar  works,  or  to  take  any  military  measures 
which  might  impede  the  free  navigation  of  the  Strait  of  La  Pe"rouse  and  the 
Gulf  of  Tatary. 

The  above  provisions  concerned  the  two  contracting  parties  only.  But 
China 's  interests  also  were  considered.  Thus,  it  was  agreed  to  "restore  entirely 
and  completely  to  her  exclusive  administration"  all  portions  of  Manchuria  then 
in  the  occupation,  or  under  the  control,  of  Japanese  or  Russian  troops,  except 
the  leased  territory;  that  her  consent  must  be  obtained  for  the  transfer  to  Japan 
of  the  leases  and  concessions  held  by  the  Russians  in  Manchuria;  that  the 
Russian  Government  should  disavow  the  possession  of  "any  territorial  ad- 
vantages or  preferential  or  exclusive  concessions  in  impairment  of  Chinese 
sovereignty  or  inconsistent  with  the  principle  of  equal  opportunity  in  Man- 
churia," and  that  Japan  and  Russia  "engaged  reciprocally  not  to  obstruct  any 
general  measures  common  to  all  countries  which  China  might  take  for  the 
development  of  the  commerce  and  industry  of  Manchuria." 

This  distinction  between  the  special  interests  of  the  contracting  parties  and 
the  interests  of  China  herself,  as  well  as  of  foreign  nations  generally,  is  essential 
to  clear  understanding  of  a  situation  which  subsequently  attracted  much  atten- 
tion. From  the  time  of  the  Opium  War  (1857)  to  the  Boxer  rising  (1900), 
«ach  of  the  great  Western  powers  struggled  for  its  own  hand  in  China,  and  each 
sought  to  gain  for  itself  exclusive  concessions  and  privileges  with  comparatively 
little  regard  for  the  interests  of  others  and  with  no  regard  whatsoever  for 
China's  sovereign  rights.  The  fruits  of  this  period  were  permanently  ceded 
territories  (Hongkong  and  Macao);  leases  temporarily  establishing  foreign 
sovereignty  in  various  districts  (Kiao-chou,  Weihaiwei,  and  Kwang-chow); 
railway  and  mining  concessions,  and  the  establishment  of  settlements  at  open 
ports  where  foreign  jurisdiction  was  supreme.  But  when,  in  1900,  the  Boxer 
rising  forced  all  the  powers  into  a  common  camp,  they  awoke  to  full  appreciation 
of  a  principle  which  had  been  growing  current  for  the  past  two  or  three  years, 
namely,  that  concerted  action  on  the  lines  of  maintaining  China 's  integrity  and 
securing  to  all  alike  equality  of  opportunity  and  a  similarly  open  door,  was  the 
only  feasible  method  of  preventing  the  partition  of  the  Chinese  empire  and 
averting  a  clash  of  rival  interests  which  might  have  disastrous  results.  This,  of 
course,  did  not  mean  that  there  was  to  be  any  abandonment  of  special  privileges 
already  acquired  or  any  surrender  of  existing  concessions.  The  arrangement 
was  not  to  be  retrospective  in  any  sense.  Vested  interests  were  to  be  strictly 
guarded  until  the  lapse  of  the  periods  for  which  they  had  been  granted,  or  until 
the  maturity  of  China's  competence  to  be  really  autonomous. 

A  curious  situation  was  thus  created.  International  professions  of  respect 
for  China's  sovereignty,  for  the  integrity  of  her  empire,  and  for  the  enforcement  of 
the  open  door  and  equal  opportunity  co-existed  with  legacies  from  an  entirely 
different  past.  Russia  endorsed  this  new  policy,  but  not  unnaturally  declined 
to  abate  any  of  the  advantages  previously  enjoyed  by  her  in  Manchuria.  Those 
advantages  were  very  substantial.  They  included  a  twenty-five-year  lease  — 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA; It  727 


with  provision  for  renewal  —  of  the  Liaotung  peninsula,  within  which  area  of 
1220  square  miles  Chinese  troops  might  not  penetrate,  whereas  Russia  would 
not  only  exercise  full  administrative  authority,  but  also  take  military  and  naval 
action  of  any  kind;  they  included  the  creation  of  a'  neutral  territory  on  the  im- 
mediate north  of  the  former  and  still  more  extensive,  which  remained  under 
Chinese  administration,  and  where  neither  Chinese  nor  Russian  troops  might 
enter,  nor  might  China,  without  Russia's  consent,  .cede  land,  open  trading 
marts,  or  grant  concessions  to  any  third  nationality;  and  they  included  the 
right  to  build  some  sixteen  hundred  miles  of  railway  (which  China  would  have 
the  opportunity  of  purchasing  at  cost  price  in  the  year  1938,  and  would  be 
entitled  to  receive  gratis  in  1982),  as  well  as  the  right  to  hold  extensive  zones 
on  either  side  of  the  railway,  to  administer  these  zones  in  the  fullest  sense,  and 
to  work  all  mines  lying  along  the  lines. 

Under  the  Portsmouth  treaty  these  advantages  were  transferred  to  Japan 
by  Russia,  the  railway,  however,  being  divided  so  that  only  the  portion  (521^ 
miles)  to  the  south  of  Kwanchengtsz  fell  to  Japan's  share,  while  the  portion 
(1077  miles)  to  the  north  of  that  place  remained  in  Russia's  hands.  China's 
consent  to  the  above  transfers  and  assignments  was  obtained  in  a  treaty  signed 
at  Peking  on  the  22nd  of  December,  1905.  Thus,  Japan  came  to  hold  in 
Manchuria  a  position  somewhat  contradictory.  On  the  one  hand,  she  figured 
as  the  champion  of  the  Chinese  empire 's  integrity  and  as  an  exponent  of  the 
new  principle  of  equal  opportunity  and  the  open  door.  On  the  other,  she 
appeared  as  the  legatee  of  many  privileges  more  or  less  inconsistent  with  that 
principle.  But,  at  the  same  time,  nearly  all  the  great  powers  of  Europe  were 
similarly  circumstanced.  In  their  cases,  also,  the  same  incongruity  was  observed 
between  the  newly  professed  policy  and  the  aftermath  of  the  old  practice,  njjft 
was  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  Japan  alone  should  make  a  large  sacrifice  on 
the  altar  of  a  theory  to  which  no  other  State  thought  of  yielding  any  retrospective 
obedience  whatever.  She  did,  indeed,  furnish  a  clear  proof  of  deference  to  the 
open-door  doctrine,  for  instead  of  reserving  the  railway  zones  to  her  own  exclu- 
sive use,  as  she  was  fully  entitled  to  do,  she  sought  and  obtained  from  China  a 
pledge  to  open  to  foreign  trade  sixteen  places  within  these  zones. 

For  the  rest,  however,  the  inconsistency  between  the  past  and  the  present, 
though  existing  throughout  the  whole  of  China,  was  nowhere  so  conspicuous  as 
in  the  three  eastern  provinces  (Manchuria);  not  because  there  was  any  real 
difference  of  degree,  but  because  Manchuria  had  been  the  scene  of  the  greatest 
war  of  modern  times;  because  that  war  had  been  fought  by  Japan  in  the  cause 
of  the  new  policy,  and  because  the  principles  of  the  equally  open  door  and 
of  China's  integrity  had  been  the  main  bases  of  the  Portsmouth  treaty,  of  the 
Anglo-Japanese  alliance,  and  of  the  subsequently  concluded  ententes  with  France 
and  Russia.  In  short,  the  world 's  eyes  were  fixed  on  Manchuria  and  diverted 
from  China  proper,  so  that  every  act  of  Japan  was  subjected  to  an  exceptionally 
rigorous  scrutiny,  and  the  nations  behaved  as  though  .they  expected  her  to  live 
up  to  a  standard  of  almost  ideal  altitude.  China 's  mood,  too,  greatly  complicated 
the  situation.  She  had  the  choice  between  two  moderate  and  natural  courses; 
either  to  wait  quietly  until  the  various  concessions  granted  by  her  to  foreign 
powers  in  the  evil  past  should  lapse  by  maturity,  or  to  qualify  herself  by  earnest 
reforms  and  industrious  developments  for  their  earlier  recovery.  Nominally 
she  adopted  the  latter  course,  but  in  reality  she  fell  into  a  mood  of  much  impa- 
tience. Under  the  name  of  a  "rights-recovery  campaign"  her  people  began* 
to  protest  vehemently  against  the  continuance  of  any  conditions  which  impaired 


728  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPA5JESE  PEOPLE 

her  sovereignty,  and  as  this  temper  coloured  her  attitude  towards  the  various 
questions  which  inevitably  grew  out  of  the  situation  in  Manchuria,  her  relations 
with  Japan  became  somewhat  strained  in  the  early  part  of  1909. 


•&  WITH  RUSSIA 


Having  waged  two  wars  on  account  of  Korea,  Japan  emerged  from  the 
second  conflict  with  the  conviction  that  the  policy  of  maintaining  the  independ- 
ence of  that  country  must  be  modified,  and  that  since  the  identity  of  Korean 
and  Japanese  interests  in  the  Far  East  and  the  paramount  character  of  Japanese 
interests  in  Korea  would  not  permit  Japan  to  leave  Korea  to  the  care  of  any 
third  power,  she  must  assume  the  charge  herself.  Europe  and  America  also 
recognized  that  view  of  the  situation,  and  consented  to  withdraw  their  legations 
from  Seoul,  thus  leaving  the  control  of  Korean  foreign  affairs  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  Japan,  who  further  undertook  to  assume  military  direction  in  the  event 
of  aggression  from  without  or  disturbance  from  within.  But  in  the  matter  of 
internal  administration,  she  continued  to  limit  herself  to  advisory  supervision. 
Thus,  though  a  Japanese  resident-general  in  Seoul,  with  'subordinate  residents 
throughout  the  provinces,  assumed  the  functions  hitherto  discharged  by  foreign 
ministers  and  consuls,  the  Korean  Government  was  merely  asked  to  employ 
Japanese  experts  in  the  position  of  counsellors,  the  right  to  accept  or  reject  their 
counsels  being  left  to  their  employers,  UHJS  ' 

Once  again,  however,  the  futility  of  looking  for  any  real  reforms  under  this 
optional  system  was  demonstrated.  Japan  sent  her  most  renowned  statesman, 
Prince  I  to,  to  discharge  the  duties  of  resident-general;  but  even  he,  in  spite  of 
patience  and  tact,  found  that  some  less  optional  methods  must  be  resorted  to. 
Hence,  on  the  24th  of  July,  1907,  a  new  agreement  was  signed,  by  which  the 
resident-general  acquired  initiative  as  well  as  consultative  competence  to  enact 
and  enforce  laws  and  ordinances;  to  appoint  and  removB  Korean  officials,  and 
to  place  capable  Japanese  subjects  in  the  ranks  of  the  administration.  That 
this  constituted  a  heavy  blow  to  Korea's  independence  could  not  be  gainsaid. 
That  it  was  inevitable  seemed  to  be  equally  obvious.  For  there  existed  in 
Korea  nearly  all  the  worst  abuses  of  medieval  systems.  The  administration 
of  justice  depended  solely  on  favour  or  interest.  The  police  contributed  by 
corruption  and  incompetence  to  the  insecurity  of  life  and  property.  The  troops 
were  a  body  of  useless  mercenaries.  Offices  being  allotted  by  sale,  thousands 
of  incapables  thronged  the  ranks  of  the  executive.  The  Emperor's  Court  was 
crowded  by  diviners  and  plotters  of  all  kinds,  male  and  female.  The  finances 
of  the  Throne  and  those  of  the  State  were  hopelessly  confused.  There  \v;is 
nothing  like  an  organized  judiciary.  A  witness  was  in  many  cases  considered 
particeps  criminis;  torture  was  commonly  employed  to  obtain  evidence,  and 
defendants  in  civil  cases  were  placed  under  arrest.  Imprisonment  meant  death 
or  permanent  disablement  for  a  man  of  means.  Flogging  so  severe  as  to  cripple, 
if  not  to  kill,  was  a  common  punishment;  every  major  offence  from  robbery 
upwards  was  capital,  and  female  criminals  were  frequently  executed  by  adminis- 
tering shockingly  painful  poisons.  The  currency  was  in  a  state  of  the  utmost 
confusion.  Extreme  corruption  and  extortion  were  practised  in  connexion  with 
taxation.  Finally,  while  nothing  showed  that  the  average  Korean  lacked  the 
elementary  virtue  of  patriotism,  there  had  been  repeated  proofs  that  the  safety 
and  independence  of  the  empire  counted  for  little  with  political  intriguers. 
Japan  must  step  out  of  Korea  altogether  or  effect  drastic  reforms  there. 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  729 

She  necessarily  chose  the  latter  alternative,  and  the  things  which  she  accom- 
plished between  the  beginning  of  1906  and  the  .close  of  1908  may  be  briefly 
described  as  the  elaboration  of  a  proper  system  of  taxation;  the  organization 
of  a  staff  to  administer  annual  budgets;  the  re-assessment  of  taxable  property; 
the  floating  of  public  loans  for  productive  enterprises;  the  reform  of  the  currency; 
the  establishment  of  banks  of  various  kinds,  including  agricultural  and  commer- 
cial; the  creation  of  associations  for  putting  bank-notes  into  circulation;  the 
introduction  of  a  warehousing  system  to  supply  capital  to  farmers;  the  lighting 
and  buoying  of  the  coasts;  the  provision  of  posts,  telegraphs,  roads,  and  railways; 
the  erection  of  public  buildings;  the  starting  of  various  industrial  enterprises 
(such  as  printing,  brick  making,  forestry  and  coal  mining);  the  laying  out  of 
model  farms;  the  beginning  of  cotton  cultivation;  the  building  and  equipping 
of  an  industrial  training  school;  the  inauguration  of  sanitary  works;  the  opening 
of  hospitals  and  medical  schools;  the  organization  of  an  excellent  educational 
system;  the  construction  of  waterworks  in  several  towns;  the, complete  remodel- 
ling of  the  Central  Government;  the  differentiation  of  the  Court  and  the  execu- 
tive, as  well  as  of  the  administrative  and  the  judiciary;  the  formation  of  an 
efficient  body  of  police;  the  organization  of  law-courts  with  a  majority  of  Japa- 
nese jurists  on  the  bench;  the  enactment  of  a  new  penal  code,  and  drastic  reforms 
in  the  taxation  system.  £<nT 

In  the  summer  of  1907T  the  resident-general  advised  the  Throne  to  disband 
the  standing  army  as  an  unserviceable  and  expensive  force*  The  measure  was, 
doubtless  desirable,  but  the  docility  of  the  troops  had  been  overrated.  Some 
of  them  resisted  vehemently,  and  many  became  the  nucleus  of  an  insurrection 
which  lasted  in  a  desultory  manner  for  nearly  two  years;  cost  the  lives  of  21,000 
insurgents  and  1300  Japanese,  and  entailed  upon  Japan  an  outlay  of  nearly  a 
million  sterling.  Altogether,  what  with  building  642  miles  of  railway,  making 
loans  to  Korea,  providing  funds  for  useful  purposes  and  quelling  the  insurrection, 
Japan  was  fifteen  millions  sterling  —  $72,000,000  —  out  of  pocket  on  Korea's 
account  by  the  end  of  1909.  She  had  also  lost  the  veteran  statesman,  Prince 
Ito,  who  was  assassinated  at  Harbin  by  a  Korean  fanatic  on  the  26th  of  October, 
1909.1 

ANNEXATION  OF  KOREA 

'  :  !£ .-r 

Japan  finally  resolved  that  nothing  short  of  annexation  would  suit  the  situa- 
tion, and  that  step  was  taken  on  August  22,  1910.  At  what  precise  moment 
this  conviction  forced  itself  upon  Japan's  judgment  it  is  impossible  to  say, 
She  knows  how  to  keep  her  counsel.  But  it  was  certainly  with  great  reluctance 
that  she,  hitherto  the  exponent  and  champion  of  Korean  independence,  accepted 
the  role  of  annexation.  The  explanation  given  by  her  own  Government  is  as 
follows: 

In  its  solicitude  to  put  an  end  to  disturbing  conditions,  the  Japanese  Government  made 
an  arrangement,  in  1905,  for  establishing  a  protectorate  over  Korea  and  they  have  ever  since 
been  assiduously  engaged  in  works  of  reform,  looking  forward  to  the  consummation  of  the 
desired  end.  But  they  have  failed  to  find  in  the  regime  of  a  protectorate  sufficient  hope  for 
a  realization  of  the  object  which  they  had  in  view,  and  a  condition  of  unrest  and  disquietude 
still  prevails  throughout  the  whole  peninsula.  In  these  circumstances,  the  necessity  of 
introducing  fundamental  changes  in  the  system  of  government  in  Korea  has  become  entirely 
manifest,  and  an  earnest  and  careful  examination  of  the  Korean  problem  has  convinced  the 
Japanese  Government  that  the  regime  of  a  protectorate  cannot  be  made  to  adapt  jtself  to 
the  actual  condition  of  affairs  in  Korea,  and  that  the  responsibilities  devolving  upon  Japan 
for  the  due  administration  of  the  country  cannot  be  justly  fulfilled  without  the  complete 
annexation  of  Korea  to  the  Empire. 

[lEncylopcedia  Britanivica,  (llth  Edition);  article  "Japan,"  by  Brinkley.J 


730  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAPANESE  PEOPLE 

"Thus  the  dynasty  of  sovereigns,  which  had  continued  in  an  unbroken  line 
from  1392,  came  to  an  end  with  the  independence  of  this  country,  whose  national 
traditions  and  history  had  extended  over  four  thousand  years,  whose  foundation 
as  a  kingdom  was  coeval  with  that  of  the  Assyrian  empire;  and  the  two  last  living 
representatives  of  the  dynasty  exchanged  their  positions  as  Imperial  dignitaries 
for  those  of  princes  and  pensioners  of  Japan."1  Since  that  drastic  step  was 
taken,  events  seem  to  have  fully  justified  it.  Under  the  able  management  of 
Count  Terauchi,  the  evil  conditions  inimical  to  the  prosperity  and  happiness 
of  the  people  are  fast  disappearing.  Comparative  peace  and  order  reign;  and 
there  appears  to  be  no  reason  why  the  fruits  of  progressive  civilization  should 
not  ultimately  be  gathered  in  Japan's  new  province  as  plentifully  as  they  are 
in  Japan  herself. 

'  vifijmr.a  In  . 


l«fW*biit»  Wwllomr    na-fo  r^TUATION  IN  1911 

The  unstable  element  of  the  East  Asian  situation  to-day  is  the  position  occu- 
pied by  Japan  and  Russia  in  Manchuria.  Both  powers  possess  privileges  there 
which  will  not  be  easily  surrendered,  and  which  are  likely,  sooner  or  later,  to 
prove  incompatible  with  China  's  autonomy.  It  was  apprehended  at  the  outset 
that  Russia  would  not  long  consent  to  occupy  the  place  assigned  to  her  by  the 
Treaty  of  Portsmouth,  and  that  she  would  quickly  prepare  for  a  war  of  revenge. 
Her  statesmen,  however,  showed  as  much  magnanimity  as  wisdom.  On  July 
30,  1906,  they  signed  with  Japan  a  convention  pledging  the  contracting  parties 
to  respect  all  the  rights  accruing  to  one  or  the  other  under  the  Portsmouth 
Treaty.  If  international  promises  can  be  trusted,  continuous  peace  is  assured 
between  the  two  powers.  Russia,  however,  is  not  only  doubling  the  track  of  her 
Siberian  Railway,  but  is  also  building  a  second  line  along  the  Amur;  while 
Japan  will  soon  command  access  to  central  Manchuria  by  three  lines;  one  from 
Dalny  to  Kwanchengtsz;  another  from  Fusan  via  Wiju  to  Mukden,  and  a  third 
from  the  northeastern  coast  of  Korea  vid  Hoiryong,  on  the  Tumen,  to  Kilin. 

These  developments  do  not  suggest  that  when  the  lease  of  Liaotung  and  the 
charter  of  the  railways  mature  —  in  twenty-five  years  and  thirty  years,  respec- 
tively, from  the  date  of  their  signature  —  either  Japan  or  Russia  will  be  found 
ready  to  surrender  these  properties.  Meanwhile,  the  United  States  of  America 
is  gradually  constituting  itself  the  guardian  of  China's  integrity  in  Manchuria, 
and  the  citizens  of  the  Pacific  slope,  under  the  influence  of  the  labour  question, 
are  writing  and  speaking  as  though  war  between  the  great  republic  and  the 
Far  Eastern  empire  were  an  inevitable  outcome  of  the  future.  This  chimera  is 
unthinkable  by  anyone  really  familiar  with  the  trend  of  Japanese  sentiment, 
but  it  may  encourage  in  China  a  dangerous  mood,  and  it  helps  always  to  foster 
an  unquiet  feeling.  On  the  whole,  when  we  add  the  chaotic  condition  into  which 
China  is  apparently  falling,  it  has  to  be  admitted  that  the  second  decade  of  the 
twentieth  century  does  not  open  a  peaceful  vista  in  the  Far  East. 

STEADY-POINTS 

There  are,  however,  two  steady-points  upon  the  horizon.  One  is  the  Anglo- 
Japanese  treaty:  not  the  treaty  of  1902,  spoken  of  already  above,  but  a  treaty 
which  replaced  it  and  which  was  concluded  on  August  12,  1905.  The  latter 
document  goes  much  further  than  the  former.  For,  whereas  the  treaty  of  1902 
merely  pledged  each  of  the  contracting  parties  to  observe  neutrality  in  the  event 
[l  The  Story  of  Korea,  by  Longford.] 


ADMIRAL  TOGO 


1 


WARS  WITH  CHINA  AND  RUSSIA  731 

of  the  other  being  engaged  in  defence  of  its  interests,  and  to  come  to  that  other  's 
assistance  in  the  event  of  any  third  power  intervening  belligerently,  the  treaty 
of  1905  provides  that  — 

Whenever  in  the  opinion  of  either  Japan  or  Great  Britain,  any  of  the  rights  and  interests 
referred  to  in  the  preamble  of  this  agreement  are  in  jeopardy,  the  two  Governments  will 
communicate  with  one  another  fully  and  frankly,  and  will  consider  in  common  the  measures 
which  should  be  taken  to  safeguard  those  menaced  rights  or  interests. 

If,  by  reason  of  unprovoked  attack  or  aggressive  action,  wherever  arising,  on  the  part  of 
any  other  power  or  powers,  either  contracting  party  should  be  involved  in  war  in  defence  of 
its  territorial  rights  or  special  interests  mentioned  in  the  preamble  of  this  agreement,  the 
other  contracting  party  will  at  once  come  to  the  assistance  of  its  ally,  and  will  conduct  the 
war  in  common,  and  make'  peace  in  mutual  agreement  with  it. 

The  "rights  and  interests"  here  referred  to  ar.e  defined  as  follows  in  the 

11  n'T  .••  '  *=  ; 

preamble  : 

The  consolidation  and  maintenance  of  the  general  peace  in  the  regions  of  eastern  Asia 
and  of  India. 

The  preservation  of  the  common  interests  of  all  powers  in  China  by  insuring  the  inde- 
pendence and  integrity  of  the  Chinese  empire  and  the  principle  of  equal  opportunities  for 
the  commerce  and  industry  of  all  nations  in  Chinp,.,,^ 

The  maintenance  of  the  territorial  rights  of  the  high  contracting  parties  in  the  regions  of 
eastern  Asia  and  of  India,  and  the  defence  of  their  special  interests  in  the  said  regions. 

•  •!!';••'!   roqj;  svlovab  iJ^na  anoinJ  oiw  oi  noiaasyoua  odT   .II  oIoiJiA 

This  remarkable  agreement  came  into  force  from  the  date  of  its  signature,  and 
its  period  of  duration  was  fixed  at  ten  years.  During  its  existence  the  two 
powers,  England  and  Japan,  are  pledged  to  use  all  endeavours  for  maintaining 
not  only  peace  in  the  East,  but  also  the  independence  and  integrity  of  China/ 
The  significance  of  such  a  pledge  is  appreciated  when  we  recall  the  dimensions  of 
the  British  navy  supplemented  by  the  Japanese,  and  when  we  further  ;'  recall  that 
Japan,  with  her  base  of  operations  within  easy  reach  of  the  Asiatic  continent, 
can  place  half  a  million  of  men  in  the  field  at  any  moment.  The:  second  steady- 
point  is  China's  financial  condition.  She  is  the  debtor  of  several  Western 
nations,  and  they  may  be  trusted  to  avert  from  her  any  vicissitude  that  would 
impair  her  credit  as  a  borrower.  Prominent  among  such  vicissitudes  is  the 
dismemberment  of  the  country.  r  iicrtoqmS 

.gwsl  10  ooiiKj  srit  Qjfnt  Hfirfe  dsidv/  -.asorr&riib-ip  iBrtaqtal  oife«i  ttf 
-'>?.  txorr  aJi  -3si  t:>i(l  Ijshsqjtf]  1  siit  mofod  bmi  9d  tiovnwt>il  ,7te/f  a  asbrtBrt 
";!::>9b  ilsidz  (tnsirunsvoO  oiit  <?,9on,sflib'iO  bis?,  orft  k>  avqiqqjjaib  .toiCI 

• 


orff  ,I$f/8si  sd  dt  ask/so  16  (89ifgai  iOi3qrri3  arfT  '."XI 

ydvq  "*•'     c*~-  -~r 
90iifiiiiin(JJ^^^B>.gjy9rdi;8  g 
^^JiE^Z^fSilv 

l\^-~*\  r~^\  i\  n^°^ 

\  r^\  I^W\  ) 

I*  xti  oHrett  *  '  ~—j/  i*  8n°^q9J>x3   -9«i« 

i'oiq  \     f     \     / 
{V«n  foff^f  vnnfi'orfy'k)  bRRinr^         N/>  arit  e^d-ioi^qu^i  9/fT-  .iX  slaitiA 

SEAL  OF  SESSHO,  THE  PAINTER 

eu  o?   .^y^gQ  f,n    v 

•)noj>  hrr,-.  .i^w'gMef^'b  ^Oiacjriia  9/iT  .IIIZ 


.-,'-,*,  i-  >*«•    —   •*  *   '    .    '  jr  tlltt'*- 

i'-".W6f-yd  bonfmi^J^b  »d  Ifjsife-ogpfg'TO'w.Gl  od)  lo  noij 
^o  -3,;  :  .nebno  ,;  ion  lo  fje^it  aiolnbo  TOCidqmGf  9dT   .VX  s'forhA 

'  'vtw'  .wonod 

•  f  ,^29JMCia-a'^10  iQioqmHI  adT   -17X  ebiiiA  - 
.  «tc.,  >.»f  Fofe  .ooidB^ilidadan  bna 


AI88UH  Q>IA  AVIIHO  HTIW  8HAW 


isilto  j.cri,i  o  f  ocrtoo  ot  hoc  ^temJni  ?Jr  lo  oouobb  ai  beg^no  '; 

i9woq  bihiJ  yas  lo  Jiwvj 


baa  eidah  gdJ  lo  yon  .niuiiiH  teoiQ  10  neqjil  -orfjio  V)  noini 
Ilrw  eJnsnunovoO  owj  orl.t  ,y,bi«qofji  ni  eie  Inom-mjiii  ftiilr  io  •-,'<'.: 
Beiifpj^mi  sill  aoaunoo  ni  lebigaoa  Iliw  has  ,xl>knnl  bfix;  vHnl  ion  r.i 

.BieoisJni  TO  <"Jrigii  ixwjnoai  onoil;  Jn«n7,"t  '  • 

lo  Hcq  9ff*  no  ,gnieiTe  isvoioriw  ,noii»e  avisaoi^SA  10  ^o£)jjj  bs>fovc»'j 
lo  socreteb  ni  ur/^  ni  bavlovni  gd  blnorla  viiuq  gnHo-^Ttnoo  fulji-i  ,H-J 
arit  ,Jn9ninois«  eMJ  lo  oldflW50iq  oilt  ni  bgnoitnsm  wiwrriMii  ;.  ;    . 
axlt  lotrbaoD  lliw  bn£  ,^!!B  aJi  lo  9onrJHi>;8/s  aitt  &^  orrnv)  en.,  jj    'Ji, 

APPENDIX 

""fL^g^TlffioiJ  W'  tHE  EMPIRE1  5*  JAPAN 

aril  TOKYO,  FEBRUARY  11,  1889 

- 

CHAPTER  I.    THE  EMPEROR    ;  ^rf)  ^°  n 
lol  BsiJmimoqqo  lei/po  10  Qlqnnnq     i  !  FKU;  9iK|.'iio  •ta-miiD  oiii  lo  v; 

Article  I.  The  Empire  of  Japan  shall  be  ruled  over  by  Emperors  of  the  dynasty, 
which  has  reigned  in  an  unbroken  line  of  descent  for  ages  past. 

Article  II.   The  succession  to  the  throne  shall  devolve  upon  male  descendants  of  the 
Imperial  House,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Imperial  House  Law. 
ov/Article  III.   The  person  of  the  Emperor  is  sacred  and  inviolable. 
tjn  Article  IV.   The  Emperor  being  the  Head  pf  the  Empire  the;rights  of  sovereignty  are 
Invested  in  him,  and  he  exercises  them  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  present 
Constitution,  ;  r  ,  „  j  j  ij  d'rj  bdt 

Article  V.  .The  Emperor  exercises  the  legislative  power  with  the  consent  of  the 
Imperial  Diet. 

Article  VI.  The:  Emperor  gives  sanction  to  laws,  and  orders  them  to  be  promulgated 
and  put  into  force. 

Article  VII.  The  Emperor  convokes  the  Imperial  Diet,  opens,  closes,  and  prorogues 
ity  rind  dissolves  the  House  of  Representatives.  >J  bej^uit  i 

Article  VIII.  In  case  of  urgent  necessity,  when  the  Imperial  Diet  is  not  sitting,  the 
Emperor,  in  order  to  maintain  the  public  safety  or  to  avert  a  public  danger,  has  the  power 
to  issue  Imperial  Ordinances,  which  shall  take  the  place  of  laws.  Such  Imperial  Ordi- 
nances shall,  however,  be  laid  before  the  Imperial  Diet  at  its  next  session,  and  should  the 
Diet  disapprove  of  the  said  Ordinances,  the  Government  shall  declare  them  to  be  hence- 
forth invalid. 

Article  IX.  The  Emperor  issues,  or  causes  to  be  issued,  the  ordinances  necessary  for 
the  carrying  out  of  the  laws,  or  for  the  maintenance  of  public  peace  and  order,  and  for  the 
promotion  of  the  welfare  of  his  subjects.  But  no  Ordinance  shall  in  any  way  alter  any  of 
the  existing  laws. 

Article  X.  The  Emperor  determines  the  organisation  of  the  different  branches  of  the 
Administration;  he  fixes  the  salaries  of  all  civil  and  military  officers,  and  appoints  and 
dismisses  the  same.  Exceptions  specially  provided  for  in  the  present  Constitution  or  in 
other  laws  shall  be  in  accordance  with  the.  respective  provisions  bearing  thereon. 

Article  XI.   The  Emperor  has  the  supreme  command  of  the  army  and  navy. 

Article  XII.  The  Emperor  determines  the  organisation  and  peace  standing  of  the 
army  and  navy. 

Article  XIII.   The  Emperor  declares  war,  makes  peace,  and  concludes  treaties. 

Article  XIV.  The  Emperor  proclaims  the  law  of  siege.  The  conditions  and  opera- 
tion of  the  law  of  siege  shall  be  determined  by  law. 

Article  XV.  The  Emperor  confers  titles  of  nobility,  rank,  orders,  and  other  marks  of 
honour. 

Article  XVI.  The  Emperor  orders  amnesty,  pardon,  commutation  of  punishments, 
and  rehabilitation. 

732 


CONSTITUTION  733. 

Article  XVII.  The  institution  of  a  Regency  shall  take  place  in  conformity  with  the 
provisions  of  the  Imperial  House  Law.1  .  .»&  ojf.j  j»ii:twb  «i.iiJgu<vf' 

The  Regent  shall  exercise  the  supreme  powers  which  belong  to  the  Emperor  in  hig 
name.  v0,B  floqu  'JO  ,f.7n-i  n 

•CHAPTER  II.  RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  SUBJECT^- 

Article  XVIII.  The  conditions  necessary  for  being  a  Japanese  subject  shall  be  deter- 
mined by  law. 

Article  XIX.  Japanese  subjects  shall  all  equally  be  eligible  for  civil  and  military 
appointments,  and  any  other  public  offices,  subject  only  to  the  conditions  prescribed  and 
Laws  and  Ordinances.  .lobio  Ifihoqml  T{d  foenirm 

Article  XX.  Japanese  subjects  are  amenable  to  service  in  the  army  or  navy,  according 
to  the  provisions  of  law.  R.ji  .Jo  noi^8§noio7q  ariJ  bnjj  ,-taiG 

Article  XXI.  Japanese  subjects  are  amenable  to  the  duty  of  paying  taxes,  according 
to  the  provisions  of  law. 

Article  XXII.  Subject  to  the  limitations  imposed  by  law,  Japanese  subjects  shall  en- 
joy full  liberty  in  regard  to  residence  and  change  of  abode.  Uzdz  t 

Article  XXIII.  No  Japanese  subject  shall  be  arrested,  detained,  tried  or  punished, 
except  according  to  law.  ;iov..<ui  baa  I»i  >qo  od  naa  eificiob  o.V:  .iVklXsbijttA 

Article  XXIV.  No  Japanese  subject  shall  be  deprived  of  his  right  of  being  tried  by 
judges  determined  by  law. 

Article  XXV.  Except  in  the  cases  provided  for  in  the  law,  the  house  of  no  Japanese 
subject  shall  be  entered  or  searched  without  his  permission,  biayil  wii  ,9>tov  ail  &  \o  aaey 

Article  XXVI.  Except  in  cases  provided  for  in  the  law,  the  secrecy  of  the  letters  of 
•  Japanese  subjects  shall  not  be  violated. 

Article  XXVII.  The  rights  of  property  of  Japanese  subjects  shall  not  be  violated. 
Such  measures,  however,  as  may  be  rendered  necessary  in  the  interests  of  the  public 
welfare  shall  be  taken  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  law.  .loiaqrn?!  odi  o.t 

Article  XXVIII.  Japanese  subjects  shall,  within  limits  not  prejudicial  to  peace  and 
order,  and  not  antagonistic  to  their  duties  as  subjects,  enjoy  freedom  of  religious  belief. 

Article  XXIX.  Japanese  subjects  shall,  within  the  limits  of  the  law,  enjoy  liberty  in 
regard  to  speech,  writing,  publication,  public  meetings,  and  associations. 

Article  XXX.  Japanese  subjects  may  present  petitions,  provided  that  they  observe 
the  proper  form  of  respect,  and  comply  with  the  rules  specially  provided  for  such  matters. 

Article  XXXI.  The  provisions  contained  in  the  present  chapter  shall  not  interfere 
with  the  exercise,  in  times  of  war  or  in  case  of  national  emergency,  of  the  supreme  powers 
which  belong  to  the  Emperor.  e  9(j 

Article  XXXII.  Each  and  every  one  of  the  provisions  contained  in  the  preceding 
articles  of  the  present  chapter  shall,  in  so  far  as  they  do  not  conflict  with  the  laws  or  the 
rules  and  discipline  of  the  army  and  navy,  apply  to  the  officers  and  men  of  the  army  and 
of  the  navy. 

CHAPTER  III.    THE  IMPERIAL  DIET 

Article  XXXIII.  The  Imperial  Diet  shall  consist  of  two  Houses:  the  House  of  Peers 
and  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Article  XXXIV.  The  House  of  Peers  shall,  in  accordance  with  the  Ordinance  concern- 
ing the  House  of  Peers,  be  composed  of  members  of  the  Imperial  Family,  of  Nobles,  and 
of  Deputies  who  have  been  nominated  by  the  Emperor. 

Article  XXXV.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members  elected 
by  the  people,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Law  of  Election. 

Article  XXXVI.   No  one  can  at  one  and  the  same  time  be  a  member  of  both  Houses. 

Article  XXXVII.   Every  law  requires  the  consent  of  the  Imperial  Diet. 

Article  XXXVIII.  Both  Houses  shall  vote  upon  projects  of  law  brought  forward  by 
the  Government,  and  may  respectively  bring  forward  projects  of  law. 

i:?xy  yd  ILjiig  rjawou  IflioibttL    ILYJt ekiitiA. 

['  Law  of  succession,  coronation,  ascension,  majority,  style  of  address,  regency,  imperial  governor, 
imperial  family,  hereditary  estates,  imperial  expenditures,  etc.,  of  Feb.  11,  1889.] 

,w,n!  v,d 


.734  CONSTITUTION 

Article  XXXIX.  A  bill  which  has  been  rejected  by  either  of  the  Houses  shall  ndt  be 
again  brought  in  during  the  same  session. 

Article  XL.  Both  Houses  can  make  recommendations  to  the  Government  in  regard 
to  laws,  or  upon  any  other  subject.  When,  however,  such  recommendations  are  not 
adopted,  they  cannot  be,  made  a  second  time  during  the  same  session. 

Article  XLI.   The  Imperial  Diet  shall  be  convoked  every  year. 

Article  XLII.  A  session  of  the  Imperial  Diet  shall  last  during  three  months.  In 
case  of  necessity,  a  duration  of  a  session  may  be  prolonged  by  Imperial  order. 

Article  XLIII.  When  urgent  necessity  arises,  an  extraordinary  session  may  be  con- 
voked, in  addition  to  the  ordinary  one.  The  duration  of  an  extraordinary  session  shall 
be  determined  by  Imperial  order. 

Article  XLIV.  With  regard  to  the  opening,  closing,  and  prorogation  of  the  Imperial 
Diet,  and  the  prolongation  of  its  sessions,  these  shall  take  place  simultaneously  in  both 
Houses.  Should  the  House  of  Representatives  be  Ordered  to  dissolve,  the  House  of 
Peers  shall  at  the  same  time  be  prorogued. 

Article  XLV.  When  the  House  of  Representatives  has  been  ordered  to  dissolve,  the 
election  of  new  members  shall  be  ordered  by  Imperial  decree,  and  the  new  House  shall  be 
convoked  within  five  months  from  the  day  of  dissolution. 

Article  XL VI.  No  debate  can  be  opened  and  no  vote  can  be  taken  in  either  House  of 
the  Imperial  Diet  unless  not  less  than  one-third  of  the  whole  number  of  the  members 
thereof  is  present. 

Article  XL VII.  Votes  shall  be  taken  in  both  Houses  by  absolute  majority.  In  the 
case  of  a  tie  vote,  the  President  shall  have  the  casting  vote.-**  fo,  j 

Article  XLVIII.  The  deliberation  of  both  Houses  shall  be  held  in  public.  The 
deliberations  may,  however,  upon  demand  of  the  Government  or  by  resolution  of  the 
House,  be  held  in  secret  sitting. 

Article  XLIX.  Both  Houses  of  the  Imperial  Diet  may  respectively  present  addresses 
to  the  Emperor. 

Article  L.   Both  Houses  may  receive  petitions  presented  by  subjects. 

Article  LI.  Both  Houses  may  enact,  besides  what  is  provided  for  in  the  present  con* 
stitution  and  in  the  law  of  the  Houses,  rules  necessary  for  the  management  of  their  internal 
affairs. 

Article  LII.  No  member  of  either  House  shall  be  held  responsible  outside  the  respec- 
tive Houses  for  any  opinion  uttered  or  for  any  vote  given  by  him  in  the  House.  When, 
however,  a  member  himself  has  given  publicity  to  his  opinions,  by  public  speech,  by  docu- 
ments in  print,  or  in  writing,  or  by  any  other  means,  he  shall,  as  regards  such  actions, 
be  amenable  to  the  general  law. 

Article  LIII.  The  members  of  both  Houses  shall,  during  the  session,  be  free  from  ar- 
rest, unless  with  the  permission  of  the  House,  except  in  cases  of  flagrant  delicts,  or  of 
offences  connected  with  civil  war  or  foreign  troubles. 

Article  LIV.  The  Ministers  of  State,  and  persons  deputed  for  that  purpose  by  the 
Government,  may  at  any  time  take  seats  and  speak  in  either  House. 

CHAPTER  IV.    THE  MINISTERS  OF  STATE  AND  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL 

Article  LV.  The  respective  Ministers  of  State  shall  give  their  advice  to  the  Emperor, 
and  be  responsible  for  it. 

All  laws,  public  ordinances,  and  imperial  rescripts,  of  whatever  kind,  that  relate  to  the 
affairs  of  the  state,  require  the  counter-signature  of  a  Minister  of  State. 

Article  LVI.  The  Privy  Council  shall,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  for  the  or- 
ganisation of  the  Privy  Council,  deliberate  upon  the  important  matters  of  State,  when 

It-         '•'€  t.    '  ll       1    L          il          T-l 

they  have  been  consulted  by  the  Emperor.  -inn-n  •///•[ 

vri  iiv  7M  to  ?v-  _,  I   .IliY 

v/r!  lo  ? jVHAPTEB  * •    THE  JUDICATURE 

Article  LVII.  Judicial  powers  shall  be  exercised  by  the  courts  of  law,  according  to  law, 
in  the  name  of  the  Emperor.  The  organisation  of  the  courts  of  law  shall  be  determined 
by  law. 


CONSTITUTION    M^HO  7 


35  . 

Article  LVIII.  The  judges  shall  be  appointed  from  among  those  who  possess  tfie 
proper  qualifications  determined  by  law.  No  j  udge  shall  be  dismissed  from  his  post  except 
on  the  ground  of  sentence  having  been  passed  upon  him  for  a  criminal  act,  or  by  reason  of 
his  having  been  subjected  to  punishment  for  disciplinary  offence.  Rules  for  disciplinary 
punishment  shall  be  determined  by  law. 

Article  LIX.  Trials  shall  be  conducted  and  judgments  rendered  publicly.  When, 
however,  there  exists  any  fear  that  such  publicity  may  be  prejudicial  to  peace  and  order, 
or  to  the  maintenance  of  public  morality,  the  public  trial  may  be  suspended,  either  in 
accordance  with  the  law  bearing  on  the  subject  or  .by  the  decision  of  the  court  concerned. 

Article  LX.  Matters  which  fall  within  the  competency  of  the  special  courts  shall  be 
specially  determined  by  law.  /  sdt  It 

Article  LXI.  The  courts  of  law  shall  not  take  cognizance  of  any  suits  which  arise  out 
of  the  allegations  that  rights  have  been  infringed  by  illegal  action  on  the  part  of  the 
executive  authorities,  and  which  fall  within  the  competency  of  the  court  of  administrative 
litigation,  specially  established  by  law;<wCt  Ifiraq 

-     • 
CHAPTER  VI.    FINANCE 

Article  LXII.  The  imposition  of  a  new  tax  or  the  modification  of  the  rates  (of  an 
existing  one)  shall  be  determined  by  law. 

However,  all  such  administrative  fees  or  other  revenue  as  are  in  the  nature  of 
compensation  for  services  rendered  shall  not  fall  within  the  category  of  the  above 
clause. 

The  raising  of  national  loans  and  the  contracting  of  other  liabilities  to  the  charge  of 
the  National  Treasury,  except  those  that  are  provided  in  the  Budget,  shall  require  the  • 
consent  of  the  Imperial  Diet. 

Article  LXIII.  Existing  taxes  shall,  in  so  far  as  they  are  not  altered  by  new  laws, 
continue  to  be  collected  as  heretofore. 

Article  LXIV.  The  annual  expenditure  and  revenue  of  the  State  shall,  in  the  form  of 
an  annual  Budget,  receive  the  consent  of  the  Imperial  Diet.  Any  expenditure  which 
exceeds  the  appropriations  set  forth  under  the  various  heads  of  the  Budget,  or  those  not 
provided  for  in  the  Budget,  shall  be  referred  subsequently  to.  the  Imperial  Diet  for  its 
approval. 

Article  LXV.   The  Budget  shall  be  first  laid  before  the  House  of  Representatives.  fi'Kj^ 

Article  LXVI.  The  expenditure  in  respect  of  the  Imperial  House  shall  be  defrayed 
every  year  out  of  the  National  Treasury,  according  to  the  present  fixed  amount  for  the 
same,  and  shall  not  hereafter  require  the  consent  thereto  of  the  Imperial  Diet,  except  in 
case  an  increase  thereof  is  found  necessary. 

Article  LXVII.  The  fixed  expenditure  based  upon  the  supreme  powers  of  the  Emperor 
and  set  forth  in  this  Constitution,  and  such  expenditure  as  may  have  arisen  by  the 
effect  of  law,  or  as  appertains  to  the  legal  obligations  of  the  Government,  shall  be  neither 
rejected  nor  reduced  by  the  Imperial  Diet,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

Article  LXVIII.  In  order  to  meet  special  requirements  the  Government  may  ask  the 
consent  of  the  Imperial  Diet  to  a  certain  amount  as  a  continuing  expenditure  fund,  for  a 
previously  fixed  number  of  years. 

Article  LXIX.  In  order  to  supply  unavoidable  deficits  in  the  Budget,  and  to  meet 
requirements  unprovided  for  in  the  same,  a  reserve  fund  shall  be  established. 

Article  LXX.  When  there  is  urgent  need  for  the  adoption  of  measures  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  public  safety,  and  when  in  consequence  of  the  state  either  of  the  domestic 
affairs  or  of  the  foreign  relations,  the  Imperial  Diet  cannot  be  convoked,  the  necessary 
financial  measures  may  be  taken  by  means  of  an  Imperial  Ordinance.  In  such  cases  as 
those  mentioned  in  the  preceding  clause  the  matter  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Imperial 
Diet  at  its  next  session  for  its  approval. 

Article  LXXI.  When  the  Imperial  Diet  has  not  voted  on  the  Budget,  or  when  the 
Budget  has  not  been  brought  into  actual  existence,  the  Government  shall  carry  out  the 
Budget  of  the  preceding  year. 


•736  AGREEMENT  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN 

Article  LXXII.  The  final  account  of  the  expenditure  and  revenue  of  the  State  shall  be 
verified  and  confirmed  by  the  Board  of  Audit,  and  it  shall  be  submitted  by  the  Govern- 
ment to  the  Imperial  Diet,  together  with  the  report  of  verification  of  the  said  Board. 

The  organisation  and  competency  of  the  Board  of  Audit  shall  be  determined  by  law 

separately. 

,n9:i'»Y  _  ,.TT     n  _, 

*.,  oj  !  •<:>VHAPTEB  Vn'    SUPPLEMENTARY  RULES 

Article  LXXIII.  Should,  hereafter,  the  necessity  arise  for  the  amendment  of  the 
provisions  of  the  present  Constitution,  A  project  to  that  effect  shall  be  submitted  for  the 
deliberation  of  the  Imperial  Diet  by  Imperial  Order.  In  the  above  case,  neither  House 
can  open  a  debate,  unless  not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  members  are 
present;  and  no  amendment  can  be  passed  unless  a  majority  of  not  less  than  two-thirds  of 
the  members  present  is  obtained. 

Article  LXXIV.  No  modification  of  the  Imperial  House  Law  shall  be  required  to  be 
submitted  for  the  deliberation  of  the  Imperial  Diet.  No  provision  of  the  present  Consti- 
tution can  be  modified  by  the  Imperial  House  Law. 

Article  LXXV.  No  modification  can  be  introduced  into  the  Constitution,  or  into 
the  Imperial  House  Law,  during  the  time  of  a  Regency. 

Article  LXXVI.  Existing  legal  enactments,  such  as  laws,  regulations,  and  ordinances, 
and  all  other  such  enactments,  by  whatever  names  they  may  be  called,  which  do  not 
conflict  with  the  present  constitution,  shall  continue  in  force.  All  existing  contracts  or 
orders  which  entail  obligations  upon  the  Government,  and  which  are  connected  with  the 
expenditure,  shall  come  within  the  scope  of  Article  LXVII. 

fa  9*  <  EHltoJrtJ;'.  IS  -.:;!!ul  .. 

i  £Kfo..yujjp9T  HaJa  ,j9glnj<3  3/U  oi  £ojSr/o-u7  air.  )£ii?  o^nir  tq-,  . 

-if!  I [•<•'. 

2.—  AGREEMENT  BETWEEN  JAPAN  AND  THE  UNITED  KINGDOM,  SIGNED 

AT  LONDON,  AUGUST  12,   1905 
k>  fmol  ari  F  n  i  .-  -IT  bn  ft  eri . 

Preamble.  The  Governments  of  Japan  and  Great  Britain,  being  desirous  of  replacing 
the  agreement  concluded  between  them  on  the  30th  January,  1902,  by  fresh  stipulations, 
have  agreed  upon  the  following  articles,  which  have  for  their  object: 

(a)  The  consolidation  and  maintenance  of  the  general  peace  in  the  regions  of  Eastern 
Asia  and  of  India; 

(b)  The  preservation  of  the  common  interests  of  all  Powers  in  China  by  insuring  the 
independence  and  integrity  of  the  Chinese  Empire  and  the  principle  of  equal  opportuni- 
ties for  the  commerce  and  industry  of  all  nations  in  China; 

(c)  The  maintenance  of  the  territorial  rights  of  the  High  Contracting  Parties  in  the 
regions  of  Eastern  Asia  and  of  India,  and  the  defence  of  their  special  interests  in  the  said 
regions: 

Article  I.  It  is  agreed  that  whenever,  in  the  opinion  of  either  Great  Britain  or  Japan, 
any  of  the  rights  and  interests  referred  to  in  the  preamble  of  this  Agreement  are  in 
jeopardy,  the  two  Governments  will  communicate  with  one  another  fully  and  frankly, 
and  will  consider  in  common  the  measures  which  should  be  taken  to  safeguard  those 
menaced  rights  or  interests.  (671)  •*  t£  1 

Article  II.  If  by  reason  of  unprovoked  attack  or  aggressive  action,  wherever  arising, 
on  the  part  of  any  other  Power  or  Powers  either  Contracting  Party  should  be  involved  in 
war  in  defence  of  its  territorial  rights  or  special  interests  mentioned  in  the  preamble  of 
this  Agreement,  the  other  Contracting  Party  will  at  once  come  to  the  assistance  of  its 
ally,  and  will  conduct  the  war  in  common,  and  make  peace  in  mutual  agreement  with  it. 
(672) 

Article  III.  Japan  possessing  paramount  political,  military,  and  economic  interests  in 
Corea,  Great  Britain  recognizes  the  right  of  Japan  to  take  such  measures  of  guidance, 
control,  and  protection  in  Corea  as  she  may  deem  proper  and  necessary  to  safeguard  and 
advance  those  interests,  provided  always  that  such  measures  are  not  contrary  to  the 
principle  of  equal  opportunities  for  the  commerce  and  industry  of  all  nations.  (672) 


737. 

Article  IV.  Great  Britain  having  a  special  interest  in  all  that  concerns  the  security  of 
the  Indian  frontier,  Japan  recognizes  her  right  to  take  such  measures  in  the  proximity^ 
that  frontier  as  she  may  find  necessary  for  safeguarding  her  Indian  possessions.  (672)  ^ 

Article  V.  The  High  Contracting  Parties  agree  that  neither  of  them  will,  without 
consulting  the  other,  enter  into  separate  arrangements  with  another  Power  to  the  preju- 
dice of  the  objects  described  in  the  preamble  of  this  Agreement.  (672) 

Article  VI.  As  regards  the  present  war  between  Japan  and  Russia,  Great  Britain  will 
continue  to  maintain  strict  neutrality  unless  some  other  Power  or  Powers  should  join  in 
hostilities  against  Japan,  in  which  case  Great  Britain  will  come  to  the  assistance  of  Japan, 
and  will  conduct  the  war  in  common,  and  make  peace  in  mutual  agreement  with  Japan. 
(672) 

Article  VII.  The  conditions  under  which  armed  assistance  shall  be  afforded  by  either 
Power  to  the  other  in  the  circumstances  mentioned  in  the  present  Agreement,  and  the 
means  by  which  such  assistance  is  to  be  made  available,  will  be  arranged  by  the  Naval  and 
Military  authorities  of  the  Contracting  Parties,  who  will  from  time  to  time  consult  one 
another  fully  and  freely  upon  all  questions  of  mutual  interest.  (673)  JH  c 

Article  VIII.  The  present  Agreement  shall,  subject  to  the  provisions  of  Article  VI, 
come  into  effect  immediately  after  the  date  of  its  signature,  and  remain  in  force  for  ten 
years  from  that  date.  -.titan 

In  case  neither  of  the  High  Contracting  Parties  should  have  notified  twelve  months 
before  the  expiration  of  the  said  ten  years  the  intention  of  terminating  it,  it  shall  remain 
binding  until  the  expiration  of  one  year  from  the  day  on  which  either  of  the  High  Contract- 
ing Parties  shall  have  denounced  it.  But,  if  when  the  date  fixed  for  its  expiration  arrives, 
either  ally  is  actually  engaged  in  war,  the  alliance  shall,  ipso  facto,  continue  until  peace  is 
concluded.  (673) 

In  faith  whereof  the  Undersigned,  duly  authorized  by  their  respective  Governments, 
have  signed  this  Agreement  and  have  affixed  thereto  their  Seals. 

Done  in  duplicate  at  London,  the  12th  day  of  August,  1905.  >,-  £ufr: 
(L.S.)    TADASU  HAYASHI 

Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor 

of  Japan  at  the  Court  of  St.  James. 
(L.S.)    LANSDOWNE 

His  Britannic  Majesty's  Principal  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs. 


•  y  oi>i;Lonoo  .oMiRso    &s  0604  % 


3.—  TREATY  OF  PEACE  BETWEEN  JAPAN  AND  RUSSIA  SIGNED  AT  PORTS- 
MOUTH, SEPTEMBER  5,   1905 

,"«?Ko  .,[,„    r..-  ii  ',  i 

Article  I.  There  shall  henceforth  be  peace  and  amity  between  Their  Majesties  the 
Emperor  of  Japan  and  the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias  and  between  Their  respective  States 
and  subjects.  (783) 

Article  II.  The  Imperial  Russian  Government,  acknowledging  that  Japan  possesses 
in  Corea  paramount  political,  military  and  economical  interests,  engage  neither  to  obstruct 
nor  interfere  with  the  measures  of  guidance,  protection  and  control  which  the  Imperial 
Government  of  Japan  may  find  it  necessary  to  take  in  Corea. 

It  is  understood  that  Russian  subjects  in  Corea  shall  be  treated  exactly  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  other  foreign  Powers,  that  is  to  say,  they  shall  be 
placed  on  the  same  footing  as  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  the  most  favoured  nation. 

It  is  also  agreed  that,  in  order  to  avoid  all  cause  of  misunderstanding,  the  two  High 
Contracting  Parties  will  abstain,  on  the  Russo-Corean  frontier,  from  taking  any  military 
measure  which  may  menace  the  security  of  Russian  or  Corean  territory.  (783) 

Article  III.   Japan  and  Russia  mutually  engage: 

1.  To  evacuate  completely  and  simultaneously  Manchuria  except  the  territory  affect- 
ed by  the  lease  of  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula,  in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  additional 
Article  I,  annexed  to  this  Treaty:  and 


738  PORTSMOUTH  TREATY  WITH  RUSSIA 

2.  To  restore  entirely  and  completely  to  the  exclusive  administration  of  China  all 
portions  of  Manchuria  now  in  the  occupation  or  under  the  control  of  the  Japanese  or 
Russian  troops,  with  the  exception  of  the  territory  above  mentioned. 

The  Imperial  Government  of  Russia  declare  that  they  have  not  in  Manchuria  any 
territorial  advantages  or  preferential  or  exclusive  concessions  in  impairment  of  Chinese 
sovereignty  or  inconsistent  with  the  principle  of  equal  opportunity.  (784) 

Article  IV.  Japan  and  Russia  reciprocally  engage  not  to  obstruct  any  general  meas- 
ures common  to  all  countries,  which  China  may  take  for  the  development  of  the  commerce 
and  industry  of  Manchuria.  (784) 

Article  V.  The  Imperial  Russian  Government  transfer  and  assign  to  the  Imperial 
Government  of  Japan,  with  the  consent  of  the  Government  of  China,  the  lease  of  Port 
Arthur,  Talien  and  adjacent  territory,  and  territorial  waters  and  all  rights,  privileges  and 
concessions  connected  with  or  forming  part  of  such  lease  and  they  also  transfer  and  assign 
to  the  Imperial  Government  of  Japan  all  public  works  and  properties  in  the  territory 
affected  by  the  above  mentioned  lease. 

The  two  High  Contracting  Parties  mutually  engage  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
Chinese  Government  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  stipulation. 

The  Imperial  Government  of  Japan  on  their  part  undertake  that  the  proprietary 
rights  of  Russian  subjects  in  the  territory  above  referred  to  shall  be  perfectly  respected. 
(784) 

Article  VI.  The  Imperial  Russian  Government  engage  to  transfer  and  assign  to  the 
Imperial  Government  of  Japan,  without  compensation  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Chi- 
nese Government,  the  railway  between  Chang-chun  (Kuan-cheng-tzu)  and  Port  Arthur 
and  all  its  branches,  together  with  all  rights,  privileges  and  properties  appertaining  there- 
to in  that  region,  as  well  as  all  coal  mines  in  the  said  region  belonging  to  or  worked  for  the 
benefit  of  the  railway.  - 

The  two  High  Contracting  Parties  mutually  engage  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
Government  of  China  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  stipulation.  •  (785) 

Article  VII.  Japan  and  Russia  engage  to  exploit  their  respective  railways  in  Man- 
churia exclusively  for  commercial  and  industrial  purposes  and  in  no  wise  for  strategic 
purposes. 

It  is  understood  that  that  restriction  does  not  apply  to  the  railway  hi  the 'territory 
affected  by  the  lease  of  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula.  (785) 

Article  VIII.  The  Imperial  Governments  of  Japan  and  Russia,  with  a  view  to  promote 
and  facilitate  intercourse  and  traffic,  will,  as  soon  as  possible,  conclude  a  separate  conven- 
tion for  the  regulation  of  their  connecting  railway  services  in  Manchuria.  (785) 

Article  IX.  The  Imperial  Russian  Government  cede  to  the  Imperial  Government  of 
Japan  in  perpetuity  and  full  sovereignty,  the  southern  portion  of  the  Island  of  Saghalien 
and  all  islands  adjacent  thereto,  and  all  public  works  and  properties  thereon.  The  fiftieth 
degree  of  north  latitude  is  adopted  as  the  northern  boundary  of  the  ceded  territory.  The 
exact  alignment  of  such  territory  shall  be  determined  in  accordance  with  the  provisions 
of  additional  Article  II,  annexed  to  this  Treaty. 

Japan  and  Russia  mutually  agree  not  to  construct  in  their  respective  possessions  on 
the  Island  of  Saghalien  or  the  adjacent  islands,  any  fortifications  or  other  similar  military 
works.  They  also  respectively  engage  not  to  take  any  military  measures  which  may  im- 
pede the  free  navigation  of  the  Straits  of  La  Pe*rouse  and  Tartary.  (785) 

Article  X.  It  is  reserved  to  the  Russian  subjects,  inhabitants  of  the  territory  ceded 
to  Japan,  to  sell  their  real  property  and  retire  to  their  country;  but,  if  they  prefer  to  re- 
main in  the  ceded  territory,  they  will  be  maintained  and  protected  in  the  full  exercise  of 
their  industries  and  rights  of  property,  on  condition  of  submitting  to  Japanese  laws  and 
jurisdiction.  Japan  shall  have  full  liberty  to  withdraw  the  right  of  residence  in,  or  to  de- 
port from,  such  territory,  any  inhabitants  who  labour  under  political  or  administrative 
disability.  She  engages,  however,  that  the  proprietary  rights  of  such  individuals  shall  be 
fully  respected.  (786) 

Article  XL  Russia  engages  to  arrange  with  Japan  for  granting  to  Japanese  subjects 
rights  of  fishery  along  the  coasts  of  the  Russian  possessions  hi  the  Japan,  Okhotsk  and 
Behring  Seas. 


PORTSMOUTH  TREATY  WITH  RUSSIA 

It  is  agreed  that  the  foregoing  engagement  shall  not  affect  rights  already  belonging 
to  Russian  or  foreign  subjects  in  those  regions.  (786) 

Article  XII.  The  Treaty  of  Commerce  and  Navigation  between  Japan  and  Russia 
having  been  annulled  by  the  war,. the  Imperial  Governments  of  Japan  and  Russia  engagd 
to  adopt  as  the  basis  of  their  commercial  relations,  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  new  treaty 
of  commerce  and  navigation  on  the  basis  of  the  Treaty  which  was  in  force  previous  to  the 
present  war,  the  system  of  reciprocal  treatment  on  the  footing  of  the  most  favoured  na- 
tion, in  which  are  included  import  and  export  duties,  customs  formalities,  transit  and 
tonnage  dues,  and  the  admission  and  treatment  of  the  agents,  subjects  and  vessels  of  one 
country  in  the  territories  of  the  other..  (786)  -*oq  ^ 

Article  XIII.  As  soon  as  possible  after  the  present  Treaty  comes  into  force,  all  pris- 
oners of  war  shall  be  reciprocally  restored.  The  Imperial  Governments  of  Japan  and 
Russia  shall  each  appoint  a  special  Commissioner  to  take  charge  of  prisoners.  All  pris- 
oners in  the  hands  of  the  Government  shall  be  delivered  to  and  received  by  the  Commis- 
sioner of  the  other  Government  or  by  his  duly  authorized  representative,  in  such  con- 
venient numbers  and  at  such  convenient  ports  of  the  delivering  State  &s  such  delivering 
State  shall  notify  in  advance  to  the  Commissioner  of  the  receiving  State. 

The  Governments  of  Japan  and  Russia  shall  present  to  each  other,  as  soon  as  possible 
after  the  delivery  of  prisoners  has  been  completed,  a  statement  of  the  direct  expenditures 
respectively  incurred  by  them  for  the  care  and  maintainance  of  prisoners  from  the  date 
of  capture  or  surrender  up  to  the  time  of  death  or  delivery.  Russia  engages  to  repay 
Japan,  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  exchange  of  the  statements  as  above  provided,  the 
difference  between  the  actual  amount  so  expended  by  Japan  and  the  actual  amount  simi- 
larly disbursed  by  Russia.  (787) 

Article  XIV.  The  present  Treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  Their  Majesties  the  Emperor 
of  Japan  and  the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias.  Such  ratification  shall,  with  as  little  delay 
as  possible  and  in  any  case  not  later  than  fifty  days  from  the  date  of  the  signature  of  the 
Treaty,  be  announced  to  the  Imperial  Governments  of  Japan  and  Russia  respectively 
through  the  French  Minister  in  Tokio  and  the  Ambassador  of  the  United  States  in  Saint 
Petersburg  and  from  the  date  of  the  later  of  such  announcements  this  Treaty  shall  in  all 
its  parts  come  into  full  force. 

The  formal  exchange  of  the  ratification  shall  take  place  at  Washington  as  soon  as 
possible.  (787) 

Article  XV.  The  present  Treaty  shall  be  signed  in  duplicate  in  both  the  English  and 
French  languages.  The  texts  are  in  absolute  conformity,  but  in  case  of  discrepancy  in 
interpretation,  the  French  text  shall  prevail. 

In  witness  whereof,  the  respective  Plenipotentiaries  have  signed  and  affixed  their  seals 
to  the  present  Treaty  of  Peace.  (788) 

Done  at  Portsmouth  (New  Hampshire)  this  fifth  day  of  the  ninth  month  of  the 
thirty-eighth  year  of  Meiji,  corresponding  to  the  twenty-third  day  of  August  (fifth  Sep- 
tember), one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  five. 

(Signed)    JUTARO  KOMURA  (L.S.) 

(Signed)    K.  TAKAHIRA  (L.S.) 

(Signed)    SERGE  WITTE  (L.S.) 

(Signed)    ROSEN  (L.S.) 


In  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  Articles  III  and  IX  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  be- 
tween Japan  and  Russia  of  this  date,  the  undersigned  Plenipotentiaries  have  concluded 
the  following  additional  Articles : 

I.  To  Article  III.  The  Imperial  Governments  of  Japan  and  Russia  mutually  engage 
to  commence  the  withdrawal  of  their  military  forces  from  the  territory  of  Manchuria 
simultaneously  and  immediately  after  the  Treaty  of  Peace  comes  into  operation,  and 
within  a  period  of  eighteen  months  from  that  date,  the  Armies  of  the  two  countries  shall 
be  completely  withdrawn  from  Manchuria,  except  from  the  leased  territory  of  the  Liao- 
tung  Peninsula. 

The  forces  of  the  two  countries  occupying  the  front  positions  shall  be  first  withdrawn. 


740  PORTSMOUTH  TREATY  WITH   RUSSIA 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to  maintain  guards  to 
protect  their  respective  railway  lines  in  Manchuria.  The  number  of  such  guards  shall  not 
exceed  fifteen  per  kilom6tre  and  within  that  maximum  number,  the  commanders  of  the 
Japanese  and  Russian  Armies  shall,  by  common  accord,  fix  the  number  of  such  guards  to 
be  employed,  as  small  as  possible  having  in  view  the  actual  requirements. 

The  Commanders  of  the  Japanese  and  Russian  forces  in  Manchuria  shall  agree  upon 
the  details  of  the  evacuation  in  conformity  with  the  above  principles  and  shall  take  by 
common  accord  the  measures  necessary  to  carry  out  the  evacuation  as  soon  as  possible 
and  in  any  case  not  later  than  the  period  of  eighteen  months.  (789) 

II.  To  Article  IX.  As  soon  as  possible  after  the  present  Treaty  comes  into  force, 
a  Commission  of  Delimitation,  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  members  to  be  appointed 
respectively  by  the  two  High  Contracting  Parties,  shall  on  the  spot  mark  in  a  permanent. 
manner  the  exact  boundary  between  the  Japanese  and  Russian  possessions  on  the  Island 
of  Saghalien.  The  Commissions  shall  be  bound,  so  far  as  topographical  considerations 
permit,  to  follow  the  fiftieth  parallel  of  north  latitude  as  the  boundary  line,  and  in  case 
any  deflections  from  that  line  at  any  points  are  found  to  be  necessary,  compensation  will 
be  made  by  correlative  deflections  at  other  points.  It  shall  also  be  the  duty  of  the  said 
Commission  to  prepare  a  list  and  description  of  the  adjacent  islands  included  in  the  cession 
and  finally  the  Commission  shall  prepare  and  sign  maps  showing  the  boundaries  of  the 
ceded  territory.  The  work  of  the  Commission  shall  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
High  Contracting  Parties.  i  TO  iljiwfo  k>  tuatJ  »di  of  qn 

The  foregoing  additional  Articles  are  to  be  considered  as  ratified  with  the  ratification 
of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  to  which  they  are  annexed.  (789)  a-.v  •,-,  \  •••• 

Portsmouth  the  5th  day,  9th  month,  38th  year  of  Meiji  corresponding  to  the 
23rd  August,  • 

5th  September, 

(Signed)    JUTARO  KOMURA  (L-.&)  .' 

(Signed)    K.  TAKAHIRA  (L.S.)  -inomavw 

(Signed)    SERGE  WITTE  (L.S.)  <;ci«iA 

(Signed)     ROSEN  (L.S,) 

.3010!  Ihjf  oJj; 
&B  floo«i  &G  mfgaufaoW  ic  .op&lq  ojfad.  liciia  tiotJ*Dfiitei  adJ  kr  agflieiby.  •  > 

bnfi  xfeHgu3  asft  rfto  J  fii  ;  ^fioatnq  orfT 

tti 


\o  fijflofrt  aiqip-ddt  lo.^b,  dilft 

lo  ^jsb  faikL^Jiiaw^  ail/  oJ  ^nibnt;q^;-f  -;of>  , 

byibnud  sniir  lirn 

(.8.J)    AJIUKoH   OJIAT 
(.8.J)    A^!:  -  '..=      ;' 


-ad  ojflol  Ip 
babuir-noo 

uiiiJiIafiaW  ]p 

wni  blue  yfeijo-vi,; 

-OilLI  Vji'l  JO  ^'!'  i  • 

t:'/?  teift  ad  Ifarla  enoi^iaoq  inoi\  odr  gni'{quoao  aanj/iuoo  ow^  eiii  lo  asoiol  sriT 


Abdication,  Shomu,  197; 
Fujiwara  policy,  237 

Abe,  Princess,  becomes  Em- 
press Kpken,  197 

Abe  family  and  Nine  Years' 
Commotion,  266;  Minister  of 
the  Left,  160 

—  Kozp,   on  moral  influence 
of  Chinese  classics,  104 

—  Masahiro,  policy  in   1853, 
666;  attempts  to  strengthen 
Tokugawa,  668. 

—  Muneto,  brother  of  Sadato, 
war  in  Mutsu,  266-7 

—  Nakamaro  (701-70),  studies 
in  China,  190 

—  Sadato  (1019-1062),  in  Nine 
Years'  Commotion,  266-7 

—  Seimei,  astronomer,  his  de- 
scendants in  Gakashujo,  664 

—  Shigetsugu  (1600-51),  582 

—  Tadaaki  (1583-1644),  min- 
ister of  lemitsu,  581       ;QQ£ 

Abutsu-ni  (d.  1283),  author  of 
Izayoi-nikki,  366 

Academies  for  youth  of  uji, 
Gaku-in,  206,  282-3;  temple- 
schools,  iera-koya,  448 ;  estab- 
lished by  Yoshinao,  578;  the 
Honga  schooj,  599;  schools  in 
Yedo  and  Osaka,  614;  for 
court  nobles  664 

Acha-no-Tsubone,  566 

Achi,  Chinese  prince,  migrates 
to  Japan  (289  A.D.)  with 
weavers,  102;  carpenters,  126; 
and  Saka-no-ye  no  Tamu- 
ramaro,  221 

Adachi  family,  connexion  with 
Hojo,  Miura  plot  against, 
351;  crushed  (1286),  376  . 

Adahiko,  son  of  Omi,  befriends 
Oke  and  Woke,  118 

Adams,  Will  (d.  1520),  English 
pilot  on  Liefde,  adviser  of 
leyasu,  546,  547,  550;  Saris 
distrusts,  653;  tomb  (ill.), 
545 

Adoption,  law  of,  in  Court 
Laws,  577;  in  Tokugawa 
fiefs,  593;  laws  of,  626 

After-Han  dynasty  (211-65) 
of  China,  102  0"i 


INDEX 


Aganoko,    lands    confiscated, 

96    . ...    to M; vets  it 

Agglutinative  language,  57 
Agriculture,  early  develop- 
ment of,  47,  70-1;  and  re- 
ligion, 66;  encouraged  by 
Sujin,  79,  80;  in  reign  of 
Suinin,  84;  on  state  revenue 
lands,  96;  in  years  540-640, 
155;  in  Nara  epoch,  207;  in 
Heian,  279;  in  Kamakura 
period,  374;  under  Yoshi- 
mune,  615-16,  617-18;  Amer- 
icans in  remodelling  methods 
of,  686-7;  growth  in  19th 
century,  694 

Ai   river,  fighting  on,  713-14 
Ainu,  nature-worship  of,  47; 
language,  56;  subdivision  of 
yellow  race,  58;  ill.,  42 
Aizu,  meeting-plan  of  armies 
in  Shido    shogun   campaign, 
80;  clan  loyal  to  shogun  at 
Restoration,  678 
Akabashi  Moritoki,  385 
Akagashira,  "red  head,"  Aka- 
hige,    "red  beard,"  Yemishi 
leader  in  8th  century,  222 
Akahito  see  Yamabe  Akahito 
Akakura  at  Sekigahara,  561 
Akamatsu,  large  land-holdings 
of,  409;  Ashikaga  Yoshinori 
plots  against,  420-1 

—  Mitsusuke        (1381-1441), 
rebels    against    Yoshimochl, 
420;  defeated,  421 

—  Norimura         (1277-1350), 
defender  of  Go-Daigo,  381, 
382,      384;     turns      against 
Crown,    388,    389;    captures 
KySto     (1336),     392;     and 
Ashikaga,  393 

—  Norishige,  revolts  in  Kyu- 
shu, 421-2 

—  Sadamura,  among  generals 
attacking  Mitsusuke,  421 

—  Yoshimura,     guardian     of 
Ashikaga  Yoshiharu,  433 

Aka-Nyudo,     "Red     Monk," 
427;  see  Yamana  Mochitoyo 
Akasaka  taken  by  Hojo,  381 
Akazome  Emon,  authoress  of 
Eigwa  Monogatari,  261 

741 


Akechi  Mitsuhide  (1526-82), 
soldier  under  Nobunaga,  485 ; 
goes  over  to  the  Mori,  490; 
shogun,  491;  tries  to  kill 
leyasu,  492;  death,  493  iaA 

Aki,  province,  491 

Aki,  daughter  of  Kiyo  and 
Fujiwara  Yoshifusa,  Mon- 
toku's  empress,  236 

Akimoto  Yasutomo  (1580- 
1642)  rebuilds  leyasu's 
shrine,  582 

Akitoki  see  Kanazawa  Akitoki 

Akizuki  of  Kyushu,  defeated 
by  Otomo,  470 

A ko,  "reliance  on  equity," 
quibble  over  word  240,  275 

Ako,  vendetta  of,  606-7 

Akunoura,  foundry,  669 

Akuro-o,  Yemishi  leader  in  8th 
century  wars,  possibly  Oro-o, 
i.  e.,  Russian,  222  •  <,  rijpn'i/ 

Alcock,  Sir  Rutherford  (1809- 
97),  on  aliens  in  Japan,  672 

Alderman,  over  homestead  of 
50  houses,  164 

Alexieff,  E.  I.  (b.  1843), 
Russian  admiral,  in  com- 
mand at  Port  Arthur,  7H,j,ttK 

Aliens,  in  prehistoric  ban  or 
bambetsu,  92;  naturalized, 
skilled  artisans,  the  tamibe, 
94;  see  Extraterritorial  Juris- 
diction 

Altaic  myth,  26,  70;  group  of 
languages,  57 

Amako  family  crushed  in 
Izumo  by  the  Mori,  470. 

—  Tsunehisa  _     (1458-1540), 
rivalry  with  Ouchi,  470 

—  Yoshihisa  (1545-1610),  de- 
feated by  Mori,  470 

Amakusa,  Portuguese  trade 
and  Christianity  in,  535,  536; 
Shimabara  revolt,  554-5  ,<,>-, 

Ama-no-Hihoko,  prince  of 
Shiragi,  Korea,  settles  in 
Tajima,  84L88 

Amaterasu-o-mi-Kami,  Sun- 
goddess,  11,  12,  61,  62,  195 

Amida,  the  Saviour,  370;  Am- 
ida-ga-mine,  shrine,  near  Kyo- 
to, tomb  of  Hideyoshi,  524 


Amu 

Amur  river,  battle  on,  (660 
A.D.)  with  Sushen,  35;  Rus- 
sia's position  on,  704 

Amusements,  prehistoric,  75; 
in  early  historic  times,  148, 
157,  213-14;  in  Heian  epoch, 
277-8;  at  Kamakura,  377;  in 
Muromachi  epoch,  457-9; 
(ills.),  92,  116,268,275 

Anahobe,  Prince,  rival  of 
Yomei  for  throne,  135;  to  suc- 
ceed Yomei,  136 

Anato  now  Nagato,  81 

Ancestor-worship,  apotheosis 
of  distinguished  mortals,  64; 
grafted  on  Buddhism,  193 

Ando  family  revolt,  377 

—  Shoshu,  suicide  (1333),  385 
Andrew,  Prince,  Arima  Yoshi- 

sada,  536 

Ane-gawa,  battle  (1570),  484 
Ane-no-koji  family,  461 
Animals,  killing,  forbidden  in 
reign  (741)  of   Koken,   197, 
earlier,  212,  in  time  of  Tsuna- 
yoshi,    602,    608,    result    in 
stock     farming,     268,     273; 
worship  of,  65,  128,  mythical 
and  terrible  beasts  in  early 
records,  70;  pets,  277-8 
Anjin-Zuka,     tomb    of    Will 
Adams,  545  (ill.) 
"  Anjiro,"  Japanese  interpreter 
of  Xavier,  531,  sqq. 
Ankan,  27th  Emperor   (534- 

535),  120 

Anko,    20th    Emperor    (454- 
456),  111-12;  palace,  126 
Ankokuji  Ekei  see  Ekei 
Annam,  trade  with,  529 
Annen,  priest,  compiles  Doji- 
kyo,  449 
Annual  Letter  of  Jesuits,  533, 

537 

Anotsu,  Ise,  China  trade,  444 
Anra,  province  Mimana,  83 
Ansatsu-shi,  inspectors  of  pro- 
vincial government,  200 
Anthology,     first     Japanese, 
"Myriad   Leaves,"    214;   of 
poems     in     Chinese     style, 
Kwaifu-so,       214-15;       the 
Kokin-shu,  10th  century,  237; 
the  three,  of  the  Ho-en  epoch, 
251;  the  Hyakunin-4sshu  of 
Teika,    366;   in   the   Kyoto 
school,  366 

Antoku,  81st  Emperor  (1181- 
1183),  297,  298,  310;  drowned 
at  Dan-no-ura,  319;  perhaps 
a  girl,  320 

Antung,  on  Yalu,  Russians 
defeated,  714 

Aoki  Kaneiye,  metal-worker 
of  Muromachi  period,  451 

—  Konyo,     scholar,     studies 
Dutch    (1744),    614;    intro- 
duces sweet  potato,  618 

Aoto      Fujitsuna      criticizes 
Hojo  Tokiyori,  352-3 
Ape,  worship  of,  128 


742 

Apotheosis,  one  class  of  Kami 
formed  by,  64 

Aqueducts  in  irrigation,  207 

Arai  Hakuseki  (1656-1726), 
Confucianist,  author  of  Sot- 
ran  I  gen,  608-9  (ill.) ;  retired. 
610;  opposes  forcing  Imperial 
princes  into  priesthood,  620-1 

Arakahi,  defeats  Iwai  in  Chi- 
kugo  (528  A.D.),  123 

Archaeological  relics,  45-55 

Archery,  early  development  of, 
70, 136-7  in  reign  of  Temmu, 
171;  equestrian,  in  Nara 
epoch,  214;  284  (ill.) 

Architecture,  in  proto-historic 
times,  126;  influenced  by 
Buddhism,  153,  208;  in  Heian 
epoch.  278-9;  Kamakura 
period,  373;  Muromachi,  452 

Are  see  Hiyeda  Are 

Ariga,  Dr.,  on  Korean  influence 
on  early  relations  with  China, 
84  f.n.;  on  supposed  moral 
influence  of  Chinese  classics, 
104;  on  false  attribution  to 
Shptoku  of  estimate  of  Bud- 
dhism, 133;  on  Joei  code,  349 

Arii,  adherents  of  Southern 
Court  in  Sanyo-do,  400 

Arima,  in  Settsu,  thermal 
spring,  157;  Jesuits  and 
Buddhists  in,  536;  represent- 
ed in  embassy  to  Europe,  537 

Arima  Yostosada  (d.  1577), 
brother  of  Omura  Sumitada, 
baptized  as  Andrew,  536 

—  Yoshizumi  rebels,  501 
Arisugawa,  one  of  four  prince- 
ly houses,  621 

—  Prince  (1835-95),  leader  of 
anti-foreign  party,  673 

Arita,  porcelain  manufacture, 
451 

Ariwara,  uji  of  princely  de- 
scent, 205;  Takaoka's  family 
in,  231  f.n.;  academy,  283; 
eligible  to  high  office,  295 

—  Narihira    (825-882),    poet, 
236,  237-8;  251,  276  (ill.) 

—  Yukihira   (818-893),  poet, 
251;  founds  academy,  (881), 
206 

Armour,  Yamato,  in  sepulchral 
remains,  52;  in  Muromachi 
epoch,  451;  early  arms  and 
armour,  69-70;  after  Daiho, 
181 ;  in  Heian  epoch,  280 

Army  see  Military  Affairs 

Army  and  Navy,  Department 
in  Meiji  government,  681 

Army  inspector,  181 

Arrow-heads,  51 

Artillery,  early  use,  488 

Artisans,  in  prehistoric  tamibe, 
94;  Korean  and  Chinese 
immigrants,  102;  113;  144 

Arts  and  Crafts,  promoted  by 
Yuryaku,  113,  128;  Chinese 
and  Korean  influence,  153, 
in  Kamakura  period,  365;  in 


Ashi 

Heian  epoch,  279;  patronized 
by  Yoshimasa,  424;  first  books 
on,  450;  in  Muromachi  epoch, 
450;  in  time  of  Hideyoshi,5l,3; 
patronized  byTsunayo8hi,600 

Asahina  Saburo  (or  Yoshihide) , 
son  of  Wada  Yoshimori,  338 

Asai  family  control  Omi  prov- 
ince, 469;  Nobunaga's  strug- 
gle with,  483-5;  helped  by 
Buddhists,  485 

—  Nagamasa  (1545-73),  won 
over  to  Nobunaga,  481;  joins 
Asakura,  defeated,  483-5 

Asaka  Kaku,   contributor  to 

Dai  Nihon-shi,  645 
Asakura   family   in   Echizen, 

469;  struggle  with  Nobunaga, 

483-5;  helped  by  Buddhist 

priests,  485 

—  Yoshikage    (1533-73),    de- 
feated by  Hideyoshi,  484-5 

Asama,  eruption  (1783),  619 
Asan,     Korea,    occupied    by 
Chinese  (1894),  700 
Asano  Nagamasa  (1546-1610), 
512;  in  charge  of  commissa- 
riat   513;    sent     to    Korea 
(1598),  524,  557 

—  Naganori,  daimyo  of  Ako, 
exile,    suicide,    avenged    by 
"47  Ronins,"  607,  608 

—  Yukinaga        (1576-1613), 
against  Ishida,  558;  578 

Ashikaga  family  favour  Yori- 
tomo,  308;  revolt  of  1335, 
392-5;  shogun  of  Northern 
court,  398;  government, 
402-3;  internal  quarrels,  404- 
5;  estimate  by  Rai  Sanyo, 
409;  fall  of,  413-41;  govern- 
ment, 435-41 ;  scholarship, 
448;  school,  449;  Buddhism. 
453;  against  Hojo,  466;  end 
of  shogunate  of,  482 

—  Chachamaru,   kills  his  far 
ther  Masatomo,  465 

—  gakko,  great  school,  under 
patronage  of  Uesugi,  449 

—  Haruuji    (d.    1560),    kubo, 
413 

—  Masatomo  (1436-91),  kubd, 
413,  432;  builds  fort  at  Hor- 
igoe,  425,  464;  succession,  465 

—  Mitsukane       (1376-1409), 
kwanryo,    413;    assists    the 
Ouchi,  415,  416 

—  Mochinaka,  brother  of  Mo- 
chiuji,  sides  with  Ogigayatsu 
419 

—  Mochisada,      intrigue     to 
make  him  high  constable,  420 

—  Mochiuji          (1398-1439), 
kwanryo,  413,  419;  sides  with 
Yamanouchi       branch       of 
Uesugi,  419;  suicide,  420 

—  Motouji  (1340-67),  son  of 
Takauji,  408;  kwanryo,  413; 
urged  to  become  shogun,  415 

—  Shigeuji    '(1434-97),    kubo, 
413,  414,  420,  425-6 


Ashi 

Ashikaga  Tadafuyu  ( 1326- 
1400),  son  of  Takauji,  re- 
bels in  Kyushu,  405;  joins 
Southern  party  in  1353,  407; 
takes  and  loses  Kyoto,  408 

—  Tadayoshi    (1307-52),    as- 
sistant   governor-general   of 
Kwantp,    387;    governor   of 
Totomi,  388;  kills  Morinaga, 
390;  practically  regent,  391; 
in  Ashikaga  revolt,  392;  chief 
of  general  staff,   403;  plots 
against    the    Ko    brothers, 
defeated,      joins      Southern 
party,  404-5;  suicide,  406 

—  Takamoto,  kubo,  413 

—  Takauji     (1305-58),     joins 
Go-Daigo,  383   (ffl.)-4,  386; 
provincial     governor,     388; 
plots  against  Morinaga,  389- 
90;  declares  himself  shdgun, 
392;  captures  Kyoto  396-7; 
changes  plans,  402-3;  crushes 
Tadayoshi,  406-7;   defeated, 
407;  death,  estimate,  408-9; 
shdgun  (1338-58),  413;  distri- 
butes  estates,   426;    letters, 
448;    shrine    of    Hachiman, 
452;  Buddhist  temples,  453; 
signature,  572  (ill.) 

—  Ujimitsu  (1357-98),  kwan- 
ryd,  413;  wishes  to  be  shdgun, 
415;   strengthens   family   in 
Kwantp,  416;  literature,  448 

—  Yoshiaki  (1537-97),  shdgun, 
1568-73,  413,  434,  481;  turns 
to  Mori,  defeated,  482;  Hide- 
ybshi  intrigues  with,  499*  ;  •; 

—  Yoshiakira  (1330-67), 
fywanryo  of  Kwanto,  403;  suc- 
ceeds Tadayoshi,    405;    de- 
thrones  Suko,  407;   defeats 
Tadafuyu,  408;  shdgun,  409, 
413;   surrender   and    death, 
410;  plot  against,  415 

—  Yoshiharu    (1510-50),  shd- 
gun 1521-45,  413,  433,  434 

—  Yoshihide  (1565-8),  shdgun, 
413;  434 

—  Yoshihisa    (1465-89),    shd- 
gun   (1474-89),    413;    Onin 
war,  429;  declared  heir,  430; 
administration,  431;  scholar- 
ship, 448 

—  Yoshikatsu  (1433-43),  shd- 
gun, 413,  421 

—  Yoshikazu   (1407-25) ,  shd- 
gun (1423-5),  413,  418-19 

—  Yoshikiyo,     advances     on 
Tamba,  309;  killed,  311 

—  Yoshikore,  433,  434 

—  Yoshimasa  (1435-90),  shd- 
gun,   413,    421-4,422    (ill.), 
succession,  428-9;  retires  430; 
fosters  letters,  448 

—  Yoshimi   (1439-91),   called 
Gijin,    heir    of    Yoshimasa, 
428;    deserted    by    Yamana 
(1469),  429;  retires  (1477)  430 

—  Yoshimichi    see    Ashikaga 
Yoshizumi 


743 

Ashikaga  Yoshimitsu  (1358- 
1408),  shdgun  at  Muromachi 
(1367-95),  410,  413;  extrava- 
gant administration,  416  (ill.), 
417;  foreign  policy,  417-18; 
dies,  receives  rank  of  ex- 
Emperor,  418;  treatment  of 
Crown,  441;  and  piracy,  443, 
445;  favours  Zen  priests,  454 

—  Yoshimochi      (1386-1428), 
shdgun,  413,  418,  419;  suc- 
ceeds his  father  Yoshimitsu  in 
military  offices,  417;  rebellion 
against,  420;  excesses,  441 

—  Yoshinori    (1394-41),    shd- 
gun (1428-41),  413;  abbot, 
called  Gien,  419;  rule,  420; 
killed,    421;    relations    with 
China,  444;  grants  Ryukyu 
to  Shimazu,  447      imhi 

—  Yoshitane        (1465-1523), 
shdgun  413;  rule,  431-2;  de- 
feated by  Hatakeyama  Yos- 
hitoyo,  432;  death,  433 

—  Yoshiteru    (1535-65),    shd- 
gun, (1545-65),  413,  434;  sui- 
cide, 481;  receives  Vilela,  537 

—  Yoshitsugu,   killed   by  his 
brother  Ypshimochi,  418-19 

—  Yoshiuji,  last  kubo,  413 

—  Yoshizumi,   originally  Yo- 
shimichi (1478-1511),  shdgun 
413;  nominal  rule,  432;  death, 
433 

Ashina  of  Aizu,  471 

Asiatic  yellow  race,  58 

Askold,  Russian  protected 
cruiser  at  Port  Arthur,  711 

Asbmaro,  governor  of  Dazai- 
fu,  wins  favor  of  Dokyo,  199 

Assumption,  De  1',  martyrdom 
(1617),  551 

Aston,  W.  G.,  on  dates  in 
"Chronicles,"  6;  Korean  ori- 
gin of  Kumaso,  41;  purifica- 
tion service,  64  f.n.;  neolithic 
boats,  72;  chronology,  81  f.n.; 
invasions  of  Korea,  89;  Jap- 
anese authority  in  Koreaj  90; 
local  records,  109;  17-Article 
Constitution,  140-2;  women 
inHeian  epoch,  250;  Yoshit- 
sune's  letter,  321-2;  invasion 
of  Korea,  510-11 

Asuka,  Empress  Komyo,  189- 
90 

Asuka,  capital  moved  to,  185; 
palace  built  byKogyoku,  154 

Asuka-yama,  groves,  612 

Asukara  Norikige,  high  con- 
stable, crushes  revolt,  464 

Asylum  established  by  Fuji- 
wara  Fuyutsugu,  233 

Ata  rebels  against  Sujin,  79 

Ataka  Maru,  great  ship  of 
Bakufu,  broken  up  by  Tsuna- 
yoshi,  597-8;  654  (ill.) 

Atalanta  Izanagi,  25-6 

Atogi,  Korean  scribe,  103 

Atsumi  Hirafu,  defeated  by 
Chinese  in  Korea  (662),  167 


Bak 

Atsunaga,  brother  of  Atsvna- 
ri,  260;  see  Gp-Shujaku  \. 

Atsunari,  Prince,  son  n>f 
Ichijo,  260;  see  Go-Ichijo  ' 

Atsuta,  Hachiman's  shrine, 
478 

Auditor  of  accounts,  634-5 

Auguries,  §flrOf-iih 

Augustins  in  Japan,  551 

Avatars  of  Buddha,  Kami  193, 
195-6;  228  f.n. 

Awa,  mythical  first  island,  28; 
culture  of  mulberry  and  hemp 
in,  67;  overrun  by  Taira 
Tadatsune,  263;  invaded  by 
Yoritomo,  305;  won  from 
Satomi  by  Ho  jo  Ujitsuna, 
466;  Miyoshi  in,  470;  indigo 
growing,  617 

Awada,  Mahito,  on  committee 
for  Daihd  laws  (701),  176 

Awadaguchi,  swordsmith, 
45(M 

Awaji,  island,  in  early  myth, 
28,  29;  Izanagi  goddess  of, 
109;  Sagara  exiled  to,  226; 
reduced  by  Hideyoshi,  490 

Awo,  Princess,  sister  of  Woke, 
rules  in  interregnum,  118 

Axe,  in  fire  ordeal,  125 

Ayala  (d.  1617),  Augustin 
vice-provincial,  .executed,  551 

Azuchi,  in  Omi,  fort  built  by 
Nobunaga,  486;  church  and 
residence  for  priests,  538 

Azuke,  placing  in  custody  of 
feudatory,  642 

Azuma,  eastern  provinces, 
origin  of  name,  86 

—  Kagami,  13th  century  his- 
tory, on  Hojo  Yasutoki,  348 

Azumi,  temple  of,  166 

Babylonian  myth,  25 

Backgammon  or  sugoroku,  277 

Badges,  374;  and  crests,  525 

Baelz,  Dr.  E.,  on  stature  and 
race  of  Japanese,  57,  58;  on 
shape  of  eye,  59 

Bakin,  on  last  years  of  Mina- 
moto  Tametomo,  291  fi.m 

Bakufu,  camp  i  government, 
military  control,  Yoritomo's 
system  of  shpgunate,  324- 
330;  three  divisions,  327; 
entrusted  with  choice  of 
emperor  (1272  &  1274),  356; 
power  weakened  by  Mongol 
invasion,  363-4;  and  rapidly 
fails,  378;  Go-Fushimi  ap- 
peals to,  379;  re-created  at 
Kyoto  by  Takauji,  402-3;  in 
Muromachi  period,  436;  dt 
Yedo,  563 ;  oath  of  loyalty,  to 
564-5 ;  TokugawaB.,573-643 ; 
appointing  power,  577,  and 
other  powers,  588;  exiles 
Yamaga  Soko  for  heterodoxy, 
607-8;  power  lessened  by 
Chinese  learning,  614;  B. 

party  in  Kyoto,  620;  rela- 
tions with  Court,  621 ;  organ- 


Bal 

ization,  632  sqq.:  decline  of 
power,  661-78;  Court  nobk-s 
and  Emperor  begin  to  oppose, 
664;  puts  through  Harris 
commercial  treaty,  667;  and 
foreign  representatives,  669; 
pledged  (1861)  to  drive  out 
foreigners  in  10  years,  672-3; 
further  interference  of  Crown 
and  Court  party,  673-4; 
power  ended,  677 

Baltic  squadron,  Russian, 
defeated  by  Togo,  723-4 

Bambelsu  or  Ban,  aboriginal 
class,  92;  233 

Bandits  commanded  by  Budd- 
hist priests  in  IQth  century, 
247;  their  outrages,  262 

Bando  or  Kwanto  provinces, 
army  raised  in,  during  8th 
century,  223 ;  see  Kwanta  1 

Banishment,  641,  642;  edict  of 
1587,  against  Christians,  540- 
1,544 

Banzai,  "10,000  years,"  viva, 
119  f.n. 

Baptismal  flags,  152  f.n. 

Barley,  •  cultivation  of,  urged 
as  substitute  for  rice,  207 

Basho  see  Matsuo  Basho 

Batchelor,  Rev.  John,  on  pit- 
dwellers,  43 

Battering-engine,  211 

Battle  Era,  Sengoku  Jidai, 
1490-1600,  439,  460  fisbifii 

Be,  guilds  or  corporations, 
71-2,  224;  hereditary,  not 
changed  by  Daika,  172;  prop- 
erty of  Crown,  124;  of  ar- 
mourers, 85;  fishermen,  99 

Bekki  Shoemon,  in  plot  of 
1652,  584 

Bell,  of  Hoko-ji,  "treason- 
able" inscription  on,  566;  on 
public-service  horses,  162  f.n. 
bronze  bells,  48-9,  210,  44 
(ill.);  Nanban,  555  (ill.); 
bell-tower,  453  (ill.) ;  suzu,  52, 
53,  218 

Benkei,  halberdier,  307,  315 

Bettot  superintendent  of  uji 
schools,  206;  president  of 
samurai-dokoro,  327;  regent, 
shikken,  head  of  man-dokoro, 
office  hereditary  in  Ho  jo 
family,  327;  head  of  monju- 
dokoro,  becomes  finance  min- 
ister of  shogun  (1225),  347 

Bidatsu,  30th  Emperor  (572- 
85),  134-5 

Biddle,  James.  (1783-1848), 
Commodore,  U.  S.  N.,  in 
Japan  (1846),  663 

Bifuku-mon-in,  consort  of  To- 
ba,  mother  of  Konoe,  273, 289 

Bin,  Buddhist  priest,  "national 
doctor"  160;  death  (654),  160 

Bingo,  woman  ruler,  in,  85 

Bingo,  Saburo,  see  Kojima 
Takanori 

Birth  customs,  73 


744 

Bison,  fossil  remains,  45  f.n. 

Bita-sen,  copper  coins,  527 

Bitchu,  province,  Yoshinaka's 
force  defeated  in,  311;  in- 
vaded by  Hideyoshi,  490 

Biwa,  4-fitringed  lute;  biioa- 
bozu,  players,  458;  (ill.)  364 

Biwa,  Lake,   170 

Bizen,  swordsmith,  450 

Bizen  transferred  from  Aka- 
matsu  to  Yamana  family,  421 

Black,  early  colour  of  mourn- 
ing, 213 

Black  Current  see  Kuro-shio 

Boards  of  Religion  and  Privy 
Council  under  Daiho  code, 
178-9 

Bogatyr,  Russian  protected 
cruiser  wrecked,  717 

Bondmen  arid  Freemen, 
division  by  Daika,  161;  by 
Jito's  edict,  173 

Bonita,  curing,  industry,  617 

Bonotsu,  Satsuma,  444 

Borneo,  possible  source  of 
Kumaso,  39 

Boxer  Rebellion,  Japanese 
troops  in  China  during,  703 

Brack,  Dutch  ship,  653 

Bramsen,  William,  on  early 
dates  in  "Chronicles,"  6 

Branding,  66,  125 

Braziers,  374 

Brewing,  69 

Bribery  and  sale  of  office, 
attempts  to  abolish,  270-1 

Bridges,  8  (ill-),  697  (ill.) 

Brine  in  cosmogony,  9,  19tm 

Brinkley,  Capt.  Frank  (1841- 
1912),  article  in  Encyclopaedia 
Britannica  quoted,  457,  512, 
513,  516,  533,  534,  535,  537, 
540,  542,  543,  545,  546,  547, 
548,  655,  677,  690,  710,  729. 
Oriental  Series  referred  to, 
451,  636,  642,  693. 

Bronze  culture  in  South,  46; 
traces  before  the  Yamato,  48; 
bells,  48—49;  mirrors,  bowls, 
vases  in  Yamato  tombs,  53; 
great  statue  of  Buddha,  193 

Buddha,  early  images  of,  132, 
133,  134;  copper  images 
ordered  in  605>  143;  golden 
image  of,  from  Shiragi  (616 
and  621)  151,  152;  great 
bronze  Nara  image  (750 
A.D.),  193;  Kami  incarna- 
tions of,  theory  of  Mixed 
Shinto,  193,  195-6,  368; 
bronze  image  (1252)  at  Ka- 
rnakura,  326,  375;  great 
image  at  Kyoto,  506,  565; 
replaced  by  bronze,  566 

Buddhism  introduced  552  A.D., 
131-5;  use  of  writing,  103; 
early  politics,  140;  rapid 
spread,  143;  priests  above 
law,  144;  architecture,  153; 
music,  156;  Empresses,  157; 
disasters  and  signs  check 


Bus 

spread,  157;  in  Xara  epoch, 
190-6;  abdications,  197;  de- 
cline of  Yamato,  200-1; 
industry,  208;  funeral  of 
Shomu,  212;  time  of  Kwam- 
mu,  227;  official  advance- 
ment, 229;  vices  of  priests, 
230,  246,  247;  superstition, 
275;  in  Heian  epoch,  276;  in 
Yorimasa  uprising,  299-300; 
H6j5  regents,  366:  sects,  367- 
72 ;  Korean  and  Chinese,  367- 
8;. three  Vehicles, 369;  soldier 
priests^  379;  crushed  by 
Yoshinori,  420;  amulets,  404; 
Chinese  priests,  442;  com- 
bined with  Confucianism  and 
Shinto,  452;  Ashikaga,  453; 
wars  of  monks,  462—4;  revolt 
in  Settsu,  484;  oppose  No- 
bunagay  485-6;  in  Komaki 
war,  498,  500;  spies  in 
Kyushu,  502;  Hideyoshi,  505, 
540;  priests  of  Kagoshima, 
531;  in  Choshu,  532;  in 
Yamaguchi,  533;  persecuted 
in  Hirado  by  Christians,  534; 
536, 537;  priests  converted  by 
Vilela,  638;  leyasu's  laws, 
577-8;  gains  by  suppression 
of  Christianity,  583. 
Bugyd,  36  commissioners  of 
Muromachi,  436;  5  adminis- 
trators under  Hideyoshi,  513, 
523,  525;  special  appointees 
to  rich  fiefs,  561;  under 
Babufu,  577;  in  Emperor's 
and  ex-Emperor's  court,  589 
Building-land,  tenure,  182 
Buke,  see  Military  houses. 
Bukyo  Shogaku,  "Military 
Primer,"  byYamagaSoko,6p7 
Bummei  Ittpki,  work  of  Ichijo 

Kaneyoshi,  448 
Bungo,   Tsuchi-gumo   in,  42; 
Xavier  in,  532;  Jesuit  head- 
quarters, 533;  Christian  .suc- 
cess    among     nobles,     536; 
in  embassy  of  1582,  537 
Bunji-kin,    debased   coins   of 

1736-40;  617 

Bunka,  period,  1804-17,  629 
Bunroku,  period,  1 592-^5,  520 
Bunsei,  period,  1818-29,  629 
Bureaux,  under  Daika,  164 
Burial,   jars  of  Yamato,  49; 
primitive  methods,  47 ;  coffins, 
74;  honour  of  tombs,    118, 
119,  213;  mounds,  50,  limited 
in  size,  163;  funeral  customs, 
74,  139,  212-13 
Bushi,   129;   264;  284;  origi- 
nated hi  N*.  E .  Japan,  86 ;  name 
first    used   of    guards,    248; 
virtues  of,  typified  in  leaders 
of  Nine  Years'  Commotion, 
266-7;    general    description, 
285-7;  of  Kwanto  described, 
314;  fighting  against   Mon- 
gols,   359-60;    outrages    in 
provinces,  431 


Bus 

Bushido,  way  of  the  warrior, 
264,  286;  cult  developed  by 
Yamaga  Soko,  607-8;  and  by 
Yoshimune,  611 

Butsu  Sorai  see  Ogyu  Sorai 

Butter,  tribute  to  Court,  212 

Buzen,  Tsuehi-gumo  in,  40 

Byodo-in,  Tendai  temple,  265 
(ill.) ;  prison  of  Go-Daigo,  380 

Cabinet  under  Restoration 
rule,  681;  crisis  over  Korea 
(1873),  684;  of  1885,  691; 
dependent  on  Crown,  692 

Cabral;  Francis  (1529-1609), 
Jesuit  Vice-provincial,  on 
early  missions,  hospitals, 
Buddhists,  535-6 

Calendar,  Prince  Shotoku, 
143;  revision  of  1683,  599- 
600;  further  revision  planned 
by  Yoshimune,  614 

Calligraphy,  234,  251,  365,  601 

Calthrop,  Capt.,  on  Oriental 
tactics,  286  f.n.  X 

Cambodia,  trade  with,  529 

Camera  government,  insei, 
proposed  by  Go-Sanjo,  271; 
under  Shirakawa,  272;  Go- 
Shirakawa,  291 ;  Yoritomo 
establishes  giso  at  the  Inchu, 
330;  the  three  recluses,  341; 
system  destroyed  by  Shokyu 
war,  345;  in  Kamakura 
regency,  352,  353;  camera 
party  at  court,  1272,  356;  in 
Northern  court,  398 

Canals,  155,282 

Canonical  names  of  emperors, 
21,73 

Capital  changed  at  beginning 
of  reign,  74,  78;  Jimmu's 
change  to  Yamato,  76; 
Chuai's  to  far  south,  88;  to 
Nara  (709)  and  previous 
changes,  185-6;  changes 
helped  road  building,  210; 
change  from  Nara  to  Kyoto 
(792),  224-6;  from  Kyoto  to 
Fukuhara,  1180,300 

Capital  Punishment,  125-6, 
641-2 

Caps,  official,  as  insignia  of 
rank,  146;  effect  of,  on  hair 
dressing,  156;  cap  rank  re- 
placed by  cap  grade  after 
Daika,  164;  varnished  gauze, 
211;  373-4;  (ill.),  34 

Car,    of   Enryaku-ji,  274-nrA 

Caron,  Francis,  Dutch  trader, 
on  Japanese  martyrs,  553 

Cart,  hunting,  126;  "compass 
cart,"  210;  Heian  epoch,  280 

Casting  in  Nara  epoch,  208 

Castles,  62,  220 

Catapult,  181 

Caterpillar,  worship,  of  158 

Cats,  pets  in  Heian  epoch,  277 

Cattle,  not  used  for  food  in 
early  Japan,  69,  killing  for- 
bidden, 197,  208,  212;  Chris- 
tians accused  of  eating,  539 


Cavalry,  in  capital,  180;  in 
war,  488 

Censor,  179;  in  Tokugawa  or- 
ganization, 635;  as  judge,  640 

Census,  reign  of  Sujin,  80;  time 
of  Daika,  (645  A.D.),  161,  169; 
classifications,  under  Daiho, 
181 ;  by  Buddhist  and  Shinto 
priests,  578 

Central  Department,  under 
Daika,  164;  under  Daiho,  179 

Centralization  of  government, 
67,  681 

Ceramics,  primitive,  47;  Ya- 
mato, 63-4,  69;  Korean,  113, 
520;  Gyogi,  195;  Heian,  282; 
Kamakura,  374  j  Muro- 
machi,  451.  •oYanijjsfc, 

Cereals,  five,  63-71 ;  premiums 
for  large  crops,  207  to  aaiwr 

Ceremonies,  Department  of, 
under  Daika,  164;  under  Dai- 
ho, 179;  15  masters  of,  Koke, 
635-6;  law  (927),  64 

Chamberlain,  Basil  Hall,  on 
dates  in  early  "Chronicles," 
6;  meaning  of  Kami,  8;  classi- 
fication of  language,  56;  vil- 
lage communities,  67;  ancient 
dress,  67-8;  Altaic  myth,  70; 
names,  73 ;  education,  74 ; 
Doji-kyo,  448-9;  swords,  451 

Chamberlain,  94, 171, 633, 635 ; 
pass  on  cases  referred  to  sho- 
gun,  640 

Chancellor,  dajo  daijin,  169, 
179;  abolished,  387;  Ashikaga 
Yoshimitsu,  416-17  '..'%«  ;• 

Changan,  Tang  metropolis, 
Kyoto  patterned  after,  226 

Chao  Heng,  Chinese  name  for 
Abe  Nakamaro,  190'  .°.i^ui* 

Charlevoix,  quoted  on  Spanish 
galleon  incident,  543  f.n. 

Chekiang,  attacked  by  pirates 
(1559),  446  H;«0 

Chemulpo,  Russians  in,  at- 
tacked and  defeated  by  Uryu, 
712;  landing-place  for  Japan- 
ese attack,  713 

Cheng  Cheng-kung,  586 

Cheng  Chi-lung,  general  of 
Ming  dynasty,  586 

Chengtsz,  Confucian  commen- 
taries of,  590  T}  nfo-v 

Chen  Hosiang,  bonze,  339 

Chen  Weiching  (Chin  Ikei), 
Chinese  envoy  to  Japanese  in 
Korea,  517;  and  negotiations 
for  peace,  518  ao  ,.1 

Cherry-trees,  groves,  612 ; 
festivals,  277,  522 

Chiba,  branch  of  Taira,  265; 
one  of  "8  Generals  of  Kwan- 
to,"425  .T-v»bnir 

Chiba  Tsunetane  (1118-1201), 
favours  Yoritomo,  305;  sent 
to  Kyoto,  330 

Chichibu,  copper  in,  (708),  186 

Chichibu  branch  of  Taira,  265 

Chihaya  in  Ho  jo  war,  381 


Chikamatsu  Monza&n6n 

(1653-1724),  dramatist,  680 
Chikauji        see        Tokugawa 

Chikauji 
Chikayoshi       see       Nakahira 

Chikayoshi 

Chiksan,  battle,  (1597),  519 
Chikuzen  province,  Dazai~fu 
in,  180;  Toi  attack,  262-3; 
Mongol  landing,  359  :  ai 
China,  "High  Plain  of  Heav- 
en," 32;  "Eternal  Land," 
60-84;  architecture,  126,  452; 
bronze  bells,  48;  bronze  mir- 
rors, 52;  Buddhism,  367-8; 
calendar,  599-600;  ceramics, 
451;  chronology,  6,  7,  77,  81, 
161 ;  clay  effigies,  50;  coinage, 
418;  Crown,  128,  160,  165; 
divination,  66;  government, 
67;  literature,  104,  214,  234, 
578-9,  645-6;  morality,  177; 
myth,  25-7;  nobility,  153; 
painting,  452;  promotion  of 
officials,  146;  relations  arid 
early  intercourse,  78,  101, 
113, 144-5, 152-3, 165, 190-1, 
227,  241,  417,  442,  443,  446; 
scholars  in  Japan,  153,  361, 
366;  Hideyoshi's  plan  to 
conquer,  509-11,  516;  inter- 
ference in  Korea,  516-17; 
Ming  dynasty,  586;  trade, 
609;  Formosa,  684-5,  698; 
China-Japan  war,  699-702; 
Boxer  rebellion,  703;  Russia, 
704-6;  Treaty  of  Portsmouth, 
726;  of  Peking,  727;  finances, 
731 

Chin  Ikei  see  Chen  Weiching 
Chinju,  fort  in  Korea,  taken 
by  Japanese,  518 
Chinju-fu,    local    government 
station  in  Korea,  83,  121 
Chinnampo,  landing-place  for 
Japanese  (1904),  713 
Cho,  Korean  envoy,  608     !ii!O 
Cho  Densu  see  Minehfii  ^  .  /  i 
Chokei,  98th  Emperor  (1368- 

72),  406,410,411,460 
ChSkei  see  Miyoshi  Norinaga 
ChokodS    estates,    356,    357, 
379,_387, 435     n     .ii-n.-w 
Choko-ji,  castle  in  Omi,  484 
Chollad5,     southern     Korea, 

attacked  by  pirates,  446 
Chomei  see  Kamo  Chomeiioo 
Chong-ju,     Korea,     Cossacks 
defeated  at,  713 
Cho-ryung,  pass  in  Korea,  514 
Chosen,  name  of  Korea,  first 
use,  443 

Choshu,  Xavier  in,  531-2; 
feudatory  of,  opposes  Toku- 
gawa and  joins  extremists, 
673;  Shimonoseki  complica- 
tion, 674;  revolt  of  samurai, 
675;  joins  Satsuma  against 
Tokugawa,  676-7;  fiefs  sur- 
render to  Crown,  680;  clan 
representation,  681  >bfo 


Choso 

Ghosokabe  family  in  Shikoku 
punished  by  Hideyoshi,  500 

—  Motochika  (1539-99),  mas- 
ters Tosa  and  all  Slukoku, 
470;  in  Komaki  war,  497, 498; 
in  invasion  of  Kyushu,  501 

Christianity,  Nestorian  in  Chi- 
na, 192  f.n.;  Azuchi  castle, 
486;  invasion  of  Korea>  509; 
in  Japan,  530-55;  Imperial 
edict  against,;  588;  aid  given 
by  Nobunaga,  538-9;  Hide- 
yoshi's  attitude  towards,  539- 
40;  his  edict  of  1587,  540; 
leyasu's  treatment  and  his 
edicts,  544-9;  Christians  side 
with  Hideyori,  548;  .  Hide- 
teda's  edict  (1616),  550-1, 
(1624)  552;  teaching  in  Osaka 
after  edicts,  565;  and  Bud- 
dhist and  Shinto  census,  578; 
laws  against  (1635,  1665), 
585;  leyasu  distinguishes  be- 
tween commerce  and,  651; 
Dutch  not  propagandists, 
652;  opposition  in  1853,  665 

"Chronicles,"  Early  Japanese, 
Nihongi,  general;  character,  3; 
superior  to  Records,  4;  accu- 
racy of  chronology,  6;  contra- 
dicts Records,  77;  Chinese 
colour  in,  78;  conquest  of 
Korea,  89;  stories  from  Kore- 
an history,  119-20 

Chronology,  5-8;  inaccuracy, 
77,  114;  invasion  of  Korea, 
90;  reign  of  Nintoku,  104 

Chrysanthemum,  Imperial 
badge,  374,  461,  525 

Chu  Chi-yu,  Chinese  scholar, 
586  .*3io3l  Jici  .. 

—  Hi,  Hayashi  follows,  579 
Chuai,    14th  Emperor    (192- 

200),  88, 40, 87,  90  f.n. 

Chugoku,  central  Japan,  in- 
vaded by  Hideyoshi,  489-91 

Chukyo,  85th  Emperor  (1221), 
341, 344  and  f.n. 

Chfisan,  Mimaaaka,  Kami  of 
128  '  ,'H'l  tl$;7 

Chushin,  Zen  priest,  pupil  of 
Soseki,  454, 455 

ChQson-ji,  monastery,  with 
graves  of  the  Fujiwara  of  the 
North,  268 

ChutsK  (Shu-shi),  Confucian 
commentaries  of,  590,  644; 
rejected  by  Yamaga  Sok5, 
607;  officiaUy  adopted,  613, 
627;  expounded  by  Japanese 
scholars,  621,  626;  contrasted 
with  Wang  Yang-ming,  627-8 

Chu  Yuan  see  Sogeri 

ChQzan,  ruler  of  Ryukyu 
(1373),  447 

Cicada-shaped  hair  orna- 
ments, 164 

City  administration,  179-180; 
municipal  rulers,  .62;  admin- 
istrators, 632,  634,  637; 
elders,  634,  637 >i)«Jn*mq  > 


740 

Civil  affairs  and  Civil  Govern- 
ment, departments,  164,  179 

Clan  representation  under 
Meiji  government,  681 

Clay  Effigies,  haniwa,  from 
neolithic  sites,  47;  substi- 
tuted for  human  sacrifice  at 
tomb,  50,  54,  74,  82 

Clepsydra,  Chinese,  209      ;.- 

Clocks,  209-10;  652  (ill.) 

Cloistered  monarchs,  341,  440; 
and  set  Camera 

"Cloud  chariot,"  war  tower, 
210  .aviii!«ih:i  K- 

Clove,  English  ship,  653 

Cock-fighting,  75 

Cocks,  Richard,  English  fac- 
tor, warns  Yedo  Court  against 
Spain,  549-50;  apparent 
cause  of  edict  of  1616,  551; 
successor  of  Saris,  655 

Code,  ryo,  of  Daiho  (701  A.D.) 
and  Yoro  (718  A.D.)  176;  of 
1742,  613,  641;  of  1790,641 

Coelho,  Gaspard  (d.  1590), 
vice-provincial  of  Jesuits, 
ordered  (1587)  from  Japan, 
539-40 

Coinage,  Wado  era  (708-715), 
155,  186;  Nai-a  epoch,  201; 
ot  Heian  epoch,  281 ;  Chinese, 
418;  Hideyoshi's  time,  527-8; 
plan  to  debase  (1673-80), 
603;  Genroku  debased  coin, 
604;  exports  of  metal  from 
Nagasaki,  609-10;  attempt 
to  restore  (1710),  610,  615- 
16;  again  debased,  617,  639, 
661  {foreign  trade,  671 

Colours  of  Court  costume, 
grades,  211;  indicating  social 
status,  281 

Combs,  ancient,  68 

Commerce,  early,  155;  after 
Daika,  164;  Nara  epoch, 
209;  Heian,  281;  Muromachi, 
442-5;  under  Hideyoshi,  529, 
Portuguese,  530,  534;  motive 
for  permission  to  preach,  531, 
532,  541;  Dutch,  545,  609; 
trade  rules,  609,  613;  com- 
mercial spirit  in  Yedo,  617; 
in  Tokugawa  period,  651-60- 
exclusion,  657;  coinage  and 
European  trade,  671-2 

Commercial  class,  372,  600 

Conception,  miraculous,  192 

Concubinage  73;  classes  at 
court,  110 

Conder,  J.,  on  armour,  451 

Confiscation  of  lands  as  pun- 
ishment, 96,  or  as  expiation 
of  offence,  117,  120;  escheat 
at  Daika,  162;  punishment 
under  Tokugawa,  642 

Confucianism,  Shotoku  on, 
132-3;  modifying  Buddhism, 
447;  in  Tokugawa  period, 
578;  favoured  by  Ko-Komyo, 
590,  and  Tsunayoshi,  599; 
Cbnfucianists  eligible  for  civil 


Court 

poets,  599;  Yamaga  SokO, 
607-8;  combined  with  tfkin- 
16,  621;  Japanese  schools  of. 
626-8;  hold  on  educated 
class,  544;  vendetta,  119,607. 

Conscription,  first  (689  A.D.) 
in  Japan,  174;  180;  partial 
abolition  of  (780,  792),  218 

Constable,  High,  and  lord  high 
constable,  in  Yoritomo's  land 
reform,  328;  city  constables, 
634, 637 

Constitution,  of  Shotoku  (604 
A.D.),  text  and  comment, 
140-2;  after  Restoration 
(1889),  691-2,  (text)  732-6 

Constitutionist  party,  693 

Consular  courts,  708  sqq. 

Cooking  in  ancient  Japan,  69; 
in  Muromachi  epoch,  455-6 

Cooper,  master,  of  Manhattan, 
663 

Copper  in  Japan,  186-187;  use 
for  images  of  Buddha,  143-4, 
exhausts  currency,  201;  Chi- 
nese coins,  418,  439-40,  527; 
in  15th  century  trade,  445, 
debased  Japanese  coin,  527; 
exports  of  Nagasaki,  609-10 

Coronation  Oath  of  1867,  679- 
80 

Cosmogony,  8, 25 

Cost  of  living,  187  f.n.,  616 

Costume,  prehistoric,  68;  in 
Inkyo's  reign,  111;  Chinese 
and  Buddhist  influence,  156; 
Nara  epoch,  211;  Heian,  279; 
Kamakura  period,  373;  laws 
of  Military  Houses,  575-6; 
Sadanobu's  laws,  625 

Cotton  first  planted  in  Japan 
(799),  280;  cloth,  tax,  437; 
cloth  as  currency,  439 

Council,  Administrative,  :,of 
Man-dokoro,  328— of  Twelve, 
at  camera  Court,  330 

Councillor,  Sangi,  establish- 
ment of  office,  231 

Couplet  Composing,  ,tifa 
Awase,  277, 127 ;  court  amuse- 
ment, 115,  118;  at  "winding- 
water  f&e"  and  other  festi- 
vals, 213-14;  mania  for,  215, 
234;  tournaments,  250:  in 
Heian  epoch,  277;  Kamakura 
366;  Tokugawa,  577 

Court,  costume,  colours  and 
kinds,  211;  ceremonial, 
171;  for  Imperial  power  see 
Crown 

Court  houses  or  families,  kuge, 
256;  come  into  power  again 
at  restoration,  388;  in  Muro- 
machi period,  435;  driven  to 
provinces,  461;  leyasu's  laws 
for,  573,  576^-7 ;  intermarriage 
with  military,  620;  college  for, 
established  by  Ninko,  664; 
influenced  by  anti-foreign 
party,  670;  in  Restoration, 
679;  distinction  between  ter- 


*  ritorial  and  court  nobles 
abolished  (1871),  683  f.n. 

Court  of  justice,  hydjo-sho,  633, 
635;  first,  (1631),  639 

Court,  Northern  and  South- 
ern, 356;  and  see  Dynasties 

Crasset  on  Christian  persecu- 
tion of  Buddhists,  537 

Creation,  story  of,  9, 25. 

Cremation,  introduced,  213 

Crimes  in  ancient  Japan,  66; 
classified  in  Daiho  code,  178; 
.see  Penal  Law 

Crocodile  myth,  20,  26,  33,  65 

Crown,  property  of,  124,  162, 
164,  182;  shifts  in  power  of, 
79,  94,  97,  105,  128,  139,  165, 
182,  232,  387;  divine  right, 
403;  Ashikaga,  440;  in  Sengo- 
ku  period,  460-2;  Nobunaga, 
493;  leyasu's  Court  Laws, 
576-7;  Tokugawa,  587-8; 
Chinese  classics  strengthen, 
614,621,644;  Tsunayoshi,  620; 
loyalty,  647;  American  com- 
mercial treaty,  667;  rescript 
to  shogun,  673 ;  turns  against 
extremists,  674;  Restoration 
of  1867,  677;  growth  of  power 
681-2 ;  Cabinet  dependent  on, 
692-3 

Crown  Prince,  in  proto-histor- 
ic  period,  above  the  law,  125 

Crucifixion,  haritsuke,  642 

Currency  in  Ashikaga  period, 
438  f.n.,  439-40;  see  Coinage 

Customs  tariff,  708 

Daian-ji  temple,  191 

Dai-Dembo-In,  monastery  of 
Shingon  sect  in  Kii,499-500 

Daiei,  year-period,  1521-8,  470 

Daigo,  60th  Emperor  (898- 
930),  241-53 

Daigo,  suburb  of  Kyoto,  522 

Daiho  (Taiho),  year-period, 
701-3,  legislation  of,  176-84; 
revision,  232,  641 

Daijo-uji  of  Hitachi,  branch 
of  Taira,  265 

Daika  or  Taikwa  "Great 
Change,"  645  A.D.,  160-5; 
name  of  first  nengo  or  year- 
period,  645-9,  161;  reforms, 
170,  326 

Daikagu-ji  family,  afterwards 
Nan-cho,  the  Southern  Court, 
descendants  of  Kameyama, 
356,  357;  passed  over,  418; 
treatment  by  Ashikaga,  440 

Daikwan,  deputy  or  vice-depu- 
ty, 437,  634,  636;  tax  asses- 
sor, 638;  judge,  640 

Daimyo,  "great  name,"  holder 
of  large  estate,  253 ;  holdings, 
426;  436;  Buddhism,  578; 
10,000  koku  or  more,  592; 
powers,  637 

Dai  Nihon-shi,  "History  of 
Great  Japan,"  645;  on  mili- 
tary era,  435 

Dairies  under  Daiho  laws,  212 


747 

Dairo,  5  senior  ministers,  523; 
prime  minister,  598,  632,  633 

Daiseiden  College,  or  Shohei- 
ko,  founded  by  Tokugawa, 
578 

Daitoku-ji,  Zen  temple  in 
Kyoto,  454;  (ill.),  233,  269 

Dajo  (Daijo)  daijin,  chancel- 
lor, prime  minister,  671  A.D., 
169;  Privy  Council  Board, 
179;  office  abolished,  387 

Dajo  Kwan,  Privy  Council, 
171 

Dalny  occupied  by  Japanese, 
716,  717 

Dance  masks,  282 

Dancing  at  funerals,  74;  court, 
110,  213;  music,  Korean 
influence,  156;  pantomimic, 
of  monkey  Sarume  in  myth, 
12,  213;  music  and  poetry, 
215;  development  in  Heian 
epoch,  278;  white  posture 
dance,  shirabyoshi,  291;  mi- 
metic dance,  libretto  for,  450, 
develops  into  no,  458;  no  and 
furyu,  605;  596  (ill.) 

Dan-no-ura,  defeat  of  Taira  at, 
318-20 

Date  family  of  Yonezawa  in 
16th  century  wars,  471 

—  Harumune,  471 

—  Masamune       (1566-1636), 
471-2;   surrenders  to   Hide- 
yoshi,   504;  favours  leyasu, 
559;  against  Uesugi,  560;  loy- 
al to  lemitsu,  594 

—  Yasumune  rebels  (1413)  in 
Mutsu,  412 

Dazai-fu,  government  station 
in  Mimana  (Kara,  Korea) 
transferred  to  Kyushu,  83, 
180,  258 

Debt,  slavery  for,  cancellation 
of  interest,  173;  legislation 
(tokusei)  of  1297  in  favour  of 
military  families,  376,  and 
under  Ashikaga,  422 

Decoration,  Interior,  153 

Defilement  in  Shinto  code,  276 

Degradation  in  rank,  642 

Deluge  myth,  26 

Demmacho,  prison  at,  642 

Demon's  gate,  N.E.  entrance, 
228,  283;  guarded  by  Hiei- 
zan,  485,  and,  at  Yedo  by 
Toei-zan,  583;  belief  :in 
demons,  282;  dragon-headed 
devil,  91  (ill.) 

Dengaku  mime,  377 

Dengyo  Daishi,  posthumous 
name  of  Saicho  (q.v.) 

Dening,  W.^  Life  of  Toyotomi 
Hideyoshi,  484  f.n.,  488  f.n.; 
on  Confucian  philosophy, 
628  f.n. 

Departments,  under  Daika, 
164;  under  Daiho,  179 

Deputy,  437,  634 

De  Ryp,  Dutch  ship,  cannon- 
ades Kara  castle,  555 


Pol 

"Descent"  upon  Kyushu 
18-19 ; 29-30  v: ;  .:  'v 

Descent,  Law  of  in  Daiho  leg- 
islation, 177-8 

Deshima,  island,  Dutch  fa 
tory  on,  656-7 

Dewa,  Yemishi  in,  219;  Go- 
Sannen  campaign,  267;  .(U- 
shu)  part  of  O-U,  388;  16th 
century  wars,  471;  silk 
growing,  617 •  ,9nM;^  >.i'lnf! 

De  Witte,  Serge  Julievitch, 
Count  (b.  1849),  Russian 
peace  commissioner  at  Ports- 
mouth, 725 

Diana,  Russian  ship,  sent  to 
survey  Yezo,  659;  Russian 
protected  cruiser  at  Port 
Arthur,  711 

Dickins,  F.  V.,  translation  of 
Taketori  Monogatari,  251  f.n. 

Diet,  Coronation  oath  prom- 
ising, 679-80;  reform  leaders 
differ  about,  683;  develop- 
ment of,  689-91;  Constitu- 
tion promulgated,  691;  bi- 
cameral system,  692 

Dirges  at  funerals,  74,  212  mi 

District,  gun  or  kori  (original- 
ly agata),  Daika  subdivision, 
smaller  than  province,  165; 
classification  under  Daiho, 
180;  chief  of,  guncho,  182; 
governors,  gunshi,  200;  dis- 
trict governors  and  title  to 
uplands,  201;  in  Meiji  ad- 
ministration, cho,  or  son,  688 

Divination,  27,  66 

Doctors,  national,  160 

Doen,  Buddhist  priest,  envoy 
to  China,  444 

Dogo,  lyo,  thermal  spring,  157 

Dogs  as  pets,  277-8;  dog  fights, 
377;  Tsunayoshi's  mania  for, 
602 

Doi  support  Southern  Court 
in  Nankai-do,  400  ,.'de 

—  Sanehira   (d.    1220),   Yori- 
tomo's     lieutenant,     304-5; 
military  governor,  316 

—  Michiharu    (d.    1337),   de- 
fender of  Go-Daigo,  382 

—  Toshikatsu       (1573-1644), 
enforces  feudal  laws,  594,  595 

Doin  Kinkata  (1291-1360), 
minister  of  Go-Daigo,  388 

—  Kinsada   (1340-99),  schol- 
ar, 447 

Doji,  Sanrpn  Buddhist,  abbot 
of  Daian-ji,  191 

Dojima,  in  Osaka,  rice-ex- 
change, 616  /  ),.)  >J3j;j  %' 

Dojq,  exercise  halls,  448 

Doki  (Toki)  family  favour 
Takauji,  406;  beaten  by 
Saito,  468  -b  nb. 

—  Yorito    (d.    1342),    insults 
Kogon,  405 

Dokyo  see  Yuge  Dokyo 
Dolmen  in  Yamato  sepulture, 
49-50;  compared  with  Chi- 


Dom 

nose  and  Korean  50;  precious 
metals  in,  186 

Dominicans,  Ayala  and  other 
marytrs,  551 

DoryO.  (Tao  Lung)>  Chinese 
priest,  teacher  of  Fujiwara 
Tokimune,  361 

DSsho,  Buddhist  priest,  intro- 
duces cremation,  213 

Double  entendre,  266  f.n. 

Drafts,  game,  prehistoric,  75 

Dragon,  early  superstition,  128 

Dragon-Fly  Island,  old  name 
of  Japan,  18  f.n. 

Drama;  yokyoku,  mimetic 
dance,  450;  no,  458-9 ;  krjogen, 
459;  time  of  Tsunayoshi,  600; 
theatre  in  Yedo,  620;  illus- 
trations, 28,  56,  549,  573,  708 

Drums,  55  (ill.),  661  (ill.) 

Dualism  of  Shinto,  65 

Dug-outs, maruki-bune,  126  f.n. 

Duke,  kimi,  73;  mahito,  171 

Dukes  of  the  Presence,  early 
official  organization,  98 

Dutch,  trade  in  Japan,  begin- 
ning 1600,  545,  Spanish 
intrigues  against,  547,  653; 
Dutch  and  English  intrigues 
against  Portuguese  and  Span- 
iards, 549T50,  552,  554;  aid 
in  reduction  of  Christian 
revolt  in  Shimabara,  554-5; 
trade  at  Nagasaki  restricted, 

'609;  Western  learning,  614; 
refuse  grant  in  Yedo,  651; 
choose  Hirado  as  headquar- 
ters, 652,  653;  the  Brack,  653; 
at  Deshima,  656-7;  litera- 
iure,  659;  in  19th  century, 
663,  666;  teachers  of  military 
science,  668;  give  steamship, 
669;  at  Shimonoseki,  674 

Dwarf  trees  and  miniature 
gardens,  456-7;  459  (ill.) 

Dwelling-Houses,  primitive, 
62;  abandoned  on  death  of 
owner,  74;  general  character 
in  Nara  epoch,  209;  in  Heian 
epoch,  279-80;  Kamakura, 
373;  Muromachi,  455-6,  (ill.), 
335 

Dyeing,  68 

Dynasties,  War  of  the  (1337- 
92),  396-412;  table,  406 

Ears  of  enemy  as  spoil,  519 

Earthquake,  416  A.D.,  111;  599 
A.D.  drives  people  to  appeal 
to  Earthquake  Kami,  157;  in 
Ky5to  (1185),  330,and  (1596), 
518;  of  1662  charged  to  Em- 
peror's lack  of  virtue,  591 ;  of 
1703,  004 

Eastern  Army,  Hosokawa 
Onin  War,  429 

Eastern  Tsin  dynasty  (317- 
420)  Chinese  migration,  102 

East  India  Company,  653-5 

Eben,  Buddhist  priest,  134 

Ebisu,  variant  of  Yemishi  (q.v.~) 

Echigo,     barrier     settlement 


•748 

(645)    against   Yemishi,   38; 
and  Matsudaira,  597 
—  Chuta,  suicide,  313 
Echizen,  paper  money  in,  639 
Education,  m  ancient  Japan, 
74;  in  Nara  epoch,  214,  in 
Heian,  282-3;  temple  schools, 
448;    military    foundations, 
449;  at  Yedo,  626;  in  Meiji 
epoch,  688;  see  Academies 
Egawa  Tarozaemon  advocates 

foreign  intercourse,  665 
Eight  Generals  of  Kwanto,  425 
Eigwa  Monogatari,  "Tales  of 
Splendour,"  story  of  the  Fuji- 
wara, by  Akazome  Emon,  201 
Eiraku,    or    Yunglo,    Chinese 
year-period,      1403-22,      K.- 
tsuho,    Chinese    coins,    418, 
438  f.n.,  439-40,  527 
Eisai  (1141-1215),  priest,  334 
Eitai,  bridge  in  Yedo,  586 
Ekei  (d.  1600),  priest,  of  Aki, 
491,  561 

Elder  Statesmen,  696 
Elder,  official  over  five  house- 
holds, under  Daika,  164 
Elephant,    fossil   45  f.n. 
Elixir,  Hsa  Fuh's  quest,  78 
Emishi  see  Soga  Emishi 
Emperors,  long  reigns  of  early, 
77;  see  also   Crow^  Court, 
Posthumous  Names,  Camera 
government. 

Empo,  period,  1673-80,  603 
Empress,   Koken  first,  to  re- 
ceive Crown  except  in  trust, 
197 

Empress  Dowager,  Kwo-tniko, 
title  given  only  to  Kwobetsu 
until  ShSmu's  reign,  189 
Encyclopedia          Britannica, 
quoted,  60, 457, 512,  513,  516, 
533,  534,  535,  537,  540,  542, 
543,  545,  546,  547,  548,  655, 
677,  690,  710,  729 
Endo  Morito  see  Mongaku 
Engaku-ji,   temple,  439 
Engen,  period,  1336-9,  398 
Engi,  period,  901-23,  245-251 ; 
revision  of  Rules  and  Regu- 
lations,   177;    overthrow    of 
Sugawara  Michizane,  242-4 
English  intrigue  against  Span- 
ish and  Portuguese,  549-50, 
551,    552;    refuse    grant    in 
Yedo,    651;    go    to    Hirado 
rather  than  Uraga.  653;  early 
trade,  654-5;  ena  of  trade, 
655;fleetexpected(1858),  667; 
Namamugi  incident  and  bom- 
bardment of  Kagoshima,  673, 
674;  the  Hyogo  demonstra- 
tion,   675-6;    employed    in 
railway,  telegraph  and  navy, 
686;  treaty  of  1894  abolishes 
consular    jurisdiction     after 
1899,    709;    Anglo-Japanese 
alliance,  710, 730,  (text)  736 
Enkyii,  period,  1069-74,  270 
En    no    Ubasoku    (Shokaku; 


Feu 

Gy6ja,  the  anchorite), founder 
of  Yatnabushi  priests,  196 

Enomoto  see  Yenomoto 

Enryaku-ji,  Tandai  monastery 
on  Hiei-zan,  276,  367;  it's 
armed  men,  yuma-hoshi,  '27.',: 
jealous  of  Onjo-ji  monks,  274; 
in  Yorimasa  conspiracy,  300; 
in  Kyoto  conspiracy,  37'.»; 
quarrel  with  Takauji,  453-4; 
feud  with  Hongwan-ji,  463; 
destroyed  by  Nobunaga,  485; 
rebuilt,  505;  named  from 
year-period,  782-805,  583 

Envoys,  Three,  in  early  myth, 
16-17 

Enya  Takasada  (d.  1338),  Ko 
Moronao  abducts  wife  of,  4<)."> 

Enyfl,  64th  Emperor  (970-84), 
259 

Eshi,  Yamato  no,  painters, 
descendants  of  Shinki,  127 

Esoteric  and  Exoteric  Bud- 
dhism, 132,  369 

Etchu,  province,  468 

"Eternal  Land,"  60,  84  -ixn 

Ethnologists,  Japanese,  on 
origins,  59-60 

Etorop  raided  by  Russians 
(1806),  658 

Eto  Shimpei  (1835-74),  min- 
ister, revolts,  6S  i 

Euhemerist  interpretation  of 
myths,  29 

Exoteric  Buddhism,  132 

Extraterritorial  Jurisdiction, 
707-10 

Eye,  obliquity,  fold,  etc.,  59 

Eyebrows  shaved,  279 

Ezo,  Buddhist  mission  to,  194 

Face-painting,  74-5,  279 

Families,  uji,  rank  in  pre- 
historic times,  92-3;  basis  of 
empire  before  Daika,  164, 
165;  family  qualification  for 
highest  Court  offices  before 
Heiji  tumult,  295;  names 
sold  in  Yoshimune's  time,  617 

Famine  of  621  A. D.,  turns 
people  against  Buddhism, 
157;  of  1180-1,  301;  of  1462, 
424 ; of  1673-80,  603 ; of  1783- 
6, 623;  of  1836  s<w.,  661 

Fans,  128;  595  (ill.);  lotteries, 
277;  verses  on,  277;  trad.'.  1  l.~> 

Farmers,  142,  372;  taxes,  426, 
439;  representatives,  637 

Fenshuiling,  Russians  de- 
feated at,  718 

Fernandez,  Joao  (d.  1566), 
Portuguese  Jesuit,  compan- 
ion of  Xavier,  531,  532,  533 

Festivals,  ancient,  63;  Bud- 
dhist, 144;  flower,  214;  Heian 
epoch,  277;  Asliikaga,  423; 
Hideyoshi,  521-2;  Sann5,  625 
(ill.) ;  dolls,  117  (ill.) 

Feudal  system,  beginnings,  67 ; 
Sujin,  80;  land-holding,  95-6; 
proto-historic,  128;  land 
grants,  172;  Daiho  laws,  178; 


Fil 

llth  century  wars,  264; 
territorial  names,  287;  Con- 
stables and  land-stew- 
ards, 329;  Joei  code,  350; 
war  of  dynasties,  401;  15th 
century,  431;  Hideyoshi's 
land  system,  527;  fiefs  (1600), 
561;  hereditary  vassals,'  561, 
592,  633,  176;  laws  of  1635 
and  1651,  585;  under  To- 
kugawa, 592-5 ;  sankin  kotai, . 

'614-15;  taxes,  617;  intermar- 
riage with  court  nobles,  620; 
government,  637;  tozama  op- 
pose Yedo,  661;  in  Restora- 
tion, 677,  679;  abolition,  of, 
680-2 

Filial  piety,  285,  643 

Finance  and  administration, 
ancient,  67;  in  protohistoric 
tunes,  124;  in  Nara  epoch, 
201;  in  Muromachi  epoch, 
437-8 ;  under  early  Tokugawa, 
603-5 ;  policy  of  Arai  Hakuse- 
ki,  608-9;  "accommodation" 
system  of  1786,  619;  under 
Tokugawa,  637-8;  in  early 
Meiji  period,  687-8,  691 

Finance  or  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, 164,  179;  in  19th  cen- 
tury, 681  ' 

Financial  administrator,  634 

Firearms,  first  use,  487,  488-9, 
530;  commissioners,  635 

Fish  as  food,  69,  212 

Fishermen,  revolt  of,  99 

Fishing  in  early  times,  72; 
laws  regulating  nets  in  reign 
of  Temmu,  171;  keeping 
cormorants  forbidden,  212; 
equipment,  99  (ill.) 

Five  Regent  Houses,  see  Go- 
Sekke 

Flesh-eating  forbidden,  171; 
defilement,  276 

Florcs,  Luis,  Flemish  Domin- 
ican, burned  (1622),  552 

Flowers,  at  funerals,  212; 
festivals,  214,  424  (ifl.),"  ifc 
Heian  pastimes,  277;.  ur- 


Fo,  dogs  of,  280 

Folding  paletot,  211 

Food  and  drink,  ancient,  68- 
69;  in  Nara-epoch,  212;  in 
Kamakura  period,  374;  Sada- 
nobu's  sumptuary  laws,  625 

Football,  prehistoric,  75;  in 
proto-historic  period,  148, 
157;  in  Heian  epoch,  277 

Forced  labour,  181,  183-4,  224 

Foreign  Affairs,  Department 
of,  681;  earliest  foreign  inter- 
bourse,  8l,  83,  101;  Ashikaga, 
417-18;  Muromachi  epoch, 
442-5;  foreign  learning,  614; 
Tokugawa  652-76;  military 
science,  668-9;  Meiji  era,  678; 
foreigners  in  making  new 


749 

Japan,  686-7;  consular  juris- 
diction abolished,  709 ;  Anglo- 
Japanese  alliance,  710;  and 
see  Christianity  and  names, 
of  countries. 

Forests  of  early  Japan,  70 
Formosa,    expedition    against1 
(1874),  684-5,  698;  ceded  by 
China  (1895),  702  '. 
Fortification,       development, 
486;  feudal  castles  built  only 
by  permission  of  Tokugawa, 
574-5,    584;    coast    defence, 
659,  666     :- 
Fossil  remains,  45  f.n. 
Franchise,  extension  of,  692 
Franciscans,    Spanish,    enter 
Japan     "-as     ambassadors," 
542;  intrigue  against  Portu- 
guese   Jesuits,    543,    546-7; 
punished       by      Hideyoshi, 
543-4;    favoured    to    offset 
Jesuit  influence,  545 
Freemen  and  bondmen,  161, 

173 

French  in  Ryuku  (1846),  663; 
Harris  plays  off  English  and 
French  to  get  his  commercial 
treaty,  667;  at  Shimonoseki, 
674;  in  work  on  criminal  law 
and  army  training,   686;  in 
Manchuria  note  (1895),  702-3 
Froez,  Luis  (d.  1597),  Portu- 
guese Jesuit,  538 
Fudoki,  Local  Records,  3 
Fuhi,  Eight  Trigrams  of,  66 
Fuhito  see  Fujiwara  Fuhito 
Fuhkieri,  Kublai  at,  362 
Fuji  river,  battle  on,  306 
Fuji,  Mt.,  eruption  of,  (1707) 
604;  1  (ill.) 

Fujinami  in  Ise  worship,  583 
Fujjta  Toko  (1806-55),  ad- 
viser of  Nariaki,  662,  665 
Fujitsuna  see  Aota  Fujitsuna 
Fujiwara,  in  Yamato,  capital 
moved  to,  by  Jito,  185 
Fujiwara,'  Shimbetsu  family, 
influence  after  670  A.D.,  128; 
Imperial  consorts,  176;  legis- 
lation, 177;  historiography, 
188;  Asuka  made  Empress, 
189-190;  oppose  Makibi  and 
Gembo,  191;  Buddhism,  192; 
abdication,  197,  237;  family 
tree,  203;  choose  Emperors, 
205;  academy  of,  206,  283; 
increase  of  power,  236;  pol- 
icy of  abdication,  237;  de- 
pose Yozei,  238-9;  oppose 
Tachibana,  240;  plot  against 
Michizane,  243-4;  interreg- 
num, 245;  war  of  Taira  and 
Minamoto,  254;  influence  on 
Court,  257;  oppose  Tamehira, 
258;  family  quarrels,  259; 
literature,  261;  Minamoto, 
"claws"  of,  265;  provincial 
branches,  266;  Mutsu,  268, 
306;  power  wanes,  269;  Im- 
perial consorts  276;  anti-mili- 


tary, 285;  power  weakened  by 
Kiyomon,  294;  Yoritomo's 
followers  get  their  estates, 
324;  conspiracy  of  1252,  354'v 
loyal  to  Throne  (1331),  380? 
Hideyoshi  adopted  by,  499. 

—  Fuhito,  son  of  Kamatari, 
Daiho  and  Yoro  codes,    176; 
builds  Buddhist  temple,  192; 
death  203;  189,  190 

—  Fujifusa,     aids     Go-Daigo 
(1326),  379-80;  retires  389-90 

-  Fusazaki  (682-736),  son  of 
Fuhito,  founds  northern  fam- 
ily, 203 

-  Fuyutsugu  (775-826),  232- 
233;  Konin  revision  of  Rules 
and   Regulations,    177,    232; 
minister  founds  academy,  205 

—  Hidehira  (1096-1187),  son 
of  Motohira,  268;   aids  Yo- 
shitsune,  307;  provincial  gov- 
ernor   (1182),    308;    death, 
323-^ 

—  Hidesato  (called  Tawara 
Toda),  sides  with  Taira,  254, 
258;  founder  of  provincial 
branches  of  Fujiwara,  266 

—  Hirotsugu  (715-741),  gov- 
ernor, impeaches  Gembo,  191 

—  letaka    (1158-1237),   poet, 
471     ,i.  V--t 

—  Joye,  Buddhist  student  in 
China  (653-65),  166,  192 

.— -  kamatari,  muraji  of  Naka- 
tomi,  chief  Shinto  official, 
plots  against  Soga  Iruka 
(645),  148-9;  Daika,  160;  in 
China,  165,  166;  origin  of  uji 
name,  168;  Kasuga  shrine, 
209;  147  (ill.) 

—  Kaneiye    (929-99),   rivalry 
with  Kanemichi,    259;    plot 
against  Kwazan,  259;  regent 
for  Ichijo,  260 

—  Kanehira  (1228-94),  founds 
house  of  Takatsukasa,  358 

—  Kanemichi  (925-77),  father 
of  Enyu's  Empress,  259  .- 

—  Kanezane  (1147-1207),  son 
of    Tadamichi,    minister'  of 
the  Right,   310;  nairan  and 
kwampaku,  330;  descendants 
called  Kujo,  330,  358 

—  Kinsuye  (958-1029),  son  of 
Morosuke,  259 

—  Kinto  (966-1041)  poet,  one 
of  Shinagon,  261 

—  Kiyohira  (d.  1126),  founds 
Mutsu  branch,  267,  268,  307 

—  Kiyotada    opposes    advice 
of  Masashige,  394 

—  Korechika  (974-1010),  son 
of  Michitaka,  260 

—  Korekata  induces  Nobuyori 
to  ]om.Heiji  plot,  292 

—  Korekimi,  205 

—  Koretada  (942-72),  son  of 
Morosuke,  regent,  259 

—  Kunimutsu,     avenges     his 
father  Suketomo,  378 


\ 


Fujiw 

Fujiwara    Maro     (695-736), 
founder  of  Kyo-ke  branch,  203 

—  Masatada,  governor  262 

—  Matate    (716-67),    second 
councillor  under  Koken,  200 

—  Michiiye  (1192-1252),  an- 
cestor   of    Nij5    and    Ichijo 
families,  358 

—  Michikane    (955-95),    gets 
Kwazan   to   become   monk, 
259-60; regent,  260 

—  Michinaga  (966-1027),  re- 
gent, his  daughter  Empress, 
260;  power,  261 

—  Michinori  (d.  1159),  called 
Shinzei,  Go-Shirakawa's  ad- 
viser, 291 ;  killed,  292 

—  Michitaka  (953-95),  regent, 
260 

—  Momokawa  (722-79),  privy 
councillor,  200;  favours  suc- 
cession   of     Shirakabe    and 
Yamabe,  204 

—  Morokata   aids    Go-Daigo 
(1331),  379-80 

—  Moronaga  (1137-92),  chan- 
cellor,   banished    by    Taira 
Kiyomori,  298 

—  Morosuke  (908-60),  minis- 
ter of  Right,  257-8;  sons,  259 

—  Morotada,  257;  accuses  Ta- 
kaaki  of  treason,  258 

—  Morozane  (1042-1101),  272 

—  Motofusa  (1144-1230),  re- 

§ent,    296;    sides    with    Go- 
hirakawa,  is  banished,  298; 
his  daughter,  313 

—  Motohira  (d.  1157),  son  and 
successor  of  Kiyohira,  268 

—  Motokata,  father  of  Mura- 
kami's consort,  258 

—  Motomichi       (1160-1233), 
advanced  by  Taira  Kiyomori, 
298;  kwampaku,  330;  ancestor 
of  Konoe,  330,  358 

—  Motomitsu,  founder  of  Tosa 
academy  of  painters,  280,  452 

—  Mototsune    (836-91),  237; 
sessho  under  Yozei,  first  kwam- 
paku (882)  under  Uda,  238-9 

—  Motozane    (1143-66),    re- 
gent, 294 

-Muchimaro     (680-736), 
founds  the  southern  (Nanke) 
family,  203;  Buddhist  tem- 
ples, 192 

—  Nagate  (714-71),  minister 
of    the    Left,    200;    favours 
accession  of  Konin,  204 

—  Nagazane,  father  of  one  of 
Toba's  consorts,  273,  289 

—  Nakamaro  (710-64),  grand 
councillor,  197-8 

—  Nakanari  (d.  810),  in  con- 
spiracy of  Kusu,  230 

-Narichika     (1138-78),     in 
Shishi-ga-tani  plot,  296 

—  Naritoki,  father  of  Sanjo's 
Empress,  260 

-Nobuyori    (1133-59),    in 
Heiji  tumult,  292-3 


.750 

Fujiwara  Norimichi  (996- 
1075), quarrels  withGo-Sanjo, 
271 

—  Noritane,  compiler  of  Teio- 
keizu,  448 

—  Otsuga  (773-843),  204,  239 

—  Sadaiye(1162-l241),orTei- 
ka,  poet  and  anthologist^  366 

—  Sadakuni,  father-in-law  of 
Daigo,  243 

—  Sanetaka,  minister,  461 

—  Saneyori    (900-70),   father 
of  Murakami's  consort,  257; 
regent,  259 

—  Sari,  scribe,  261 

—  Seigwa,  or  Seikwa,  (1561- 
1619),  Confucianist,  578-9 

—  Shinzei  see  Fujiwara  Mi- 
chinori 

—  Sukeyo,  scholar,  240 

—  Suketomo   (d.   1325).  Go- 
Daigo's  minister,  exilea,  378 

—  Sumitomo   (d.  941)  turns 
pirate,  255 

—  Tadahira  (880^-949),  regent 
253,  257;  revision  of  Rules 
and  Regulations,  177 

—  Tadakiyo,    commands 
against  Yoritomo,  306 

—  Tadamichi       (1097-1164), 
regent  for  Konoe,  in  Hogen 
insurrection,  289;  saves  his 
father,  291;  estates,  252 
-Tadazane         (1078-1162), 
father  of  Toba's  consort,  273, 
289;  hi  Hogen  tumult,  289; 
saved  by  his  son,  291 

—  Takaiye  (979-1044),  repels 
Toi  invaders,  262-3 

—  Tameiye  (1197-1275),  366 

—  Tamemitsu,  259 

—  Tamesuke,  366 

—  Tameuji,  artist,  280 
-Tanetsugu    (737-85),    205; 
Kwammu's  minister,  assassi- 
nated, 225-6; father  of  consort 
of  Heijo,  230 , 

— Tokihira  (871-909),  muuV 
ter  plots  against  Sugawara 
Michizane,  241^;  death,  245 

—  Tomiko,  wife  of  Ashikaga 
Yoshimasa,  422,  428,  430 

—  Toshimoto   (d.   1330),   378 

—  Toshinari  (1114-1204), 
poet,  called  Shunzei,  366 

—  Toyonari  (704-65),  minister 
of  Koken,  200 

—  Tsugunawa  (727-96),  205; 
sent  against  Yemishi,  220 

—  Tsunemune,  292 

-  Tsunetaka,  452 

—  Ujimune,  J ok  wan  revision 
of  Rules  and  Regulations,  177 

-  Umakai  (694-736),  founder 
of  the  Shiki-ki  branch,  203; 
against  Yemishi  (724),  220 

—  Uwona      (721-83),     privy 
councillor  of  Koken,  200 

—  Yasuhira,  (d.  1189),  324 

—  Yorimichi  (992-1074),  son, 
of  Michinaga,  regent,  261 ;  in 


Gat 

succession  of  Takahito.  269; 
estates,  270;  father  of  Shira- 
kawa's  consort,  271 
T-  Yorinaga  (1120-56)  in  Ho- 
gen tumult,  289,  291,  292 

—  Yoritada  (924-89),  son  of 
Saneyori,  kwampaku,  259 

—  Yoritsugu   (1239-56),  sho- 
gun  (1244),  351,  354 

—  Yoritsune  (1218-56),  head 
of  Minamoto  (1219)  shogun 
(1226),  340;  resigns  (1244), 
351,  354;  against  Ho  jo  and 
Adachi  (1247),  352 

—  Yoshifusa  (804-72),  minis- 
ter, 236;  marries  Kiyo,  236; 
regent  for  Seiwa,  (866),  237; 
makes  Taka  Seiwa'a  Empress, 
238 

—  Yoshinobu,   in  Takahito's 
succession,  269 

—  Yoshitsugu  (716-77),  privy 
councillor  under  Koken,  200; 
favours  Konin,  204 

Fujiwara,  wistaria,  origin  of 
uji  name,  168 

Fuki-ayezu,Jimmu's  father,21 
Fukuchi-yama,  castle,  505 
Fukuhara,  now  Kobe,  villa  of 
Taira  Kiyomori  in,  298,  299; 
capital  (1180)  300 
Fukuri,  Chinese  saddler,  145 
Fukushima  Masanori   (1561- 
1624),    plot   against   Ishida, 
558,  562 
Funabashi    Hidekata    (1555- 

1614),  scholar,  578 
Funada  Yoshimasa,  officer  of 

Nitta  Yoshisada,  384 
Funai,      in      Bun  go,      Jesuit 
church  and  hospital,  533,  535 
Funanoe,  mount  in  Hoki,  382 
Furniture,  house,  209,  279 
Furs,  68 

Furubito,  Prince,  son  of  Jomei, 
candidate  to  succeed  Kogyo- 
ku,  147; death,  159 
F&ryu,  dance,  605 
Fusa-Kum-Kazusa,  671 
Fusan,    Korea,    Japanese   re- 
stricted to,  (1572),  510;  cap- 
tured  (1592),   613;  landing- 
place    for    Japanese    attack 
(1904),  713;  Kamimura  wins 
battle  near,  717 
Fushimi,  92d  Emperor  (1287- 
98),  356,  357 

Fushimi,  princely  house,  621 
Fushimi,   Hideyoshi's  Momo- 
Yaina  palace.  528 
Futodama  and  Imibe,  33,  61 
Gaku-in,  academies,  206 
Gambling,  75,  214,  277,  458 
Gamo     Katahide     (1534-84) 
favours  Nobukatsu,  494 
-  Ujisato    (1557-96),    vassal 
of  Hideyoshi,  505 
Garden  bridge,  8  (ill.) 

—  gate,  175  (ill.) 

Gate  guards,  in  capital,  180; 
in  kebiishi,  232 ;  origin,  284 


Gat 

Gates,  (ill.),  76, 175, 376, 632 

Gazan,  priest,  454 

Gei-ami,  artist,  425 

Geisha,  291,  620,  625 

Gembo,  Buddhist  of  Hosso 
sect,  191;  opposes  Fujiwara, 
191 

Gemmyo,  43d  Empress  (708- 
15),  185-188;  historiography, 
2,  3;  monument,  213 

Gems,  67;  70 

Genbun,  year-period,  1736-40, 
coins  of,  617 

Gen-e  (1269-1352),  priest, 
author,  447,  448,  454 

Genealogical  bureau,  233 

Genji  Monogatari  "narrative 
of  Minamoto,"  work  of  Mura- 
saki  Shikibu,  249  f  .n.,  590 

Genji  or  Gen,  Chinese  pronun- 
ciation of  Minamoto,  206  f  .n. ; 
divisions  of  family,  265; 
epoch  of  Gen  and  Hei,  284- 
335 

Genku  see  Honen 

Genna,  period,  1615-23,  570 

Genpei  ( Gempei ) ,  Minamoto 
and  Taira,  206  f.n.;  epoch, 
284-334;  Genpei  Seisuiki, 
Records  of  Minamoto  and 
Taira,  295-6 

Genre  pictures,  Ukiyoe,  600 

Genroku,  year  period,  1688- 
1703,  600,  604-6 

Gensho,  (44th)  Empress  (715- 
23),  188;  inaugurates  lec- 
tures (721)  on  Nihon  Shoki,  4 

Genso,  priest,  interpreter  to 
Korean  embassy,  511 

Gentile  names,  73 

Geology  and  fossil  remains,  45 
f.n. 

Germans  employed  by  Gov- 
ernment, 687 

Germany  joins  France  and 
Russia  in  note  on  Manchuria 
(1895),  702-3;  seizes  part  of 
Shantung,  705 

Gido,  scholar,  adviser  of 
Yoshimitsu,  448,  449 

Gien  see  Ashikaga  Yoshinori 

Gifu,  Nobunaga's  headquar- 
ters in  Mino,  480 

Gijin  see  Ashikaga  Yoshimi 

Gion,  temple  in  Kyoto,  274 

Glazed  pottery,  114,  374,  452 

Glynn,  J.,  Commander,  U.  S. 
N.,  in  Nagasaki  (1847),  663 

Go,  game,  278,  634 

Go,  prefix,  "second,"  with 
Emperor's  name,  261 

Goa,  Jesuits  at,  530 

Go-Daigo,  96th  Emperor 
(1318-39),  356,  357,  400; 
against  Ho  jo,  378-9;  de- 
throned 379;  escapes  from 
Oki,  382;  re-enters  Kyoto, 
386;  his  rescripts,  387;  after 
restoration,  388-90;  tricked 
by  Ashikaga  Takauji,  396-7; 
death,  400;  scholarship,  447 


751 

Go-Enyu,  Northern  Emperor 
(1371-82),  406 

Go-Fukakusa,  89th  Emperor 
(1246-59),  354,  356 

Go-Fushimi,    93d    Emperor 
(1298-1301),  son  of  Fushimi, 
356;  opposes  Go-Daigo,  379 

Go-Hanazono,  102nd  Emperor 
(1428-65),  412,  418,  460 

Gohei,  paper  strips,  179  f  .n. 

Go-Horikawa,  86th  Emperor 
(1221-32),  344 

Go-Ichijo,  68th  Emperor 
(1017-36),  261 

Goji-in,  temple  in  Yedo,  602 

Go-Kameyama,  99th  Emperor 
(1372-92),  406,  411,  460; 
abdicates,  412 

Go-Kashiwabara,  104th  Em- 
peror, (1500-26),  460-2 

Go-Kogon,  Northern  Emperor 
(1352-71),  406,  407,  409 

Go-Komatsu,  100th  Emperor 
(1392-1412),  in  Northern 
dynasty  (1382-92),  406,  412, 
418,  460 

Go-Komyd,  110th  Emperor 
(1643-54),  590-1 

Gokuki-ji  or  T5-ji,  Shingon 
temple  in  Kyoto,  367;  temple 
in  Yedo,  602 

Gokyogoku  Yoshitsune,  work 
on  landscape  gardening,  456 

Gold  in  Japan,  186-7,  528; 
discovery  in  Mutsu,  and  used 
in  great  image  of  Buddha, 
193;  exported,  444;  coins,  527 

Gold  lacquer,  279 

Golden  Pavilion  (1397),  417 

Golden  Tatars  in  China,  358 

Go-Mizu-no-o,  108th  Emperor 
(161 1-29),  589-90 

Go-Momozono,  118th  Empe- 
ror (1770-80),  621 

Go-Murakami,  97th  Emperor 
(1339-68),  400,  460;  escapes 
to  Kanao,  402;  asked  to 
return  after  Suko's  removal, 
407;  death,  410 

Go-Nara,  105th  Emperor 
(1526-57),  460,  462 

Gongen  see  Tokugawa  leyasu 

Go-Nijo,  94th  Emperor  (1301- 
7),  son  of  Go-Uda,  356,  357 

Go-Reizei,  70th  Emperor 
(1046-68)/ 269 

Goro  see  Tokimune 

Go-Saga,  88th  Emperor  (1243- 
46),  354,  355-6 

Go-Saien,  lllth  Emperor 
(1654-63),  501 

Go-Sakuramachi,  (117th)  Em- 
press (1762-70),  621 

Go-Sanjo,  71st  Emperor  (1069- 
72),  Prince  Takahito,  270-1 

Go-Sannen,  "After  Three- 
Years  War,"  1089-91,  267 

Goseibai-shikimoku,  criminal 
laws  of  Yasutoki,  448 

Go-Sekke,  "Five  Regent 
Houses,"  358, 581,  588;  416 


Gui 

Gosen-shu,  anthology,  251 

Go-Shirakawa,  77th  Emperor 
(1156-8),  289;  camera  gt»v- 
ernment  (1158-92),  291;  life 
threatened,  296;  confined  ii 
palace,  298;  sent  to  Roku-\ 
hara,  299;  under  Yoshinaka's 
protection,  309-10;  opposes 
Yoshinaka,  311;  calls  Yorito- 
mo  to  Kyoto,  311;  sends 
Yoshitsune  to  front,  317; 
relations  with  Yoritomo,  322, 
323,  329;  death,  331 

Go-Shu  jaku,  69th  Emperor 
(1037-45),  Prince  Atsunaga, 
269 

Go-Toba,  82nd  Emperor 
(1184-98),  310,  335,  refuses 
to  appoint  Imperial  prince 
shogun,  340;  called  "original 
recluse,"  341;  quarrels  with 
Yoshitoki,  342;  exiled  344; 
Japanese  verse,  366 

Goto  Matabei.  defies  leyasu, 
565;  defends  Osaka  castle,  567 

—  Yujo  (1435-1512),  metal- 
worker, 451 

Go-Tsuchimikado,  103d  Em- 
peror (1465-1500),  460-1 

Go-Uda,  91st  Emperor  (1274- 
87),  son  of  Kameyama,  356 

Government,  primitive  ad- 
ministration, 62;  connexion 
with  worship,  63;  early 
finance,  67;  reign  of  Suinin, 
84;  two-fold  classification,  96; 
uji,  97-8;  feudal  and  prefec- 
tural,  128;  under  Daika,  163; 
under  Daihd,  178-80;  of 
Ashikaga,  435-6;  Hideyo- 
shi's  scheme,  523;  early  Toku- 
gawa, 603-4;  Tokugawa 
Bakufu,  632-43;  centralized 
after  Restoration,  681;  local, 
in  Meiji  era,  688-9 

Governor-general  of  10  prov- 
inces, kwanryo,  387;  of  4, 
kubo,  414 

Go  Yoshihiro,  swordsmith,  451 

Go-Yozei,  107th  Emperor 
(1586-1611),  460,  506,  580, 
589 

Gozu  Tenno,  "Emperor  Ox- 
head,"  name  of  Susanoo,  60 

Granaries,  Imperial,  miyake, 
87;  in  Korea,  90,  96;  in  reign 
of  Ankan,  120;  of  Senkwa, 
121,  124,  164 

Grant,  U.  S.,  suggests  compro- 
mise over.Ryukyu,  698 

"Great  Name  Possessor," 
myth,  13, 18,  26 

Great-Producing  Kami,  16-17 

Gromovoi,  Russian  cruiser  at 
Vladivostok,  717 

Guards,  criticized  by  Miyoshi 
Kiyotsura,  247-8 ;  duties 
transferred  to  kebiishi,  232 

Guilds,  be,  71-2,  94;  heads  of 
kumi-gashira,  in  village  rule, 
637,643 


Gun 

Gunkan  Kyojujo,  naval  college 
at  Tsukiji;  669 

Gwangyo-ji,  temple  where 
Kwazan  took  tonsure,  260 

Gyogi,  Korean  Buddhist 
priest,  propaganda  and  rec- 
onciliation of  Buddhism  and 
Shinto,  195,  228  f.n. 

Gyokushitsu,  priest,  Emperor 
gives  purple  robes  to,  589-90 

Hachijoshima,  island,  561 

Hachiman,  War  God,  at  Usa, 
oracle  of,  199;  tutelary  of 
Minamoto,  303,  305;  shrine 
of,  in  Kamakura  on  Tsuruga- 
oka  hiU,  305,  325  (ill.),  326, 
339;  revenue  of  temple,  439; 
patron  of  pirates,  446  f.n.; 
shrine  of  Iwashimizu,  452; 
shrine  at  Atsuta,  478 

Hachiman  Taro  see  Minamoto 
Yoshiiye 

Hachioka,  temple  of,  155 

Hachisuka  lemasa  (1558- 
1638),  497,  500 

Hades,  myth  of,  10, 25,  30 

Hae,  mother  of  emperors 
Kenso  and  Ninken,  107 

Hagiwara  Shigehide,  chief  of 
Treasury,  debases  coinage, 
604,  605;  his  report,  608-9; 
impeachea,  610 

Haicheng  in  fighting  of  1894, 
702 

Hair,  racial  mark,  58,  59 

Hair-dressing  and  hair-cut- 
ting, ancient,  68;  dividing  the 
hair  (mizura)  goes  out  when 
official  caps  come  in,  156;  tied 
up  in  time  of  Temmu,  211; 
girl's  hair  bound  up  by  lover, 
216;  in  Heian  epoch,  281;  in 
Kamakura  period,  373;  in 
Sadanobu'slaws,625;651  (ill.) 

Hair  pins,  as  insignia,  156 ;  ci- 
cada-shaped, marks  of  grade 
after  Daika,  164 

Hai-ryong,  Korea,  514 

Hakamadare  Yasusake,  ban- 
dit, 262 

Hakata,  in  Chikuzen,  defend- 
ed against  Toi,  262-3 ;  port  in 
Heian  epoch,  281;  Mongol 
envoys  executed  at,  362; 
China  trade,  444;  American 
vessels  allowed  in  port,  666 

Hakodate,  Americans  in,  666 

Hakone,  tolls,  at  barrier,  439 ; 
guarded  by  Okubo,  592 

Hakozaki  Gulf,  Chikuzen, 
Mongol  landing  at,  359;  bay 
fortified  (1280),  361;  base  of 
second  Mongol  invasion,  362 

Haku-chi,  "White  Pheasant," 
second  nengd  or  year-period, 
650-4  A.D.,  165 

Hakuseki  see  Arai  Hakuseki 

Hall,  Consul-General  J.  C., 
translation  of  Joei  code,  349- 
50;  Kemmu  code,  403  f.n.; 
Laws  of  Military  Houses,  674 


792 

Han,  Chinese  dynasty,  later 
(25-220  A.D.),  83;  disorder 
after  fall  of,  101-2 

Han,  Land  of,  see  Korea 

Hanawa  .Naotsugu  in  defence 
of  Osaka  castle,  567 

Hanazono,  95th  Emperor, 
(1307-18),  356,  357,  396 

Hand  Bay  near  Kinchou,  715; 
Russian  gunboats  in,  716 

Hanishi,  potters,  113 

Haniwa,  clay  effigies,  buried 
instead  of  human  sacrifices, 
74,82 

Haniyasu,  half-brother  of 
Sujin,  rebels  against  him,  79 

Hansho,  18th  Emperor  (406- 
11),  110;  loyal  brother  of 
Richu,  109  ., 

Hara,  castle  in  Shimabara, 
occupied  by  Christians,  cap- 
tured, 554-5 

Haranobu  see  Takeda  Shingen 

Harbin,  Russian  railway,  705 

Hare  in  myth,  13-14 

Harem,  636 

Harima,  province,  fortifica- 
tions in,  (1280),  361;  trans- 
ferred from  Akamatsu  to 
Yamana  (1441),  421 

Harris,  Townsend  (1803-78), 
U.  S.  consul-general,  con- 
cludes commercial  treaty 
(1857),  666,  667 

Harumoto  see  Hosokawa 
Harumoto 

Harunari  see  Hitotsubashi 
Harunari 

Harvest  Festival,  63 

Hasegawa  receive  fief  of  Arima, 
549 

—  Heizo  in  charge  of  Ishikawa 
house  of  correction,  626 

Hashiba  see  Toyotomi  Hide- 
yoshi,  475  f.n. 

—  Hidekatsu    (1567-93),   son 
of    Nobunaga,    adopted    by 
Hideyoshi,  489,  505 

—  Hidenaga  (1540-91),  broth- 
er of  Hideyoshi,  505,  522 

—  Hideyasu,  Ogimaru,  son  of 
leyasu,  498 

Hashimoto      Sanae     favours 
foreign  trade,  667;  leader  in 
Imperial  movement,  670 
-  Tsunatsune,    Viscount    (d. 
1909),  667 

Hatahi,  sister  of  Okusaka, 
marries  Ohatsuse,  111 

Hatakeyama  family,  estates, 
409;  Muromachi  kwanryo, 
414,  427, 436;  one  of  Five  Re- 
gent Houses,  416 ;  in  Onin  dis- 
turbance, 427;  join  Eastern 
Army  (1472),  430;  "province 
holders,"  436 

—  Kunikiyo  (d.  1364),  general 
under  Motouji,  removed  from 
office  of  shilsuji,  409 

—  Masanaga   (d.    1493),   suc- 
ceeds Mochikuni,   427;   dis- 


Heih 

placed,    428,    driven     from 
capital,  429;  death,  432 

—  Mitsuiye  (d.  1433)  captures 
Sakai    (1400),    415;    Yoahi- 
mochi's  minister,  418 

—  Mochikuni       (1397-1455), 
called  Tokuhon,  minister  for 
Ashikaga    Yoshimasa,     421 ; 
succession,  427 

—  Shigetada   (1164-1205),  at 
Ichi-no-tani,  315;  adviser  of 
Yoriiye,  335;  assassinated  by 
Hoj5  Tokimasa,  337 

—  Yoshinari   (d.   1493),  large 
estate,  426,  succession  427; 
kwanryo,  430 

—  Yoshitoyo  (d.  1499),  432 
Hatano,    brothers    killed    by 

NobuBaga,  490 

Hatsiue,  Japanese  battleship 
lost  off  Port  Arthur,  717 

Hallo-gaki,  Prohibitory  Writ- 
ings, code,  (1742),  641 

Hawking,  75,  106,  277,  612 

Hayabito  or  Hayato  ("Falcon 
Men"),  palace  guard,  21,  41; 
possibly  Kumaso,  41 

Hayama  Muneyori,  punished 
for  cowardice,  332 

Hayashi  family,  function  of 
reading  military  laws,  576; 
true  Confucianists,  613;  ed- 
ucation at  Yedo,  626 

—  Doshun   or    Kazan    (1583- 
1657).,  Confucianist,  on  bell- 
inscription,  566;  578;  ethics 
and  history,  579;  traces  de- 
scent    of     Emperor     from 
Chinese  prince,  645 

—  Harukatsu,  son  of  Razan, 
historiographer,  579 

—  Mitsukatsu,      soldier      of 
Nobunaga,  477 

—  Nobuatsu,  Confucianist, 
599;  petitions  for  pardon  of 
"47  Rdnins,"  607;  lectures  at 
Shohei  College,  613 

—  Razan  see  Hayashi  Doshun 

—  Shibei     (1754-93)      urges 
coast  defense,  659 

Head,  racial  marks,  58 

Heaven,  Plain  of  High,  myth, 
11,  16,29,30,31-2 

"Heavenly  Grandchild,"  ten- 
son,  33.  66 

Heavenlv  Young  Prince,  16-17 

Heguri,  beginning  of  power  of, 
105,  107,  descendants  of 
Takenouehi,  106;  founder  of 
family,  Tsuku,  in  Richu's 
reign,  109;  revolt  of  sup- 
pressed, 128,.  129 

Hei  and  Heike,  Chinese  name 
for  Taira,  206  f.n.,  265-6  f.n.; 
Gen  and  Hei,  284-335 

Heian  epoch,  capital  at  Kyoto, 
or  Heian-jo  (Castle  of 
Peace),  794-1 192  A.D.,  224-83 

Height  as  sign  of_race,  57-8 

Heihachiro  see  Oshio  Heiha- 
chiro 


Heij 

Heiji,  year  period,  1159-60, 
252;  the  tumult  of  the  year, 
292-4:  results,  294-5 

Heiio,  51st  Emperor  (806-9), 
son  of  Kwammu,  230,  231 

Heikautai,  battle  of  (1905), 
719-20,  721 

Hemp,  cultivation  of,  67,  71 

Herb  of  longevity,  196 

Hereditary  office  and  rank,  62; 
in  Shptoku's  17-Article  Con- 
stitution, 142;  the  Daika 
tries  to  abolish  hereditary 
office  holding,  160 

Hi,  river,  in  myth  13,  31      i 

Hida,  messenger  in  search  for 
Buddhist  devotees,  134 

Hida,  128,  279,  461 

Hida  Takumi,  architect,  251 

Hidehito    see    Go-Momozpno 

Hidekatsu  see  Hashiba  Hide- 
katsu 

Hideiye  see  Ukita  Hideiye 

Hidenaga  see  Hashiba  Hide- 
naga 

Hidetada  branch  of  Tokugawa, 
extinct  with  letsugu  (1716), 
610 

Hidetada  see  Tokugawa  Hide- 
tada 

Hidetsugu  see  Toyotomi  Hidet- 
sugu 

Hideyasu  see  Matsudaira  Hide- 
yasu 

Hideyori  see  Toyotomi  Hide- 
yori 

Hideyoshi  see  Toyotomi  Hide- 
yoshi 

Hie-no-yama,  monastery  later 
called  Hiei-zan,  228 

Hiei-zan,  mountain  N.  E.  of 
Kyoto,  between  Yamashiro 
and  Omi,  on  which  was 
Enryaku-ji  monastery,  228, 
273,  274,  276,  367,  368,  379, 
392,  393,  394,  396;  power 
checked  by  Yoshinori,  420; 
and  Takauji,  453-4;  in 
Hokke-ikki,  464;  aids  Yoshi- 
kage  against  Nobunaga;  484; 
punished  by  Nobunaga,  485; 
monastery  rebuilt,  505;  abbot 
invites  Vilela  to  Kyoto,  537 

Higami,  mother  of  Shomu, 
consort  of  Mommu,  188,  191 

Higashi-dera,  temple  in  Kyoto, 
Takauji's  headquarters,  396 

Higashiyama,  113th  Emperor 
(1687-1710),  620 

Higashi-yama,  hill  E.  of  Kyoto, 
site  of  Yoshimasa's  palace, 
424,  425 ;  name  used  of  craze 
for  objets  d'art,  450,  and  of 
lacquer,  451 

Higuchi  Kanemitsu,  Yoshi- 
naka's  body  guard,  313 

Hiki  Munetomp(d.  1203)  ,336-7 

—  Yoshikazu,  in  Bakufu  coun- 
cil, plots  against  Hojo  and 
is  assassinated,  336 

Hikoho  no  Ninigi,  his  descent 


753 

upon  Kyushu,  18-19;  ration- 
alization of  myth,  31-2; 
founder  of  empire,  33 

Hinayana,  exoteric  Buddhism, 
132;  the  Small  Vehicle,  369 

Hino  family,  shikken  in 
Camera  palace,  440 

Hirado,  island,  occupied  by 
Mongols  (1281),  363;  Chinese 
trade,  444  f.n.;  Xavier  in, 
531;  Portuguese  trade,  534; 
rivalry  with  Omura,  535; 
Dutch  headquarters,  652,  and 
English,  653 ;  English  factory 
closed  (1623),  654 

Hirafu,  warden  of  Koshi,  cam- 
paigns against  Sushen  (658,- 
660),  34-5,  and  Yemishi 
(655),  38 

Hiragana,  syllabary,  250 

Hirai,  castle,  467 

Hirasaka,  now  Ifuyo-saka,  30 

Hirata  Atsutane  (1776-1843) 
on  Japanese  government,  67; 
Shinto  revival,  645;  quoted, 
649 

Hirate  Masahide,  tutor  of 
Nobunaga,  suicide,  473 

Hirohira,  son  of  Murakami,  set 
aside  from  succession,  258 

Hirose,  commander,  attempts 
to  bottle-up  Port  Arthur,  715 

Hirotada  see  Tokugawa  Hiro- 
tada 

Hirotsugu  see  Fujiwara  Hiro- 
tsugu 

Hirozumi  see  Sumiyoshi  Gukei 

Hisaakira,  Prince  (1276-1328), 
shogun  (1289-1308),  354 

Historiography,  early,  1-8;  the 
"  Six  National  Histories" 
(697-887),  188;  compilations 
of  Tokugawa  period,  579 

Hitachi,  37;  Taira  in,  265 

—  Fudoki,  ancient  record  (715 
A.D.),  46 

—  Maru,  Japanese  transport 
sunk  by  Russians,  717 

Hitomaru  see  Kakinomoto 
Hitomaru 

Hitotsubashi,  branch  of 
Tokugawa  eligible  to  shogun- 
ate,  592,  named  from  gate  of 
Yedo,  618;  lenari's  descent 
from,  624 

—  Harunari,  father  of  fenari, 
624;  reactionary  policy,  629; 
ambition  opposed  by  Sadano- 
bu,  630-1 

Hiyeda  Arc  (647),   chamber- 
lain, historiography,  2,  3  Tj?Y 
Hiyoshi,  Shinto  temple,  274 
Hizen,    Tsuchi-gump    in,    42; 
Mongol  invaders  in   (1281), 
363;    natives    of,    settle    in 
China,  509;  fiefs  surrendered, 
680;  clan  representation,  681 

—  Genji,  or  Matsuura,  265    >• 
"Hoe"    among    early    imple- 
ments,    47;    distributed    to 
farmers  (723),  207    -.di  anvr 


Hoj 

Hoei,  year-period,  1704-10, 
debased  coinage  of,  604 

Ho-en,  year-period,  1135--40, 
252 

Hogen  insurrection  (1156;  in 
year-period  1156-8),  289-91; 
result,  294-5 

Hohodemi,  myth  of,  20-1,  41, 
32;  name  applied  to  Iware  in 
"Chronicles,  "22 

Hojo,  family  holding  office  of 
shikken,  327 ;  power  increased 
by  Tokimasa,  336;  Hojo 
regency  established,  340;  ex- 
cellent rule,  348;  the  nine 
regents,  353;  control  of 
shogun,  354;  Oshu  revolt,  377; 
Gp-Daigo  overthrows,  378-85 ; 
suicide  of  leaders,  385-6;  Go- 
Daigo's  rescript,  387;  part  of 
estates  seized,  389;  rising  in 
1334,  390;  system  imitated  by 
the  Ashikaga,  403 

—  of  Odawara,   fight  Satomi 
in  Kwanto,  431 ;  alliance  with 
Takeda,    466;    their    impor- 
tance, 472;  last  eastern  enemy 
of  Nobunaga,  489;  defeated 
by  Hideyoshi,  502-4 

Hojoki,  Annals  of  a  Cell,  367 
Hojo  Kudaiki,  on  Kanazawa- 
bunko  library,  449 

—  Morotoki,  regent  1301-11, 
353,  377 

—  Nagatoki(1230-64),  shikken 
(1256),  352 

—  Nakatoki,    fails    to    arrest 
Go-Daigo    (1331),    380;    es- 
capes from  Rokuhara,  384 

—  Sadatoki  (1270-1311), 
regent     1284-1301,    and    in 
camera  to  1311,  353,  376,  377; 
succession  to  Fushimi,  357 

—  Sanetoki  founds  Kanazawa- 
bunko,  449 

—  Soun,    or   Nagauji    (1432- 
1519),     reduces    taxes   440; 
seizes  Izu  province,  465  (ill.) 

—  Takaiye,  commander  against 
Go-Daigo,  383-4 

—  Takatoki  (1303-33),  last  of 
Hojo  regents,  1311-33,  353. 
377;  Go-Daigo's  quarrel,  378- 
85;  suicide,  386 

—  Tokifusa,     leader     against 
Kyoto    in   Shokyu    struggle, 
343;  one  of  first  tandai,  345 

—  Tokimasa         (1138-1215), 
guardian  of  Yoritomo,  302-3 ; 
kills    lieutenant-governor    of 
Izu,   304;   in  Awa,   305;   in 
Suruga,    306;    messenger   to 
Yoshitsune,      321 ;     governs 
Kyoto,  323;  military  regent, 
327 ;  constables  and  stewards, 
328;  high  constable  at  Court, 
330 ;  gives  power  of  Minamoto 
to  Hojo,  336;  kills  Yoriiye, 
becomes  shikken,  337;  exiled, 
338 

—  Tokimasu,  death,  (1333),384 


\ 


Hojo 

H6j6  Tokimori,  in  southern 
Rokuhara,  347 

—  Tokimune    (1251-84),    son 
of     Tokiyori,     352;     regent 
(1256-84),  353,  376;  Mongol 
invasion,     361     (ill.);    Bud- 
dhism   361,    and    Buddhist 
temples,  366;  Nichiren,  372 

—  Tokisada    succeeds    Toki- 
masa    as  high    constable  at 
Ky6to  (1186),  330 

—  Tokiuji  (1203-30)  in  north- 
ern Rokuhara,  347 

—  Tokiyori  (1226-33),  shikken 
(1246-66),  Miura  plot  against, 
351;  cloistered  regent,  351-2 
(ill.);  Buddhist  temples,  366 

—  Tokiyuki  (d.  1353),captures 
Kamakura,  390-1 

—  Tsunetoki  (1224-46),  shik- 
ken, 351 

—  Ujimasa  (1538-90),  against 
Uesugi,  466-8;  ally  of  Shin- 
gen,  483;  defeated  by  Hideyo- 
shi,  502-3 

— Ujinao,  son  of  Ujimasa,  503 

—  Ujinori,  brother  of  Ujimasa, 
503-4 

—  Ujitsuna  (1487-1543),  con- 
quers Kwanto,  466 

—  Ujiyasu(  15 15-70),  conquers 
Kwanto,  466 

—  Yasutoki  (1183-1242)  sent 
against  Kyoto  at  outbreak  of 
Shokyu  war,  343;  captures  the 
capital,  344;  explains  treat- 
ment of  ex-Emperors,  344-5; 
one  of  first  tandai,  345;  in 
regency,  347;  thrift  and  gen- 
erosity, 348;  Joei  code,  349, 
488;   death,    351;    Buddhist 
temples,  366 

—  Ypshitoki         (1 163-1224), 
military  regent,  defeats  Wada 
Yoshimori,  327,  338;  in  coun- 
cil of  Bakufu,  336;  in  plot 
against    Sanetomo,    339-40; 
Go-Toba  quarrels  with,  342; 
attitude  toward  Crown,  343; 
restored,    344;   death,  346 

Hokke,  Hokke-shu,  see  Nichi- 
ren; Hokke-kyo-sutra,  book  of 
Nichiren  doctrine,  400;  Hok- 
ke-ikki,  war  of  the  sect  on 
Hongwan-ji,  464 

HokkyO  Enzen,  bonze,  com- 
piles Joei  code,  349 

Hok5-ji,  Buddhist  temple  in 
Asuka(587A.D.),  138;  image, 
565;  inscription  on  bell,  566 

Hoku-cho,  Northern  court, 
356 

Hokuriku,  Prince,  310-11 

Home  Affairs,  Department  of, 
in  Restoration  government, 
681 

Homestead,  50  houses,  under 
Daika,  162,  164 

Homma  Saburo  assassinates 
Hojo  Suketomo,  378 

—  Saemon,  Hojo  soldier,  385 


764 

Homuda,  lif  e  name  of  Emperor 

Ojin,  73 
Homutang,  Russian  stand  at, 

714 
Honcho  Hennen-roku,  or  Hon- 

cho  Tsugan,  history,  579 
Honda  Masanobu  (1539-1617) 

adviser  of  leyasu,  558,  563, 

564,  566 

—  Masazumi  (1566-1637),563; 
Osaka    castle,  568-9;   under 
Hidetada,  580;  punished  for 
secret  marriage,  594 

—  Tadakatsu       (1548-1610), 
leyasu's  general  at  Sekiga- 
hara,  560 

Honen  Shdnin,  or  GenkQ, 
(1133-1212),  preaches  Jodo 
doctrine,  367,  370 

Hongi,  Original  Records  of  the 
Free  People,  2 

Hongo,  Yedo,  college  at,  599 

Hongwan-ji,  Shin  temple  in 
Kyoto,  272  (ill.);  monks  in 
16th  century  wars,  434;  feud 
with  Enryaku-ji,  463-4;  aid 
Mori,  Takeda  and  Hojo,  485- 
6;  divided  by  leyasu,  578 

Honno-ji,  temple,  490 

Hori,  general  of  leyasu,  560 

Horigoe,  Izu,  fort,  425,  464 

Horikawa,  73rd  Emperor 
(1087-1107),  272-3 

Horses,  cavalry,  488;  "horse 
hunting,"  612;  wooden  pic- 
tures, votive  offerings  472 
(ill.);  racing,  92,  (ill.) 

Horyu-ji,  Buddhist  temple  at 
Nara  (607),  154  (ill.);  ideo- 
graphic inscription  in,  153 
f.n.;  dancers'  masks  and 
records,  156;  statues,  185 
(ill.) 

Hoshikawa,  son  of  Kara,  seizes 
treasury  and  plots  for  throne, 
117 

Hoshina  Masayuki  (1609-72), 
guardian  of  letsuna,  584 

Hosho-ji,  temple  built  by 
Shirakawa,  272;  cherry  pic- 
nics, 277 ;  image,  280 

Hosoi  Kotaku,  calligraphist, 
601 

Hosokawa,  Harima,  manor 
given  to  Fujiwara  Tameiye, 
366; -family  favours  Takauji, 
406;  large  estates,  409;  Muro- 
machi  kwanryo,  414,  436;  one 
of  Five  Regent  Houses,  416; 
power  in  15th  century,  427; 
Yamana  family,  427-8;  East- 
ern army  in  Onin  struggle, 
429;  crushed  by  Miyoshi, 
434,  464;  "province  holders," 
436;inSanuki,  470 

—  Harumoto  (1519-63),  son  of 
Sunimoto,  in  civil  war,  433- 
4;  joined  by  Kokyo,  464 

—  Katsumoto(1430-73),  kwan- 
ryo, 421;  estates,  426;   feud 
with  the  Hatakeyama,  427; 


Hye 

quarrels  with  Yamana,  shit- 
*«#,  428, -death,  430 

—  Kiyouji  (d.  1362),  goes  over 
to  Southern  Court.  409;  de- 
feated, 410 

—  Masomoto  (1466-1507),  432 

—  Mitsumoto       (1378-1426), 
minister  to  Ashikaga  Yoshi- 
mochi,  418 

—  Sumimoto        (1496-1520), 
kwanryo,  (1507),  432;  exiled, 

4oo 

—  Sumiyuki  (d.  1507),  432 

—  Tadaoki   (1564-1645),  dis- 
closes  plot   against    leyasu, 
557;  tries  to  kill  Ishida,  558; 
helps  leyasu,  559 

—  Takakuni  (d.   1531),    432; 
driven  out  by  Sumimoto's  son, 
433;  death,  434 

—  Yoriyuki  (1329-92),  guard- 
ian of  Ashikaga  Yoshimitsu, 
410;     administration      and 
death,  411,  416 

Hospitals,  Jesuit,  533,  535 
Hosso,  first  Buddhist  sect  in 
Japan  (653),  367,  368;  Gem- 
bo  studies  tenets,  191 
Hostages,     women,      '"'Pillow 
children,"  86;  of  feudatories 
at  Yedo,  581,  586 
Hosuseri,  myth  of,  20-1,  32,  41 
Hotta  family,  Bakufu  minis- 
ters from,  624 

—  Masamori  (1606-51),  min- 
ister of  lemitsu,  suicide,  582 

—  Masamutsu  (1810-64)  aids 
Townsend  Harris,  667 

—  Masatoshi    (1631-84),    on 
succession  to.shogunate,  596; 
chief  minister,  597;  assassin- 
ated, 598 

Hotto,  Buddhist  abbots,  144 

Household,  unit  of  administra- 
tion under  Daiho,  162,  164, 
181 

Household  Department,  under 
Daika,  164,  and  Daiho,  179 

Hsia  Kwei,  Kamakura  paint- 
er, 365 

Hsuan-ming  calendar  revised 
(1683),  599 

Hsu  Fuh,  Chinese  Taoist, 
search  for  elixir  of  life,  78 

Hulbert,  History  of  Korea 
quoted,  511 

Human  sacrifice,  at  funerals, 
replaced  by  use  of  effigies, 
47,  50,  74,  82,  abolished,  163; 
in  public  works,  105 

Hun  river,  Manchuria,  720, 
721 

Hunting  in  prehistoric  times, 
75;  keeping  dogs  or  falcons 
forbidden  by  Shotoku,  212 

Hyakunin-isshu,  "Poems  of  a 
Hundred  Poets,"  366 

Hyecha,  Buddhist  priest,  in- 
structor of  Prince  Shotoku, 
143 


Hyo 

Hyogo,  now  Kobe,  in  Ashikaga 
revolt,  394,  395;  battle,  433; 
trade  with  China,  444;  Eng- 
lish demonstration  (1866) 
against,  675-6 

Hyuga,  Kumaso  in,  40 

Ibaraki-doji,  bandit,  262 

Ice  storage,  106 

Ichijo,  66th  Emperor  (987- 
1011),  260 

—  family,  one  of  "Five Regent 
Houses,"  358;  leave  Court  for 
Tosa,  461 

—  Fuyuyoshi,  scholar,  447 

—  Kaneyoshi    (1402-81),    re- 
gent,   adviser    of    Ashikaga 
Yoshihisa,  431;  author,  447, 
448;  on  religions,  452 

Ichiman  see  Minamoto  Ichi- 
man 

Ichinei  (I  Ning,  or  Nei-issan), 
Buddhist  priest,  365 
Ichi-no-tani,  near  Hyogo,  in 
Settsu,  defeat  of  Taira  at,  314 
Icho-mura,  birthplace  of  Hide- 
yoshi,  475 

Ideographs,   Chinese,   histori- 
cal writing,  2,  3;  and  Japan- 
ese   language,    57;    date    of 
introduction,    103,   153  f.n.; 
adapted    for    syllabic     pur- 
poses, 104;  in  early  laws,  349 
leharu  see  Tokugawa  leharu 
lehisa  see  Shimazu  lehisa 
lemitsu  see  Tokugawa  lemitsu 
lemochi  see  Tokugawa  lemo- 
chi 

lenari  see  Tokugawa  lenari 
lenobu  see  Tokugawa  lenobu 
lesada  see  Tokugawa  lesada 
leshige  see  Tokugawa  leshige 
letsugu  see  Tokugawa  letsugu 
letsuna  see  Tokugawa  letsuna 
leyasu  see  Tokugawa  leyasu 
leyoshi  see  Tokugawa  leyoshi 
Iga,  Prince,  see  Otomo 
Iharu     Atamaro,     leader     of 
Yemishi  (780),  220 
li,     adherents     of     Southern 
Court,  400;  Bakufu  ministers 
from,  624;  tamarizume,  636 

—  Naomasa  (1561-1602),  gen- 
eral at  Sekigahara,  560 

—  Naosuke,  Kamon  no  Kami 
(1815-60),  advocates  foreign 
intercourse,  665;  prime  min- 
ister at  Yedo,  668;  Tokugawa 
Nariaki's  opposition  to,  662; 
foreign   policy,  669-70  (ill.); 
assassinated,  671 

—  Naotaka  (1590-1659),  min- 
ister of  lemitsu,  581,  and  of 
letsuna,  584 

Ikeda  Isshinsai,  friend  of 
Harunari,  631 

—  Nobuteru  (1536-84),  coun- 
cillor after  Nobimaga's  death, 
494;  defeated,  498 

—  Terumasa    (1564-1613),  in 
plot  against  Ishida,  558;  fa- 
vours leyasu,  559 


755 

Iki,  island,  in  early  myth,  28; 

attacked    by    Toi,    262,    by 

Mongols,  359,  362;  held  by 

Japan,  703 
Ikki,  "revolt,"  463-1 
Ikko,    Shin    sect;    Ikko-ikki, 

war  of  1488,463 
Ikkyu      Zenji      (1394-1481), 

priest  of  Daitqku-ji,  454 
Ikuno,  silver  mines,  528  '• 
Imagawa,  family,  gives  refuge 

to  Ashikaga  Yoshimichi,  465 ; 

against  Hojo,  466;  in  Suruga 

and  Mikawa,   468;  leyasu' s 

relations  with,  556 

—  Motome,      general     under 
Date  Masamune,  471 

—  Sadayo   (Ryoshun),  tandai 
of  Kyushu,  411 ;  recalled,  414 

—  Ujizane  (1538-1614),  son  of 
Yoshimoto,  479,  486 

—  Yoshimoto  (1519-60)  rules 
Suruga,  Totomi  and  Mikawa, 
468;   threatens   Owari,   476; 
defeated       at      Okehazama 
(1560),  477 

Imai  Kanehira,  one  of  Yoshin- 
aka's  four  body-guards,  312; 
sacrifices  himself  for  his 
master,  313 

Imibe,  corporation  or  guild  of 
mourners,  descent,  33,  61; 
guard  Imperial  insignia,  63; 
abstainers,  71,  130;  commis- 
sary agents  in  provinces,  93; 
in  charge  of  Treasury,  114 

Imjin  River,  Korea,  514,  517 

Immigration,  shadowed  in 
myths,  29,  34;  from  Siberia, 
China,  Malaysia  and  Poly- 
nesia, 45;  Japanese  ethnolo- 
gists on,  59-60;  of  Koreans 
and  Chinese  in  3rd  &  4th 
centuries,  102;  and  later,  144; 
from  Shiragi  (608),  151 

Imna  see_Mimana 

Imoko  (Ono  Imoko),  envoy  to 
China  (607  A.D.),  145 

Imperial  lands,  87,  95 

Imprisonment,  641,  642 

Imun,  Korea,  secured  by  Ku- 
dara  with  Japan's  help,  123 

Inaba,  Princess  Yakami  of,  13 

—  Masayasu,       assassin      of 
Hotta  Masatoshi,  598  •  Jn<  n 

Inaba-yama,  castle  of  Saito, 
480 

Inahi,  brother  of  Jimmu,  60 

Iname  see  Soga  1  name 

Inamura-ga-saki,  cliff  near 
Kamakura,  385  f.n 

Incense  fetes,  277,  457 

Incest,  73,  111 

India,  first  Japanese  visitor  to, 
Takaoka  or  Shinnyo,  231 

Indian  architecture,  influence 
of,  through  Buddhism,  153 

Indigo  growing  in  Awa,  617 

Industrial  class,  in  Kama- 
kura period,  372 

Industry,  early  Japanese,  71- 


Ise 

72;  impulse  given  by  Bud- 
dhism in  Nara  epoch,  208; 
development  in  time  \>f 
Yoshimune,  617-18;  modern 
manufactures,  694 

Infantry,  use  of,  488 

Inheritance,  law  of,  in  Daiho 
legislation,  184;  in  feudal 
system  of  Tokugawa,  593 

I  Ning  see  Ichinei 

Inishiki,  Prince,  85 

Inkyo  (Ingyo),  19th  Emperor 
(412-53),  110-11,87,97 

In-memoriam  services,  Shinto, 
276 

Inokami,  consort  of  Konin. 
204 

Inokashira  lake  and  Yedo 
water-supply,  587 

Inokuma,  general  of  the  Left, 
executed,  573 

Ino  Tadayoshi,  survey  of 
Northern  islands  (1800),  658 

Inouye  Kaoru,  Marquis 
(b.  1835^),  683 

—  Tetsujiro,    Dr.,    on   Bushi 
ethics,  287;  on  Chutsz  and 
Wang  Yang-ming,  627-8 

Inquisitors,  Bakufu  officials  at 
.Court  after  Shokyu  war  345 

Insei  see  Camera  government 

Insignia,  sacred  Imperial,  mir- 
ror, sword,  jewel,  33,  63,  79, 
319,  380,  397,  412 

Inspectors  of  district  officials, 
after  Daika,  165;  of  provincial 
government,  200;  in  temple 
service,  634 

Interest  on  loans,  202 

Interior  decoration,  Yamato 
school,  452;  (ill.),  442 

"Interior,"  Granary  of,  90 

—  Ministry    of,    created    by 
Daika  (645),  160 

"Invisible  "Kami,  8  (f.n.  2) 

Iratsuko,  rebel  against  Yury- 
aku,  famous  archer,  137 

Iris  festival,  214 

Iroha-uta,  text  book,  448 

Iron  in  Korea,  60;  foundry  at 
Akunpura,  669 

Irrigation,  under  Sujin,  80; 
under  Nintoku,  105,  in  6th 
and  7th  centuries,  155;  rice 
land,  182;  in  Nara  epoch, 
207;  in  Heian  epoch,  282; 
under  Yoshimune,  618 

Iruka  see  Soga  Iruka 

Isa,  early  carriage-builder,  126 

Isawa,  headquarters  moved 
from  Taga  to,  222 

Ise,  shrine  of  Sun  at,  13,  82; 
Yamatodake  &t  shrine,  37; 
swords  offered,  85;  oracle 
calls  Amaterasu  an  avatar  of 
Buddha,  195;  Watarai  shrine, 
64;  revolt  of  1414  in,  412;  re- 
building shrines,  461,  493, 
583;  Oda  seize,  468,  480; 
Mori  insults  the  shrine,  691 

Ise  Heishi,  branch  of  Taira,  265 


Ise 

Ise  Monogatofi,  590 
—  Sadachika  (1417-73)  page  of 
Yoshimasa,  424,  425;  marries 
Yoshitoshi's  sister,  428;  in- 
fluence of,  430 

Ishida  Katsushige,  soldier  of 
Hideyoshi,  505;  brings  about 
Hidetsugu's  death,  522-3; 
ordered  to  Korea,  524;  plot 
againsj,  leyasu,  557,  558; 
takes  Osaka,  560;  death,  561 

Ishide  family  in  charge  of 
Yedo  prison,  642 

Ishido  family  favours  Tada- 
yoshi,  406 

Ishikawa  Island,  house  of  cor- 
rection on, 626 

Ishikawa  Jinshiro  relieves  suf- 
fering in  Kyoto,  624 

Ishi-yama,  temple  486 

Ishizu,  battle,  Akiiye  defeated 
(1338)  by  K5  Moronao,  399 

Iso-takeru  (Itakeru),  son  of 
Susanoo,  14f.n.,  31 

Isuraka,  Korean  artist,  127 

Itagaki  Taisuke,  Count  (b. 
1837),  683;  resigns  from 
cabinet  and  works  for  parlia- 
ment, 684,  689;  organizes 
Liberal  party,  690;  invited 
into  Cabinet,  693 

Itakura  Katsushige  (1542- 
1624),  in  bell-inscription 
plot,  567;  in  Ky5to,  580, 643 

—  Shigemune       (1587-1656), 
protests  against  Go-K6myo's 
activities,  591 

Italians  employed  by  Govern- 
ment in  fine  arts,  687 

Ito  Hirobumi,  Prince  (1841- 
1909),  683;  premier  (1885), 
691;  framer  of  constitution, 
692  (ill.);  head  of  Liberal 
party,  693 ;  treaty  with  China, 
702;  assassinated,  729 

—  Jinsai    (1627-1705),    Con- 
fucianist,  626 

—  Sukechika  (d.  1181),  guar- 
dian of  Minamoto  Yoritomo, 
302-3;    crushes    Yoritomo's 
army,  304 

Ito,  or  Wado,  Chinese  name 
for  Japanese,  84 

Itsukushima-Myojin,  Bud- 
dhist shrine,  299;  (ill.),  347 

Itsutse,  brother  of  Jimmu,  21, 
23 

Iwa,  consort  of  Nintoku,  of 
Katsuragi  family,  107 

Iwai  (Ihawi)  ruler  of  Kyushu, 
blocks  invasion  of  Korea 
(527)  but  is  defeated  by 
Arakaho  (528>,  123 

Iwaki,  son  of  Kara,  contests 
throne  with  Seinei,  117 

Iwaki-^uji,  branch  of  Taira,  265 

Iwakura  Tomoyoshi,  Prince 
(1825-83),  leader  of  moderate 
party,  673,  683-4  (ill.) 

Iware,  life-time  name  of  Jim- 
mu, 73 


756 

Iwasaka,  fort  in  Mikawa,  498 

Iwatsuki,  in  Musashi,  forti- 
fied, 426 

lyo,  province,  28;  oldest  ideo- 
graphic  inscription  (596  A.D.), 
153  f  .n. ;  held  by  Kono,  470 

Izanagi  and  Izanami,  toale  and 
female  Kami,  creators  of 
Japanese  islands,  9, 10, 19, 25, 
26,  28-29,  34,  109 

Izayoi-nikki,  journal  of  Abu- 
tsu-ni,  366 

Izu,  early  ship-building  in,  22, 
72,  99, 126;  Minamoto  Tame- 
tomo  exiled  to,  291;  Yoritomo 
in,  294,  302-304;  peaceful 
under  Kamakura  rule,  409; 
seized  by  Hojo  Soun  (1491), 
465 

Izumi  province,  rising  of  1399 
in,  415 

—  Chikahira  revolts   against 
Hojo,  338 

—  Shikibu,    poetess    of    llth 
century,  261 

Izumo  in  early  myth,  15,  17, 
19,  30,  31;  revolt  in  causes 
withdrawal  of  court  from 
Yamato,  32;  gems  in,  67; 
conquered  by  Mori,  470  >KOJ 

Jade, "  curved-jewel,"26, 33  f  .n. 

Japan,  name  a  Dutch  (15th 
century)  perversion  of  Jih- 
pen,  77 ;  early  names,  146 Jtda 

Jenghiz  Khan,  358 

Jerome,  Father,  544-5 

Jesuits  in  Japan,  530-55; 
banished,  540,  but  stay,  541; 
order  to  leave  checked  by 
Hideyoshi's  death,  544;  leya- 
su plays  off  Franciscans 
against,  545;  denounce  Dutch 
ship  as  pirate,  545;  treated 
well  by  leyasu,  546 

Jesus,  Jerome  de.  (d.  1602), 
Franciscan,  interview  with 
leyasu,  544-5 

Jewel,  curved,  chaplet,  one  of 
Imperial  insignia,  18,  26,  33, 
63  >j&  i 

Jih-pen,  "Sunrise  Island," 
name  used  by  Chinese,  77 

Jimmu,  Emperor  (660-585 
B.C.)  76-7;  chronology  dating 
from  accession,  6;  ancestry, 
21;  leader  in  expedition 
against  Yamato,  22-4,  32,  34; 
poem  mentioning  Yemishi,  36 ; 
strategem  against  Tsuchi- 
gumo,  41;  successors,  78; 
tomb,  76  (ill.) 

Jimyo-in  family,  afterwards 
Hoku-cho  or  Northern  Court, 
356,  holding  Chokodo  es- 
tates, 357 ;  gets  throne,  418 

Jingirryo,  quoted  on  Board  of 
Religion,  178 

Jingo,  Empress  (201-69),  88- 
91;  Chinese  and  Japanese 
chronology  of  reign,  6;  suc- 
cession, 90;  excluded  from 


Kae 

dynasties  by  Dai  Nihor^shi, 
645 

Jingu-ji,  temple  built  by  Fuji- 
wara  Muchimaro,  192 

Jinno  Shotdki,  "Emperor's 
Genealogy,"  work  on  divine 
right  by  Kitabatake  Cliika- 
fusa,  403-4 

Jinshin,  cyclical  name  for  672 
A.D.,  civil  war,  170 

Jisho-ji,  monastery  in  Higashi- 
yama,  art-gallery,  424 

Jito,  (41st)  Empresb  (690-6), 
wife  of  Temmu,  172-5; 
historiography,  2;  Sushen,  35 

Jiyu-to,  Liberal  party  organ- 
ized by  Itagaki,  690 

Joben,  one  of  "four  kings"  of 
poetry,  367 

Jocho,  wood-carver,  280 

Jodo,  Buddhist  sect  intro- 
duced (1196)  by  Honen,  367; 
creed,  370 

Jdei,  year-period,  1232-3;  code 
of  1232,  349-50;  basis  of 
Kemmu  code,  403 

Jokaku,  sculptor,  280  • 

Jokwan,  year-period,  859-77, 
revision  of  Rules  and  Regu- 
lations, 177 

Jokyo,  year-period,  1684-7, 
trade  limitations,  609 

Jomei,  34th  Emperor  (629- 
41),  Tamura,  146 

Jo  Nagashige,  provincial  gov- 
ernor, defeated,  308 

Jorin,  scholar,  adviser  of  Yo- 
shimitsu,  448 

Josetsu  (end  of  14th  century), 
bonze  of  Shokoku-ji,  painter, 
450 

Joye  see  Fujiwara  Joye 

Juko  see  Shukd 

Jun,  mother  of  Michiyasu 
(Montoku),235 

Junna,  54th  Emperor  (824- 
33),  234-5 

Junnin,  47th  Emperor  (758- 
64),  198-9 

Juntoku,  84th  Emperor  (1211- 
21),  son  of  Go-Toba,  abdi- 
cates, called  Shin-in,  "new 
recluse,"  341;  exiled,  344 

Juraku-tei,  "  Mansion  of 
Pleasure,"  506,527,528 

Juro>see  Sukenari 

Justice,  Department  of,  Gyo- 
bu-sho,  under  Daiha,  164; 
under  Daiho,  179,232;  in  Meiji 
government,  681 

Justice,  court  of,  633,635,  639 

Justices,  land  grants  to,  183 

Justo  Ukondono  see  Takaya- 
ma 

Kada  Arimaro  (1706-69)  re- 
vises code,  641 

—  Azumamaro  (1668-1736), 
scholar,  restores  Japanese 
literature,  645;  quoted,  646 

Kaempfer,  Engelbert  (1651- 
1716),  historian,  fl  ;  iov 


Kag 

Kagoshima,  in  Satsume,  land- 
ing-place (1549)  of  St. 
Francis  Xavier,  530;  bom- 
bar,ded  by  English,  673,  674 

Kagu,  Mt.,  in  sun  myth,  12 

Kai,  peaceful  under  Kamakura 
rule,  409;  won  by  Takeda 
Shingen,  466,  467;  "black 
horse  of,  "  115 

Kaigen,  priest  in  charge  of 
Ashikaga-gakko,  449 

Kai-koku  Hei-dan,  book  by 
Hayashi  Shibei,  urging  coast 
defense,  659 

Kaikwa,  9th  Emperor  (157- 
98  B.C.),  77 

Kaizan,  priest  of  Myoshin-ji, 
566 

Kajiwara  Kagetoki  (d.  1200), 
fighting  against  Yoritomo, 
sympathizes  with  him,  305; 
military  governor,  316;  in 
command  of.  fleet  quarrels 
with  Yoshitsune,  317;  warns 
Yoritomo  against  Yoshi- 
tsune, 321 

Kakinomoto  Hitomaru,  poet, 
end  of  7th  century,  214 

Kamada  Masaie,  companion 
of  Yoshitomo,  death,  293 

Kamako  see  Nakatomi  Kama- 
ko 

Kamakura,  S.  of  present  Yo- 
kohama, Yoritomo's  head- 
quarters, 305,  330-1 ;  military 
centre  for  150  years,  325; 
shrines  built  by  Yoritomo, 
326;  school  of  art,  365; 
growth  of  luxury,  377 ;  fall  of 
city  (1333),  385;  headquar- 
ters of  Ashikaga  family,  398; 
Takauji  removes  to  Kyoto, 
402,  keeping  Kamakura  as 
secondary  basis,  403;  Ashi- 
kaga driven  out,  Uesugi  come 
in,  414 

—  Gongoro,  soldier  of  Three 
Years'  War,  267 

—  Jidaishi,  quoted  on  parties 
in  Shokyu  struggle,  341-2 

Kamatari,  148-9;  see  Fujiwara 
Kamatari 

Kamegiku,  dancer,  342 

Kameyama,  90th  Emperor 
(1259r74),  356,  357 

Kami  in  Japanese  mythology, 
8,  9;  "creation"  of  chiefs,  30; 
used  in  "Chronicles"  of 
Yemishi  chiefs,  36;  trinity  of, 
61;  two  classes,  64;  the  Kami 
class  or  Shimbetsu,  92;  wor- 
ship of,  in  early  7th  century, 
142, 157;  uji  no  Kami  elective 
in  Temmu's  time,  172 ;  Shinto 
K.,  Buddha's  avatars,  193, 
195T6,  228  f.n. 

Kamimura,  Japanese  admiral, 
crushes  Vladivostok  squad- 
ron, 717 

Kamitsuke  (now  Kotsuke), 
early  dukedom,  82 


757 

Kamo,  Yamashiro,  shrine  in, 

64 
Kamo    Chomei,     author     of 

Hojoki,  367 

—  Mabuchi    (1697-1769),  re- 
stores  Japanese   ethics,    645 
(ill.);  quoted,  646-7 

Kana,  syllabary,  250 
Kana-ga-saki    (Kanasaki),   in 

Echizen,  taken  by  Ashikaga, 

399 
Kanamura,   o-muraji,  advises 

cession  (512  A.D.)  of  part  of 

Mimana    to    Kudara,     122; 

helps  Kudara  to  get  Imun 

(513  A.D.),   123;  puts  down 

revolt  of  Heguri  Matori,  129 
Kanaoka  see  Koze  Kanaoka 
Kanazawa,  fortress,  in  Three 

Years'  War,  267 
Kanazawa,  Prof.  S.,  on  Korean 

and  Japanese  languages,  57 
: —  Akitoki,  son  of  Ho  jo  Sane- 

toki,  449 

—  bunko,      school      founded 
about  1270  by  Hojo  Saneto- 
ki,  449 

—  Sadaaki,    son    of    Akitoki, 
scholar,  449 

Kane  see  Nakatomi  Kane 

Kaneakira,  Prince  (914-87), 
son  of  Daigo,  poet,  261 

Kanenaga,  Prince  (1326-83), 
Mongol  fugitives,  443 

Kanenari,  Life-name  of  Em- 
peror Chukyo,  344  f.n. 

Kanin,  princely  house,  621; 
Kokaku  chosen  from,  622 

Kankd-Maru,  steamship  pre- 
sented by  Dutch  govern- 
ment, 669 

Kannabi,  Mt.,  sacred  rock,  65 

Kano  school  of  painting,  450, 
452;  patronized  by  Tokuga- 
wa,  600 

—  Masanobu  see  Masanobu 

—  Motonobu  see  Motonobu 
Kanshin    (687-763),    Chinese 

Buddhist  missionary,  builds 

Shodai-ji  temple,  191 
Kanzaki,  port  in  Heian  epoch, 

281 
Kao,    painter    of    Kamakura 

school,  365,  450 
Kara,  Princess,  wife  of  Yurya- 

ku,  117 
Kara,    Korea,   80;   war   with 

Shiragi,  81 
Karako,      Japanese     general, 

killed  in  Korea  by  Oiwa,  122 
Karano,  100-ft,  ship  (274  A.D.), 

72, 126; 99-100 
Karu,   Prince,  son  of  Inkyo, 

suicide,  73,  111 

—  Prince,  brother  of  Empress 
Kogyoku,      in     Kamatari 's 
plot,  148-9;  see  Kotoku 

—  son  of  Kusakabe,  succeeds 
to  throne,  175;  see  Mommu 

Kasagi,  refuge  of  Go-Daigo, 
380 


Kaz 

Kasai  Motochika  (d.  1507),  432 
Kasanui,  Shrine  of,  79 
Kashiwa-bara,  palace  at,  76 
Kasuga,  cruiser,  sinks  Yoshino, 

717 
—  shrine  at  Nara  (767-69)  in 

honour  of  Fujiwara  Kama- 


Katagiri  Katsumoto,  bugyo  of 
Toyotomi,  564;  bronze  Bud- 
dha, 565-6 ;  bell-inscription, 
566-7 

Katakana,  fragments  of  char- 
acters, syllabary,  190  f.n.,  250 

Katana,  general,  suppresses 
Yemishi  revolt,  38 

Katari-be,  raconteurs,  1,  71 

Kato  Kiyomasa  (1562-1611), 
commands  second  corps  in 
invasion  of  Korea,  513,  514, 
517;  sides  with  Yae  at  court, 
522,  557;  in  plot  against 
Ishida,  558,  559;  studies 
Chinese  classics,  578 

—  Shirozaemon       Kagemasa, 
potter,  374,  452 

—  Tadahiro,  son  of  Kiyoma- 
sa, banished,  594,  595 

-  Ypshiaki  (1563-1631),  plots 
against  Ishida,  558 

Katsu,  Count  (Rintaro),  min- 
ister of  Marine,  668-9 

Katsuiye  see  Shibata  Katsuiye 

Katsumi,  148;  see  Nakatomi 
Katsumi 

Katsumoto  see  Hosokawa  Kat- 
sumoto and  Katagiri  Kat- 
sumoto 

Katsura,  princely  house,  621 

—  Taro,   Prince    (1849-1913), 
prime    minister     (1908-11), 
693 

Katsurabara,  Prince  (786- 
853),  ancestor  of  Taira,  205 

Katsuragi,  beginning  of  power 
of,  105,  107;  descended  from 
Takenouchi,  106;  Kara,  117 

Katsuragi  Mount,  196 

Kawabe  Nie,  in  Korea,  150 

Kawagoe,  in  Musashi,  fortifi- 
cations, 426 

Kawajiri  Shigeyoshi,  appoint- 
ed to  Hizen,  492 

Kawakatsu  kills  preacher  of 
caterpillar  worship,  158 

Kawamura  at  Mukden,  722-3 

Kawanaka-jima,  battlefield, 
467;  468 

Kaya,  moor  of,  Oshiwa  mur- 
dered on,  118;  port,  281 

Kaya-no-in,  consort  of  Toba, 
273,  289 

Kazuhitq,  Prince,  son  of  Go- 
Fushimi,  379;  nominally 
Emperor  (Kogon,  1332-35), 
380,  384 

Kazuko,  daughter  of  Hidetada, 
first  Tokugawa  consort,  580 


Kaz 

Kazumasu  see  Takigawa  Kazu- 
masu 

Kazusa,  revolt  of  Yemishi  in, 
38;  Yoritomo  enters,  305 

Kebiishi,  executive  police 
(810-29),  179,  232,  246-7 

Kegon,  sect  of  Buddhists 
(736  A.D.),  367 

Kehi-no-ura  see  Tsuruga 

Keicho,  year-period,  1596- 
1614,  coinage  of,  604,  610, 
615  639 

Keicha  Ajari  (1640-1701), 
scholar,  600 

Keiki  see  Tokugawa  Yoshino- 
bu 

Keiko,  12th  Emperor  (71- 
130),  85-7;  expeditions 
against  Yemishi,  36,  against 
Kumaso,40,  and  Tsuchi-gumo 
in  Bungo,  42 ;  tree-worship,  65 

Keitai,  Emperor  (507-31),  120, 
129;  serpent  worship,  65;  one 
province  added,  87;  nashiro, 
125 

Keiun,  poet,  367 

Kemmu  era  (1334-6),  restora- 
tion of,  386;  crushes  military 
houses  and  puts  court  nobles 
in  power,  388;  name  applied 
by  Northern  court  to  years 
133678,  398 

—  Shikirnoku,  code  of  1337, 
403 

Kencho-ji,  Zen  temple  in 
Kamakura,  365 

Kenju,  or  Rennyo  Shonin, 
(1415-99),  Shin  priest,  454, 
463 

Kenko,  daughter  of  Fujiwara 
Yorimichi,  consort  of  Shira- 
kawa,  mother  of  Horikawa, 
271-2,  273 

Kenkp  see  Yoshida  KenkS 

Kennin-ji,  temple  in  Kyoto, 
Kao's  studio  in,  450;  one  of 
the  "Five,"  455;  priests 
alone  could  wear  purple.  589- 
90 

Kennyo  (1543-92),  priest,  in- 
tervenes for  Sakai,  482-3; 
guides  Hideyoshi  in  Kyushu, 
502;  helps  turn  Hideyoshi 
against  Christians,  540 

Keno  no  Omi,  in  Korea,  123 

Kenrei-mon-in,  Takakura's 
consort,  daughter  of  Taira 
Kiyomori,  295;  drowned  at 
Dan-no-ura,  319 

Kenshin  see  Uesugi  Kenshin 

Kensp,  23rd  Emperor  (485-7), 
originally  called  Oke,  118; 
Yemishi  do  homage  to,  38 

Kesa,  mistress  of  Endo  Mori- 
to  (Mongaku),  304 

Keumsyong,  capital  of  Sinra, 
Korea,  89 

Khilkoff,  Prince,  Russian  min- 
ister, 721-2 

Khitan  Tatars,  in  China,  358 

Ki,  family  founded  by  Ki  no 


758 

Tsunu,  descendant  of  Take- 
nouchi,  106-7;  eligible  to 
high  office,  295 

—  Haseo   (845-912),    famous 
scholar,  240;  plot  to  send  him 
with    Michizane    to    China, 
241;  prose,  249 

—  Hirozumi,    leader    against 
Yemishi,  killed  by  them  (780), 
220 

—  Kosami    (733-97),    general 
against  Yemishi  (789),  is  de- 
feated   and    degraded,    221; 
report  of  the  campaign,  222 

—  Omaro,  Japanese  general  in 
Korea,  6th  century,  150 

—  Tsurayuki  (883-946),  prose 
preface   to   Kokin-shu,  251; 
Tosa  Nikki,  251 

Kibi,  old  name  for  Bingo, 
Bitchu  and  Bizen  provinces, 
29;  Jimmu's  stay  in,  76 

—  no  Mabi  or  Makibi  (693- 
775),    Japanese    student    in 
China,  minister  of  the  Right, 
inventor  of  syllabary,  190, 250 ; 
opposition  to  Fujiwara,  191; 
minister  of  the  Right  under 
Koken,  199-200;  opposes  suc- 
cession of  Shirakabe  (Konin), 
204;  as  litterateur,  249 

Kibumi,    school    of    painters 

(604  A.D.),  155 

Kidomaru,  famous  bandit,  262 
Kido     Takamasa     or     Koin 

(1834-77),    in     alliance     of 

Choshu  and   Satsuma,   677, 

683  (ill.) 
Kii,  mythical  land  of  trees,  14; 

in   Yamato   expedition,    23; 

promontory,       28;       armed 

monks  in  Komaki  war,  497; 

punished  by  Hideyoshi,  499- 

500;    orange    growing,    617; 

Tokugawa  of,  624 
Kijima-yama,  in  Hizen,  place 

for  uta-gaki,  127 
Kikaku,  verse-writer,  601 
Kikkawa  in  battle  of  Sekiga- 

hara,  561 

—  Motoharu    (1530-86),    son 
of  Mori  Motonari,  469;  ad- 
viser of  Mori  Terumoto,  491 ; 
general  500,  502 

Kikuchi,  adherents  of  South- 
ern Court,  in  Saikai-do,  400; 
make  trouble  in  Kyushu, 
421;  defeated  by  Otomo,  470, 
471 

Kimbusen,  temple,  274 

Kimiko  Hidetake  in  Three 
Years'  War,  267 

Kimmei,  29th  Emperor  (540- 
71),  131-4;  Yemishi  do 
homage  to,  38;  intercourse 
with  China,  144 

Kinai,  five  home  provinces, 
132;  rice  grants,  588 

Kinchou,  2d  Army  wins  battle 
of  (1904),  715-16 

Kinoshita    Junan    (1621-98), 


Kiy 

Confucianist,  father  of  Tora- 
suke,  613,  626 

—  Torasuke,  scholar,  at  Yedo, 
613 

—  Yaemon,   father  of  Hide- 
yoshi, 475 

Kinshitdan,  "Embroidered 
Brocade  Discourse,"  448 

Kira  family,  masters  of  cere- 
monies, 635 

—  Yoshihide    killed    by    "47 
Ronins"  (1703),  607 

—  Yoshinaka,   son  of  Yoshi- 
hide, 607 

Kiso  river,  boundary  of  Mino, 
crossed  by  Nobunaga  (1561 
and  1564),  480 

Kiso  Yoshinaka  see  Minamoto 
Yoshinaka 

Kitabatake,  adherents  of 
Southern  Court  in  Mutsu  and 
Ise,  400;  put  down  by  Yoshi- 
nori,  420;  rule  in  Ise,  468 

—  Akiiye      (1317-38),      388; 
raises   siege  of  Kyoto,  393; 
killed  in  battle,  399 

—  Akinobu,  399 

—  Chikafusa  (1293-1354),  his- 
torian   and    statesman,    as- 
sistant governor  of  O-U,  388; 
faithful   to   Go-Daigo,    397; 
Main    leader    of    Southern 
army,  401-2;  author  of  Jinnd 
Shotoki,   403-4;  attempts  to 
unite  courts,  407;  death,  408; 
combines  Shinto,   Buddhism 
and  Confucianism,  452;  Shin- 
to revival,  649-50 

—  Mitsumase,  revolts  of,  412 

—  Morokiyo,  piracy,  445 
Kitamura  Kigin   (1618-1705) 

author,  600 

—  Sessan,  calligraphist,  601 

—  Shuncho,  son  of  Kigin,  600 
Kitano,  Shinto  officials  of,  439; 

tea  fe"te,  507 

Kitashirakawa,  Prince,  abbot 
of  Kwanei-ji,  582 

Kita-yama,  Ashika  Yoshimit- 
su's  palace  at,  417;  given  to 
Buddhist  priests,  418 

Kite,  Golden,  24 

Kiuliencheng,  on  Yalu,  centre 
of  Kuroki's  line,  713-14 

Kiyo,  Princess,  daughter  of 
Saga,  236 

Kiyomaro  see  Wake  Kiyomaro 

Kiyomizu,  temple,  297  (ill.), 
578 

Kiyomori  see  Taira  Kiyomori 

Kiyosu,  castle  in  Owari,  con- 
ference of  Nobunaga's  vas- 
sals, 493-4 

—  Naritada,  scholar,  447 

—  Takenori,    leader   in   Nine 
Years'     Commotion,     helps 
crush    Abe    Sadato    (1062), 
266;  family  quarrel  cause  of 
Three  Years'  War,  267 

Kiyowara,  family  eligible  to 
high  office,  295 


Ko 

Ko  An-mu,  Chinese  scholar  in 
Japan  (516  A.D.),  153 

Ko  Moronao  (d.  1351),  de- 
feats Kitabatake  Akiiye  at 
Ishizu,  399;  defeats  Masat- 
sura,  402;  shitsuji  in  Muro- 
machi,  403,  436;  plot  against, 
404-5 ;  killed  by  Uesugi,  406 

—  Moroyasu   (d.  1351),   402; 
plot  against,  404-5 ;  death,  406 

Koban,  coin,  527,  528 

Kobe,  formerly  Fukuhara, 
made  capital  by  Kiyomori 
(1180),  300;  Hyogo,  in  Ashi- 
kaga revolt,  394 

Koben  see  Myoe 

Kobo  Daishi,  posthumous 
name  of  Kukai  (q.v .) 

Kobun,  39th  Emperor  (672), 
Prince  Otomo  (q.v.)  succeeds 
Tenchi,  169-170;  included  in 
Dai  Nihon-shi,  645 

Koeckebacker,  Nicholas, 

Dutch  factor,  helps  conquer 
castle  of  Kara,  554-5 

Koetomi,  merchant,  envoy  to 
China,  443 

Kofuku-ji,  Nara  temple  of 
Hoss5  sect,  191,  192,  193  f.n., 
367;  armed  men  of  the  mon- 
astery, 273 ;  their  quarrels  and 
their  treatment  by  Taira, 
274;  burnt  by  Taira  (1180), 
301 ;  revenue  of  temple,  439 

Koga,  in  Shimosa,  seat  of 
Ashikaga  after  Kamakura, 
414;  Shigeuji's  castle,  425-6 

Kogen,  8th  Emperor  (214-158 
B.C.),  77 

Kogon,  Northern  Emperor 
(1332-5),  Prince  Kazuhito 
(q.v.),  gives  commission 
(1336)  to  the  Ashikaga,  394, 
and  expects  restoration  to 
throne,  396;  becomes  Zen 
priest,  407 

Kogo-shui,  ancient  record 
quoted,  63,  67,  69, 103 

Kogyoku,  (35th)  Empress 
(642-5),  146-9;  abdicates, 
becomes  Empress  Dowager, 
160;  again  Empress  — see 
Saimei— ,  166,  460;  Asuka 
palace,  154;  worship  of  silk- 
worm, 65 

Kohayakawa  Hideaki  (1577- 
1602),  nominally  against 
leyasu,  559,  but  goes  over  in 
battle  of  Sekigahara,  561 

—  Takakage   (1532-96),  469; 
adviser  of   Mori   Terumoto, 
491 ;  £  eneral  of  Hideyoshi,  500, 
502;  in  Korean  invasion,  517; 
signs    Hideyoshi's    laws    of 
1595,  526 

Koide  Hidemasa  (1539-1604), 
guardian  of  Hideyori,  564 

Ko-jiki,  Records  of  Ancient 
Things,  2;  to  628  A.D.,  3;  on 
Chuai,  88;  contains  the  Kuji- 
hongi,  143;  preface,  214 


759 

Kojima,  adherents  of  Southern 
Court,  400 

—  Takanori,  defender  of  Go- 
Daigo,  381 

K5kaku,  119th  Emperor 
(1780-1816),  622,  629;  his 
rank  and  his  father's,  630-1 

Koken,  (46th)  Empress  (749- 
58),  daughter  of  Shomu, 
known  in  life  as  Abe,  197; 
abdicates  but  dethrones  her 
successor,  198-9,  460;  see 
Shotoku 

— ,  son  of  Kenju,  461 

Koki,  Record  of  the  Country,  2 

Kokin-shu,  10th  century  an- 
thology, 237,  249,  250;  Ki 
Tsurayuki's  prose  preface  to, 
251;  comments  by  Keichu, 
600 

Koko,  58th  Emperor  (885-7), 
Prince  Tokiyasu,  239;  coup- 
let tournaments,  277 

Koku,  coin,  438-9;  unit  of 
measure,  527 

Kokubun-ji,  official  provincial 
temples,  194-5;  affiliated 
with  Todai-ji,  453;  heavy 
expense  of,  245 

Kokuli,  Korea,  81 

Kokushi,  provincial  governor, 
106;  appointed  by  Throne, 
first  mentioned  in  374  A.D., 
129;  after  Daika  (645),  161; 
over  kuni,  180;  Buddhist 
hierarchy  194-5 

Kokyo,  Osaka  abbot,  leads 
great  revolt  (1529),  464 

Koma,  Korea,  now  Pyong- 
yang, 80-1;  increase  of 
power,  114,  121,  122;  at- 
tacked by  Kudara  and  Japan, 
150;  families  in  Japanese 
nobility,  153;  falls,  167;  mi- 
gration, 168;  ruler  of  Pohai 
recognized  as  successor  of 
dynasty  of,  223;  envoys,  263; 
Mongol  invasion,  358,  359 

Koma,  suzerain  of  Aya-ty'i, 
assassinates  Sashun,  138-9 

Koma-gori,  in  Musashi,  settle- 
ment in  Japan  from  Koma,  168 

Komaki  war  (1583),  named 
from  Komaki-yama,  497-8 

Komei,  121st  Emperor  (1846- 
67),  664 

Komon  Mitsukuni,  603 

Komura  Jutaro,  Marquis 
(1853-1911),  minister  of  for- 
eign affairs,  peace  commis- 
sioner at  Portsmouth,  725 

Komyo,  Imperial  name  of 
Asuka,  wife  of  Shomu  and 
mother  of  Koken,  190;  story 
of  miraculous  conception, 
192 

Komyo,  Emperor  (1336-48) 
of  Northern  dynasty,  brother 
of  Kogon,  396,  397,  406;  ab- 
dicates and  becomes  Zen 
priest,  407 


Korea 

Kondo,  branch  of  Fujiwara  in 
Kwanto,  266 

Kongobo-ji,  Shingon  temple  on 
Koya-san,  367 

Konin,  49th  Emperor  (770- 
81),  formerly  Prince  Shira- 
kabe,  204;  reforms  local  ad- 
ministration, 217;  festival  of 
his  birthday,  Tenchosetsu,  218 

Konin,  year-period,  810-24, 
and  revision  of  Rules  and 
Regulations,  177 

Konishi  Yukinaga  (d.  1600), 
commands  first  division  in 
Korean  invasion  (1592),  513, 
514,  516;  entrapped  by 
Chinese  diplomacy,  517;  with 
last  troops  in  Korea,  518; 
opposes  Kato,  557;  against 
leyasu,  559,  560;  death,  561 

Konno,  swordsman,  293 

Kono  family  in  lyo,  470 

Konoe,  76th  Emperor  (1142- 
55),  273,  289 

Konoe,  Imperial  guards,  232; 
origin,  284;  name  given  to 
Fujiwara  Motomichi's  de- 
scendants, kwampaku  alter- 
nately with  Kujo,  330,  357; 
one  of  "Five  Regent 
Houses,"  358,  581 

—  Prince,  leader  of  moderate 
party,  673 

—  Nobuhiro  (1593-1643),  min- 
ister of  Right,  580 

—  Sakihisa    (1536-1612),    en- 
voy to  Shin  monks,  486 

Korai,  or  Koma,  Korea,  80 
Korea,  alphabet,  104;  archi- 
tecture, 126;  artisans,  113, 
119,  520;  Buddhism,  131, 
367-8;  China,  relations  with, 
83,  84,  144;  chronology,  6,  7, 
77,  81,  89,  90,  99,  114;  lan- 
guage, 56;  music,  156;  myth, 
14,  31,  32,  60;  pottery,  se- 
pulchral, 54;  scholars,  153; 
treasury,  Japanese,  110; 
early  intercourse  with  Japan, 
60,  80-1;  Jingo's  conquest, 
88-9;  granary,  124;  Japanese 
relations  in  540-645,  149-52; 
families  in  Japanese  nobility, 
153;  war  between  Japan  and 
China  for,  167;  precious 
metals,  186;  8th  century 
relations,  223;  Mongol  inva- 
sion, 358;  Japanese  piracy, 
442-3;  Hideyoshi's  invasion, 
509-20;  Arai  Hakusekai's 
policy  toward  envoys,  608; 
break  with,  (1873),  683-4; 
treaty  (1875),  685,  .699; 
Chinese  activity  in,  699-700; 
independence  recognized  by 
1895  treaty,  702;  Russian 
aggression,  704-5;  Japan's 
interests  in,  recognized  by 
Treaty  of  Portsmouth,  725; 
Japanese  occupation  and  an- 
nexation, 728-30 


Koreh 

Korehito,     Prince,     Emperor 

Seiwa,  236 
Korei,  7th  Emperor  (290-215 

B.C.),  78 
Korekimi  see  Fujiwara  Kore- 

kiini 
Koretaka,     Prince     (844-97), 

Buddhist  monk  and  poet,  236 
Koreyasu,      Prince,      shdgun, 

(1266-89),  354 
Korietz,   Russian   gunboat   at 

Chemulpo,  712 
Koriyama,  in  Yamato,  castle 

commanding  Izumi  and  Kii. 

505 
Koromo,  tunic,  68,  and  name 

of  a  fort,  266  f.n. 
Koromo-gawa,   campaign  on, 

against  Yemishi,  222 
Kosa,     abbot    of    Ishi-yama 

monastery,  486 
Koshi,  Yemishi  in,  37,  38 
Kotesashi  moor,  Takauji  de- 
feated at,  407 

Koto,  lute,  75,  100,  365  (ill.) 
K5toku,  36th  Emperor  (645- 

54),    159-166;    Yemishi    do 

homage  to  (646),  38 
Kotsuke,  early  Kamitsuke,  a 

dukedom,     82;     revolt     of 

Yoshinaka  in,  (1180)  307-8; 

won  by  Kenshin,  468;  silk 

growing  in,  617 
Koya,  reptile  Kami  of,  128; 

snow  festival  of,  277 
Koyama,  branch  of  Fujiwara 

in  Kwanto,  266;  one  of  "8 

Generals"  of  Kwanto,  425 
Koyane  (Ame-no-Koyane)  an- 
cestor of  Nakatomi,  33,  61 
Koya-san,    mountain   in   Kii, 

temple  of  Kong5bo-ji,  367; 

threatened  after  Komaki  war, 

500;  shrine,  521 ;  nobles  enter, 

561 
Koyomaro,  warden  of  Mutsu, 

killed  by  Yemisi  (724),  219 
Koze  (Kose);  family  descended 

from  Takenouchi,  106-7 
Koze    Fumio,     scholar    240; 

Chinese  prose,  249 
-^•Kanaoka  (850-90),  painter 

and  landscape  artist  of  Kyo- 
to,  241,   251,   279;    school, 

365 
Kublai  Khan  and  the  Mongol 

invasion,  358-64 
Kubo,  governor  general  of  4 

provinces,  414,  436 
Kuchiki     Mototsuna     (1549- 

1632)  at  battle  of  Sekigahara, 

561 

Kuchinotsu,  port,  Jesuits  in- 
vited to,  536 
Kudara,  Korea,  now  Seoul,  80 ; 

Japanese   alliance,    90,    120; 

weaver  from,  102;  scribe,  103; 

relations  with  Yuryaku,  114; 

story  of  Multa,  120;  invaded 

by  Koma,  122;  secuYes  Imun, 

123;  gains  through  friendship 


of  Japan,  124;  Buddhism, 
132,  134,  138;  wars  with 
Shiragi  and  Koma,  1  J'.»; 
crushed  by  Shiragi  and  China, 
167;  migration  from,  153,  168 

Kudara  KaWanari,  painter, 
251 

Kud5  Suketsune,  killed  in 
vendetta  (1193),  332-3 

Kuga  family,  eligible  for  office 
of  highest  rank,  295 

-i—  Nagamichi,  minister  under 
Go-Daigo,  388 

Kugeshu-hatto,  leyasu's  law  for 
Court  nobles,  578,  576-7 

Kugyp  (1201-19),  son  of 
Yoriiye,  assassinates  Saneto- 
mo,  339-40 

Kuhi  •  brings  scales  and 
weights  from  China,  155 

Kujihongi,  history,  143 

Kuj5,  descendants  of  Fuji- 
wara Kanezane,  chosen 
Kwampdku  alternately  with 
Konoe,  330,  357;  one  of 
"Five Regent  Houses,"  358 

Kukai  (posthumously,  K5bo 
Daishi),  774-835,  Buddhist 
priest,  called  by  some  in- 
ventor of  mixed  Shinto,  196, 
644;  founder  (809)  of  Shingon 
(True  Word)  system,  367, 
369,  calligrapher,  234,  365, 
and  inventor  of  hira~gana 
syllabary,  229,  250,  251; 
portrait,  228;  shrine  (ill.),  229 

Kuma,  Southern  tribe,  39,  41 

Kumagaye  Naozane  (d.  1208), 
kills  Taira  Atsumori,  315 

Kumaso,  early  inhabitants  of 
Kyushu,  28,  34,  39-41;  pos- 
sibly of  Korean  origin,  41; 
may  be  identical  with  Haya- 
to,  41;  called  Wado  by  Chi- 
nese, 77;  KeikS's  expedition 
against,  40,  85;  Chuai's  ex- 
pedition, 88 

Kume,  Dr.,  on  Yamato-dake's 
route  of  march,  86;  on 
Takenouchi-no-Sukune,  106 

—  Prince,  dies  on  expedition 
to  Shiragi,  151 

—  Kami,  33,  62 

Kumebe,  palace  guard*,  33, 
62,  67, 130 

Kunajiri,  Russians  seized  at 
(1814),  659 

Kuno,  castle  of,  in  Tot  din  i, 
476 

Kurama,  temple  of,  Yoshi- 
tsune  escapes  from,  306^-7 

Kurando  or  Kurodo,  Imperial 
estates  bureau,  office  estab- 
lished, 231;  K.-dokoro  pre- 
cursor of  kwampaku,  232 ;  held 
by  Minamoto  Yorimasa,  299 

Kurayamada,  conspirator 
against  Soga,  148;  suicide 
159-60 

Kuriles,  Russians  in,  658; 
Japanese  title  recognized,  698 


Kwam 

Kuriyama  Gen,  contributor 
to  Dai  Nihon-shi,  645 

Kuro,  lady  of  Takenouchi 
family,  109 

Kuroda  Nagamasa  (1568- 
1623)  soldier  of  Hideyoshi, 
498,  500;  against  Ishida,  r.'.x 
favours  leyasu,  559;  studies 
Chinese  classics,  578 

Kurodo  see  Kurando 

Kuroki,  Ibei,  Count  (b.1844), 
commands  on  Yalu,  7 13; -de- 
feats Russians,  714;  head  of 
1st  Army,  717,  718;  attempts 
to  turn  Russian  flank  719; 
at  Mukden,  722  - 

Kuromaro  see  Takamuku  Ku- 
ro.maro 

Kuropatkin,  Alexei  Nikolaie- 
vitch  (b.1848),  Russian  com- 
mander-in-chief  in  Man- 
churia, 713;  plans  before  and 
after  Liaoyang,  719-20;  suc- 
ceeded by  Linievitch,  723 

Kusaka,  defeat  of  Jimmu  at, 
23 

Kusakabe,  Prince,  (d.  690) 
son  of  Temmu  and  Jit6,  172 

Kusano  support  Southern 
Court,  400 

Kusu  (Kusuriko),  daughter  of 
Fujiwara  Tanetsugu,  consort 
of  Heijp,  230,  231 

Kusu,  wife  of  Oto,  kills  him, 
114 

Kusunoki,  adherents  of  South- 
ern Court,  400 

— •  Jiro,  in  attack  on  palace 
(1443),  412 

—  Masahide  rebels  in  1428,412 

—  M  asanpri    (d .  1 390) ,  minis- 
ter, 407 ;  joins  Northern  party, 
410,  returns  to  Southern,  411 

—  Masashige        (1294-1336), 
called  Nank5,  defender  of  Go- 
Daigo,  380-2,  386;  provincial 
governor,  388;  against  Ashi- 
kaga,  392;  death,  (ill.)  394-5 

— -  Masatoki,  death,  402 

—  Masatomo     defeats      No- 
bunaga  in  Ise,  480    ' 

—  Masatsura   (1326—48),   son 
of  Masashige,  395 j  receives 
Go-Daigo  in  Yoshimo,  397; 
campaign  in  Settsu,  402 

Kuwana,  castle  of  Takigawa 
Kazumasu,  in  Ise,  495 

Kuzuno,  Prince,  son  of  K6- 
bun,  sacrifices  his  claim  to 
throne  (696),  174-5 

KHZ uo,  in  Shinano,  castle,  467 

Kivaifu-so,  anthology  of 
poems  (751),  214-15 

Kwaikei,  sculptor,  280 

Kwammu,  50th  Emperor 
(782-805),  formerly  Yamabe, 
204-5,  224  (ill.)-SO;  changes 
capital  to  Kyoto  (792),  225; 
posthumous  names  first  used, 
21;  sends  Saicho  to  study 
Chinese  Buddhism,  368 


Kwamp 

Kwampaku,  regent  for  grown 
Emperor,  mayor  of  palace, 
.  office  established  (882),  239; 
decline  of  power  under  Go- 
San  jo,  271;  foreshadowed  by 
Kurando-dokoro,  232;  chosen 
alternately  from  Kuj5  and 
Konoe,  330, 357-8;  office  abol- 
ished after  Keinmu  restora- 
tion, 387;  unimportant  after 

.  Tokugawa  period,  588 

Kwampei  era,  889-97,  Counsels 
of,  Uda's  letter  to  Daigo,  242 

Kwanei,  year  period,  1621-43; 
Kwanei  Shake  Keizu-den, 
genealogical  record,  579 ; 

Kwanei-ji,    temple,    583 

Kwangaku-in,  uji  academy, 
founded  (821),  206,  233 

Kwangtung  peninsula,  in 
battle  .of  Kinchou,  715 

Kwang-wu,  Chinese  emperor, 
Japanese  envoy  to,  84  . 

Kwanji,  period,  1087-94,  267 

Kwanki,  period,  1229-32,  crop 
failure  and  famine,  348 

Kwanko  see  Sugawara  Michi- 
zane 

Kwanno  Chokuyo  establishes 
school  in  Yedo,  614 

Kwannon,  Mercy,  Buddhist 
goddess,  192;  Shirakawa's 
temple,  272;  temple  at  Kama- 
kura,  326 

Kwanryo,  governor  general, 
387;  list  of  Kamakura  k., 
413;  title  passes  from  Ashi- 
kaga  to  Uesugi  family,  414; 
also  given  (1367)  to  shitsuji 
in  shogun's  court,  and  held  by 
Shiba,  Hosokawa  and  Hata- 
keyama  families,  414,  436; 
compared  with  shikken  and 
betto,  436 

Kwansei,  year-period,  1789- 
1800,  vagabonds  in  Yedo 
.during,  626 

Kwanto,  or  Bando,  many 
shell-heaps  in,  46;  army 
raised  in,  against  Yemishi, 
223;  Taira  and  Minamoto 
fight  in,  263;  Minamoto 
supreme  in,  264;  Ashikaya 
supreme,  416;  Eight  Generals 
of,  combine  against  Uesugi, 
425;  battle-ground,  425-6; 
war  between  branches  of 
Uesugi  and  Ho  jo  and  Satomi, 
431;  in  Battle  Period,  464-8 

Kwazan,  65th  Emperor  (985- 
6),  259-60 

Kwobetsu,  families  of  chief- 
tains of  the  conquest,  Im- 
perial class,  77,  92;  pre- 
historic administration,  98 ; 
classification  in  Seishwoku, 
233;  revolt,  128-9;  rank  of 
Empress,  189 

•Kyaku,  "official rules,"  supple- 
menting Yoro  laws,  177;  re- 
vised, 177;  (819),  232 


Kyogen,  comic  play,  459 

KySgoku,  one  of  four  princely 
houses,  621 

—  Takatsugii  (1560-1609), 
568 

Kyoho,  year-period,  1716-35; 
JK.-kin,  coins  then  minted, 
615 

Kyong-sang,  Korea,  514 

Kyoriku,  verse-writer,  601 

Kydroku,  year-period,  1528-3 1 , 
462 

KySto,  capital  794  A.D.,  224- 
6 (ill.),  275;  two  cities  and 
two  markets,  281;  capital 
momentarily  moved  to  Fuku- 
hafa  (1180),  300;  evacuated 
by  Taira  (1183),  310;  school 
of  art,  365;  culture,  366; 
Go-Daigo's  conspiracy,  379; 
in  war  of  dynasties,  398; 
Takauji  removes  to,  402; 
ravaged,  462;  Nobunaga  re- 
stores order,  479-80;  under 
Hideyoshi,  481;  Portuguese, 
530;  Xavier,  531-2;  Jesuits, 
537;  Vilela,  538;  Franciscan 
churoh,  542;  patent  to  mis- 
sionaries/546 ;  shogun's  dep- 
uty in,  561;  leyasu,  562; 
lemitsu's  demonstration 
against,  581-2;  Court  ex- 
cluded from  power,  588; 
vendetta  illegal  in,  607;  great 
fire  (1788),  624;  rebuilding, 
629-30;  government,  632,  636 
-7 ;  loyalist  intrigues  in,  669- 
70:  extremists  driven  from, 
675;  foreign  ministers  invited 
to,  678 

Kyuka,  priest,  449 

Kyushu,  early  myth,  18-19; 
expedition  against  Yamato, 
21, '77;  situation,  28;  King- 
dom called  Wo  by  Chinese, 
60;  government  station,  83; 
Keiko's  expedition  against 
Kumaso,  85;  granary,  121, 
124;  trade,  281;  Mongol  in- 
vasion, 359^60;  revolt  of 
1349,  405;  taken  from  Ashi- 
kaga,  411;  disorder,  414,  421- 
2,  430;  piracy,  443;  great 
families,  470;  Hideyoshi's 
invasion,  500-2;  early  Euro- 
pean intercourse,  530;  Chris- 
tians, 537,  539,  541 

Lacquer,  trees,  planting  of, 
required  for  •  tenure  of  up- 
lands, 182;  development  of 
art  in  Nara  epoch,  208-9 ;  in 
Heian,  279;  ware  exported, 
445;  manufacture  in  time  of 
Yoshimasa,  451;  (ill.),  184, 643 

Ladies-in-waiting,  uneme,  at 
early  court,  73;  dancers,  115; 
Yoshimune's  reforms,  611-12 

Land  and  land-holding,  pre- 
historic, 95-6;  royal  fees,  120; 
taxation,  124;  Daika  reform, 
162;  all  land  Crown  property, 


Lia 

164;  6-year  lease,  165;  sus- 
tenance grants  lead  to  feudal- 
ism, 172;  Daiho  laws,  178, 
182-4;  reclaimed  uplands^ 
201 ;  centralized  holdings,  8th 
century,  202;  grants  for  rec- 
lamation, 207;  maximum 
holdings,  207-8;  abuses  in 
system,  246;.  large  .  estates, 
251-2;  Go-Sanjo's  reforms, 
270;  territorial  name,  287; 
constables  and  stewards, 
328;  Shokyu  tumult,  341; 
new  distribution,  346;  Joei 
laws,  350;  Go-Daigo's 
grants,  387;  estates  under 
Ashikaga,  409,  426,  435; 
military  holdings,  437;  tax, 
438;  Crown  lands  pass  to 
military  houses,  461 ;  Hide- 
yoshi's laws,  526-7;  taxes, 
638,  639 

Landscape-gardening,  in  the 
Heian  epoch,  278;  in  Kama- 
kura period,  365;  patronized 
by  Yoshimasa,  424,  in  Mu- 
romachi  epoch,  456-7;  at 
Momoyama,  521 

Land  steward,  jito,  and  chief 
steward,  so-jito,  in  Yori- 
komo's  reform  of  land,  328; 
shimpo-jito,  land  holders  and 
stewards  after  the  Shokyu 
war,  346 

Language,  56-7;  in  Heian 
epoch,  249;  difficulties  for 
preaching,  532-3 

Lanterns,  8  (ill.),  679  (ill.) 

La  Pe"rouse,  Strait  of,  claimed 
as  Russian  boundary,  697 

Law,  in  time  of  Ojin,  100^ 
1 ;  criminal,  protohistoric 
period,  125 ;  of  Daiho,  176-84, 
232;  code  of  1232,  A.D.,  349- 
50;  Kemmu  code,  403;  Hide- 
yoshi's legislation,  525-7 ; 
Laws  of.  Military  Houses, 
574-6",  584;  Laws  for  Court 
Nobles,  573,  576-7;  of 
lemitsu  and  letsuna,  584-5; 
real  code,  613,  641;  in  Toku- 
gawa period,  639-41 ;  codified 
after  Restoration,  691;  De- 
partment, in  Meiji  admin- 
istration, 681 

Leech,  first  offspring  of  Iza- 
nagi  and  Izanami,  9,  26 

Left  Minister  of,  Sa-daijin, 
office  created  by  Daika,  160 

Legs,  length,  as  racial  mark, 
58-9 

Lese  Majeste  under  Daiho 
code,  178 

Liao  River,  Russians  forced 
into  valley  of,  718 

Liaotung  peninsula,  Chinese 
forces  in,  (1592),  defeated  by 
Japanese,  516-17;  fighting  in 
1894  in,  701;  Russian  lease  of, 
705 

Liaoyang,  battle  of,  719 


Lib 

Liberal  party,  Jiyu-M*  or- 
ganized (1878)  by  Itagaki, 
690;  unites  with  Progressists 
and  forms  Constitutionist 
party,  693 

Library  of  Kanazawa-biwko, 
449;  9f  Shohei-ko,  578;  of 
Momijiyama  Bunko,  579;  and 
Shinto,  644-5 

Liefde,  Dutch  ship,  645,  652 

Li  Hung-chang  (1823-1901), 
Chinese  plenipotentiary  for 
peace  of  1895,  702 

Li  Lungmin,  artist,  450     ,,,,,    i 

Linievitch,  Nikolai  Petro- 
vitch  (b.1834),  Russian  gen- 
eral, succeeds  Kuropatkin 
in  command,  defeated  at 
Mukden,  723 

Literature,  in  Nara  epoch, 
214;  in  Heian  epoch,  248- 
251;  in  Tenryaku  era,  261; 
in  Kamakura  epoch.  366-7; 
in  Muromachi  period,  447-9; 
under  Hideyoshi,  528;  place 
of,  in  Military  Houses'  Laws, 
574;  in  Court  Laws,  677;  le- 
yasu's  attitude,  578;  Tsuna- 
yoshi  encourages  Japanese 
and  Chinese,  600;  favoured 
by  Yoshimune,  613-14;  Jap- 
enese,  restoration  of,  645; 
foreign,  659;  Chinese,  104, 
214,  234,  578-9,  645-6.':  ,.y, 

Liu-Jen-kuei,  Chinese  general, 
defeats  Japanese  in  Korea 
(662  A.D.),  167 

Lloyd,  Rev.  A.,  on  Buddhism, 
—  Tendai,  228,—  Hosso,  368; 
and  Shinto,  368  f.n. 

Longevity,  herb  of,  196     v/x  \ 

Longford's  Korea  cited,  39 

Loochoo  see  Ryukyu  Islands 

Lotteries,  277 

Lotus  festival,  214 

Loyalty,  in  early  times,  100- 
1,  109,  112;  in  Heian  epoch, 
285  j  in  Tokugawa  period, 


Lute,  of  Susanoo,  14;  the 
koto,  75,  made  from  the  ship 
Karano,  100;  biya,  4-stringed 
Chinese  lute,  458 

Mabuchi  see  Kamo  Mabuchi 

Macao,  trade  with,  529; 
Jesuits  there,  530;  annual 
vessel  from,  536,546;  em- 
bassy of  1640  from,  656 

Machado,  Joao  Baptista  de 
(1581-1617),  Jesuit,  execut- 
ed, 551 

Machi-ya,  shop,  281  ,\j 

Madre  de  Dios,  Pessoa's  ship, 
653 

Maeda  Gen-i  or  Munehisa 
(1539-1602),  guardian  of  Oda 
Nobutada's  son  Samboshi, 
491:  in  charge  of  Kyoto 
Buddha,  506 

—  Toshiiye  (1538-99),  fails 
to  help  Shibata  Katsuiye, 


495-6:  commands  armies  in 
Komaki  war,  497,  and  against 
Hpjo,  503;  one  of  6  senior 
ministers,  523  (ill.),  526; 
attempt  to  make  break  be- 
tween leyasu  and,  557; 
death,  558 

—  Toshinaga  (1562-1614), 
son  of  Toshiiye,  favours  leya- 
su, 559,  ^60;  simulates  mad- 
ness, 595 

Magic  and  incantations,  of 
Buddhist  abbot  Raigo,  274; 
general  belief  in,  282 

Mahayana,  Great  Vehicle, 
esoteric  Buddhism,  132,  369 

Mahitotsu,  metal  worker,  79 

Makaroff,  Stephan  Osipovitch 
(1848-1904),  Russian  ad- 
miral drowned  with .  Petro- 
pavlovsk,  714 

Maketsu,  Chinese  or  Korean 
spinning  woman,  immigrant 
to  Japan,  102 

Maki,  wife  of  Hpjo  Tokimasa, 
favours  her  son-in-law",  Mina- 
moto  Tomomasa,  337 

Makibi  see  Kibi  no  Mabi 

Makura  Soshi,  book  by  Sei 
Shonagon,  249  •  jj; 

Mallets  and  "mallet-headed" 
swords,  42,  51 

Mamiya  Rinzo  (1781-1845) 
discovers  (1826)  that  Sagha- 
lien  is  not  part  of  continent, 
697 

Mamta,  Prince,  in  charge  of 
Record  of  Uji,  233  < 

Manabe  Nortfusa,  minister 
under  lenobu,  608,  and  le- 
tsugu,  610;  removed  from 
Treasury  by  Yoshimune,  611 

Manchu-Korean  subdivision 
of  Asiatic  yellow  race,  58 

Manchuria,  in  colonization 
from  northern  China,  60; 
part  ceded  to  Japan  by 
treaty  of  1895,  but  not  oc- 
cupied after  Russian,  German 
and  French  note,  702;  Rus- 
sian designs  upon,  704-6; 
Russia's  failure  to  evacuate, 
and  negotaitions  over  "open 
door,"  707;  Russo-Japanese 
war,  710-24;  evacuation  of, 
provided  for  by  treaty  of 
Portsmouth,  725-6;  Japanese 
position  in,  727-8 

Man-dokoro,  administration 
bureau,  one  of  three  sections 

, jot ;  Bakufu,  formerly  called 
kumon-jo,  327;  in  admin- 
istration of  Kyoto  after  Shok- 
yu  war,  345;  in  Muromachi 
administration,  436 

Maneko,  atae  of  Iki,  suicide, 
101 

Man-en,  year-period,  1860, 
coinage  of,  639 

Manhattan,  American  ship, 
enters  Uraga,  665 


qnMasu 

Mannen  t&fthd,  coin,  201 

Manners  and  customs,  re- 
mote, 61-76;  in  time  of 
Yuryaku,  115;  in  Muromachi 
period,  455 

Manors,  large  estates,  shoen, 
201-2,  251-2;  attempts  to 
regulate,  270;  koden,  tax 
free,  granted  to  Taira  after 
Heiji  tumult,  296;  Yoritomo'a 
memorial  on,  326;  abuses  of, 
remedied  by  appointment  of 
constables  and  hind  stewards, 
329;  distribution  after  res- 
toration of  Kemmu,  •  389; 
gifts  of  Takauji,  426 

Manumission  of  slaves,  174 

Manyo-shu, "  Myriad  Leaves," 
first  Japanese  anthology, 
214;  compared  with  Kokin- 
shu,  249;  on  character  of 
soldier,  285;  comments  on, 
by  Keichu,  600 

Map,  official,  begun  under 
Hideyoshi,  527 

Market  Commisisoners,  after 
Daika,  164 

Markets,  ichi,  in  early  Japan, 
71;  in  Nara  epoch,  209 

Marquis,  asomi,  title  estab- 
lished by  Temmu,  171 

Marriage  in  early  Japan,  72- 
73;  and  the  festival  of  uta- 
kai,  127;  none  recognized 
among  slaves  by  Daika,  161; 
in  Nara  and  earlier  epochs, 
212;  in  laws  of  Military 
Houses,  575,  584;  between 
military  and  court  families, 
620;  child  marriage,  564 

Marubashi  Chuya,  leader  in 
revolt  of  1651,  584 

Masa,  daughter  of  Hojo  Toki- 
masa, mistress  of  Minamoto 
Yoritomo,  303,  323;  mother 
of  Yoriiye  and  the  power, 
with  Tokimasa,  in  his  ad- 
ministration, 335-6;  saves 
Sanetomo,  338;  plea  to  gen- 
erals of  Bakufu,  343;  death 
(1225),  346 

Masakado  see  Taira  Masa- 
kado 

Masanobu  (1453-90),  painter, 
450 

Masanori  see  Kusunoki  Masa- 
nori 

Masashige  see  Kusunoki  Ma- 
sashige 

Masatomo  see  Ashikaga  Masa- 
tomo 

Masatoshi  see  Hotta  Masa- 
toshi 

Masayasu  see  Inaba  Masa- 
yasu 

Masks  for  dances,  sculptured, 
280;  no  masks,  28,  56  (ill.) 

Masses,  Buddhist,  282 

Masuda  Nagamori  (1545- 
1615),  one  of  5  administra- 
tors, plots  with  Ishida  against 


leyasu,  557;  enters  mon- 
astery after  Sekigahara,  561 

Masukagami,  history  of  1184- 
1333,  on  literature,  366 

Mats,  tatami,  floor-coverings, 
279,  373;  tatsu-gomo,  126 

Matsubara,  Pine  Plain,  507 

Matsudaira,  origin  of  family, 
556;  of  Aizu,  etc.,  636 

—  Hideyasu         (1574-1607), 
eon  of  leyasu,  557,  560 

--Masatsuna  (1567-1648), 
Tokugawa  agent  in  Kyoto, 
580 

—  Mitsunaga       (1615-1717), 
punished  by  shogun,  597 

—  Motoyasu    see    Tokugawa 
leyasu,  478 

—  Nobutsuna       (1596-1662), 
minister  of  lemitsu,  581,  594, 
and  of  letsuna,  584 

—  Norimura,       minister      of 
Yoshimune,  drafts  code  (1742) 
613,  641;  succession  to  Yoshi- 
mune, 618 

—  Sadanobu  (1758-1829),  re- 
vises    code,    613;     minister 
under  lenari,  624;  sumptuary 
laws,  624-6;  educational  re- 
forms,   627;    retires,    628-9; 
matter  of  rebuilding  palace, 
629-30;   rank  of   Tsunehitp 
and  Hitotsubashi  Harunari, 
630-1;  revises  rules  of  pro- 
cedure, 641  (ill.)  •:-,  q 

—  Tadanao,  punished  by  To- 
kugawa in  1623,  593-4 

—  Tadatem         (1593-1683), 
daimyo  of  Echigu,  557,  591; 
removed,  593 

—  Yoshinaga,  baron  of  Echi- 
zen,  advocates  foreign  trade, 
667;     importance     in     new 
Japan,  677 

Matsukura  Shigemasa  (1574- 
1630),  persecutes  Christians, 
urges  conquest  of  Philippines, 
553 

Matsumae,  ruling  Northern 
islands,  clash  with  Russians, 
658,  697 

Matsuriaga  Hisahide  (1510- 
77),  kills  Norinaga  and  the 
shogun  Yoshiteru,  434,  435; 
ally  of  Shingen,  483 

Matsuo  BashS  (1644-94), 
verse  writer,  601 

Matsushita  Yukitsuna,  sol- 
dier under  whom  Hideyoshi 
served,  476 

Matsuura,  in  Hizen,  Toi  attack 
unsuccessfully,  263;  branch 
of  Minamoto,  265;  support 
Southern  Court,  400;  atti- 
tude toward  Xavier,  531 

Mayor  of  the  palace,  kwam- 
paku,  239 

Ma  Yuan,  painter,  365 

Mayuwa  kills  Anko,  111,  118 

Measures,  early,  155;  stand- 
ard (senshi-mashu)  of  '.  Go- 


763 

Sanjp,   270;  in   Hideyoshi's 
laws,  526-7 

Medicine,  126-7 
Medicine-hunting,  early  court 
amusement,  156-7 

Meiji,  "Enlightened  Govern- 
ment," year-period  1868- 
1912,  5,  678,  679-731;  post- 
humous name  of  Mutsuhito 

Meitoku,  year-period,  1390-3, 
and  the  rising  of  1391,  411 

Men,  ideographic  Japanese 
used  by,  3 

Menju  Shosuke,  impersonates 
Shibata  Katsuiye  and  saves 
him,  495 

Mercy,  goddess,  Kwannon, 
192 

Merit  lands,  Koden,  granted 
for  public  services,  183 

Mexico,  Spanish  ships  from, 
547,  550 

Michelborne,  Sir  Edward,  on 
Japanese  sailors  (1604  or  '5), 
657-8  bV-ili 

Michi  no  Omi,  ancestor  of 
Otomo,  129 

Michinaga  see  Fujiwara  Mi- 
chinaga  -  jsLuiT  to  • 

Michiyasu,  Prince,  235;  Em- 
peror Montoku  (q.v.) 

Michizane  see  Sugawara  Mi- 
chizane 

Mikado,  origin  of  title,  63; 
name  appropriated  for  resi- 
dence of  Soga  Emishi,  147 

Mikata-ga-hara,  war  of, 
(1572-3),  487 

Mikawa,  province,  Oda  de- 
feat Imagawa  in,  468;  fight- 
ing in  Komaki  war,  498 

Mikena,  brother  of  Jimmu,  60 

Military  Affairs,  in  ancient 
Japan,  66-67;  first  conscrip- 
tion (689  A.D.),  174;  or- 
ganization under  Daiho,  180; 
during  Nara  epoch,  218-19; 
improvement  in  organization 
in  12th  century,  314;  develop- 
ment of  tactics,  488;  foreign 
military  science,  668-9;  con- 
scription laws  and  samurai, 
682;  new  army  justified  by 
Satsuma  rebellion,  686;  mod- 
ern army  organization,  695-6 

Military  Art  of  Bushi,  286-7 

—  class,  shi,  232;  in  Kamakura 
period,  372 

- —  code,  Gumbo-ryo,  of  Daiho 
laws,  178 

—  dues,  Buke-yaku,  426,  438, 
638 

—  ethics,  and  Primer  of  Ya- 
maga  Soko,  607       :uonfe 

Military  houses,  buke,  rise  in 
8th  century,  223;  10th,  256; 
llth,  287;  power  increased 
by  Hogen  and  Heiji  insur- 
rections, 294;  Minamoto 
ideals,  325;  finances,  376; 
crushed  by  Kemmu  restora- 


Mina 

tion,  388;  Northern  Court 
follows  system  of,  398:  in 
Ashikaga  times,  405;  Onin 
disorder,  427;  Muromachi 
period,  435;  land  holdings, 
437;  power  ;  in  Tokugawa 
period,  573;  Laws  of,  574; 
intermarry  with  Court  nobles, 
620;  weakness,  677 

Militia,  kondei,  in  8th  cen- 
tury, 218-19 

Milk,  212       Uiisj-oflu-l". 

Milky  Way  in  myth,  12,  25 

Millet  as  substitute  for  rice, 
207  ;-]:  M-ef 

Mimaki,  life-time  name  of 
Emperor  Sujin,  81  -,dfcR 

Mimana  (Imna),  Japanese 
name  for  Kara,  Korea,  81 ; 
Japanese  influence  there,  83; 
90;  Tasa  leads  revolt  in,  114; 
part  ceded  to  Kudara,  122; 
Keno  in,  123;  pretended  ex- 
pedition against,  139;  Shi- 
ragi  overpowers,  149-50; 
Japan  intervenes  in  war  be- 
tween Shiragi  and,  151;  Shi- 
ragi  invades  (622),  152; 
families  from,  in  9th  century 
nobility,  153  iilu^. 

Mimasaka,  province,  given  to 
Yamana  family  (1441),  421 

Mimashi,  Korean  teacher  of 
music  (612  A.D.),  156 

Mime,  Dengaku,  377 

Mimoro,  Prince,  37 

Mimoro,  Mt.,  in  early  myth, 
15,  37;  Kami  of,  a  serpent. 
65,  128  ,(60- 

Minamoto,  princely  family, 
205;  Fujiwara  take  wives 
from,  190;  generals  of  Im- 
perial guards,  206;  called 
Gen  and  Gen-ji,  206  f.n.; 
academy,  207,  283;  manors 
and  troops,  252;  win  Taira 
estates,  253;  quarrel  with 
Taira,  '  254,  263;  revolt 
against  Fujiwara,  268; 
literature,  261;  military 
power  in  provinces,  262, 
especially  Kwanto,  264; 
"claws"  of  Fujiwara,  265; 
provincial  branches,  265;  war 
with  Taira,  284-335;  power 
taken  by  Hojo,  336,  340 

—  Hikaru   (845-913),   son  of 
Nimmyo,  accuses  Sugawara 
Michizane,  243;  death,  245 

—  Hiromasa   (918-80),  musi- 
cian, 261 

—  Ichiman    (1200-3),    candi- 
date for  shogun,  killed,  337-8 

—  Kanetsuna,    in    Yorimasa 
conspiracy,  300 

—  Kugyo  see  Kugyo 

— Mitsukune,  erects  monu- 
ment to  Kusunoki  Masashige, 
395 

—  Mitsumasa,      founder     of 
Suruga  Genji,  265 


Minam 

Minamoto  Mitsunaka  (912- 
97)  ,  reveals  conspiracy  against 
Fujiwara  (967),  258,  262; 
his  influence,  264-5;  founder 
of  Shinano  Genji,  265,  288; 
the  two  swords,  285  ' 

—  Nakaakira,      killed      with 
Sanetomo  by  Sugy5,  340 

—  Narinobu,  poet,  261 

—  Noriyori     (1156-93),    sent 
against  Yoshinaka,  312,  313; 
at    Ichino-tani,    315;-   com- 
mands  force    1184-5,     316; 
blocks  Taira  from  withdraw- 
ing into  Kyushu,  318;  assas- 
sinated, 333 

—  Sanetonio  (1192-1219),  ri- 
val of  Ichiman  336;  blocks 
Hoj6  designs,  337 ;  attempt  to 
assassinate  him,  338;  death, 
339-40;  patron  of  Fujiwara 
Tameiye,  366 

—  Senju-maru    (1201-14),   re- 
volt, execution,  338 

—  Shigenari,   pretends  to  be 
Yoshitomo,  293 

—  Shitago    (911-83),    litlera- 
•  tear,  261 

—  Tadaaki,  in  capture  of  Ro- 
kuhara,  384 

—  Tametomo  (1139-70),  great 
warrior    of    Hogen    tumult, 
289-90;  exiled  to  Izu,  290f .n. ; 
advice  not  followed  292;'u{n 

—  Tameyoshi,  in  Hogen,  tum- 
ult, 289 

—  Tomomasa,   Maki's   candi- 
date for  shogun,  killed.  337-8 

—  Toru  (822-95),  minister  of 
the  Left  under  Uda,  240 

—  Toshikata  (959-1027),  poet, 
one  of  Shi-nagon,  261 

-^Tsunemoto  (894-961), 
Prince  Rokusoh,  founder  of 
Seiwa  Genji,  206,  287-8;  in 
beginning  of  hostilities  with 
Taira,  254  f.n. 

—  Wataru,  husband  of  Kesa, 
304      ..-. 

—  Yorichika    (d.    1117),    an- 
cestor of  Suruga  Genji,  265 

—Yoriiye  <1 182-1204),  suc- 
ceeds (1199)  as  lord  high 
constable  and  chief  land- 
steward,  335;  as  shogun 
(1202)  336;  killed  by  Toki- 
masa,  337 

—  Yorimasa  (1106-80),  sides 
with  Taira,  killed,  298-300 

—  Yorimitsu  (944-1021),  sol- 
dier,   288;    aids   Michinaga, 
262,  264;  at  Court,  265:  hi  - 

—  Yorinobu  (968-1048)  ,262, 
288;  governor  of  Xai,  drives 
back  Taira  Tadatsune,  264; 
helps  Michinaga,  265  ^u"A  - 

-+~  Yoritomo  (1147-99),  ,'son 
of  Yoshitomo,  86;  escapes 
after  Heiji  war,  293-4;  war  of 
1180,  301-2;  army  crushed, 
304;  gains,  305  (ill.);  quar- 


rels with  Yoshinaka,  308; 
called  to  Kyoto,  311;  sent 
against  Yoshinaka,  312;  re- 
lations with  Yoshitsune,  316, 
320-1;  Bakufu  independent 
of  Court,  324-30;  memorial 
on  manors,  326;  becomes  sei- 
i  tai-shdgun,  331;  death  and 
character,  332-4;  patron  of 
SaigyS  Hoshi,  367;  system 
imitated  by  Takauji,*  40&-3 

—  Yoriyoshi  (995-1048),  264, 
288;  in  Nine  Years'  Commo- 
tion; 266 

—  Yoshichika    (d.  1117)    re- 
bellion put  down  by   Taira 
Masamori,  288 

—  Yoshihira,    son    of    Yoshi- 
tomo, 307  f.n. 

—  Yoshiiye  (1041-1108),  288; 
great    archer,    264;     called 
Hachiman    Taro,    in    Nine 
Year's  Commotion  and  Three 
Year's  war,  266-7 ;  helps  put 
down  disorder  of  Enryaku-ji 
monks,  274  .;  n«'J 

—  Yoshikata,  308 

—  Yoshimitsu      (10567-1127), 
founder  of  Tada  Genji,  265; 
in  Three  Years'  War,  267 
-(Kiso)    Yoshinaka    (1154- 
84),  revolts  in  Shinano-Ko- 
tsuke,  307-8;  quarrels  with 
Yoritomo,     308-9;     defeats 
Taira  at  Tonami-yama,  309 ; 
GcnShirakawa  joins,  310 ;  tries 
to  get  crown  for  Hokurika, 
310-11;  death,  311-13 

-^  Yoshitaka  marries  Yori- 
tomo's  daughter,  309;  death, 
313 

—  Yoshitomo,    supports    Go- 
Shirakawa  in  Hogen  tumult, 
289;  joins  in  plot  of  Heiji, 
292;    advice    overruled    by 
Nobuyori,    killed,    293;    his 
sons,  293-4;  loses  great  land 
holdings,  262  n<\nii 

—  Yoshitsuna  (d.1134),  broth- 
er of  Yoshiiye,  274       :  ,nu 

—  Yoshitsune  (1159-89),  son 
of  Yoshitomo,  escapes  after 
Heiji  tumult,  294;  joins  Yori- 
tomo,   306-7;   sent    against 
Yoshinaka,  312,  313;  at  Ichi- 
no-tani, 315;  wins  battle  of 
Yashima,    317-18;   relations 
to    Yoritomo,    316,    320-4; 
attempted  assassination,  322; 
protected  by  Fujiwara  Hide- 
hira,  323,  suicide,  324 

—  Yukiiye  (d.  1186),  303;  re- 
peatedly defeated,  308;  joins 
Yoskinaka,  309;  Yoshinaka 
disapproves  his  choice  to  be 
governor  of  Bizen,  311 ;  sum- 
mary criticism  of  him,  311- 
12;    turns     to    Yoshitsune, 
death,  322,  323 j      .fanohvy 

— .Yukitsuna  betrays  Shishi- 
ga-tani  plot  (1177),  296;  oc- 


Miyo 

c  H  pi  is  Settsu  and  Kawachi 
(1183),  309 

Minch5,  called  Ch5  Densu, 
(1352-1431),  painter,  450 

Ming,  Chinese  Emperor,  mis- 
sion for  Buddhist  tfutras,  131 ; 
dynasty,  its  fall,  586 

Mining,  leyasu's  efforts  (1609) 
to  develop,  651,  652 

Ministers,  system  of  three, 
under  Daika,  160,  163;  mem- 
bers of  Privy  Council  Board 
under  Daihd,  179;  Hide- 
yoshi's  system,  523;  council 
of,  separated  from  shogun, 
601,  632;  senior  and  junior 
ministers,  632-3 

Mino,  province,  Oda  defeat 
SaitS  in,  468,  480 

Miroku  (Sanskrit  Martreya), 
stone  image  of,  brought  to 
Japan  (584  A.D.),  134,  138 

Mirror,  in  myth  of  Sun-God- 
dess, 12;  one  of  Imperial  in- 
signia, 18,  33,  63,79;  bronze, 
in  sepulchral  remains,  52 

Mishchenko,  Russian  general, 
leads  cavalry  raid  after  fall 
of  Port  Arthur,  721 

Misumi,  adherents  of  South- 
ern Court,  in  Sanin-do,  400 

Mita,   Korean  architect,    126 

Mitigations  (rok-u^gi)  of  penal- 
ty of  Daihd  code  for  rank, 
position  and  public  service, 
178 

Mito,  Tokugawa  of,  624 

Mitoshi,  SkKami,  69 

Mitsubishi  Company,  first 
private  dockyard,  669 

Mitsuhide  see  Akechi  Mitsu- 
hide 

Mitsukuni  see  Tokugawa  Mit- 
sukuni 

Mitsunobu  (Tosa  no  M.), 
painter,  founder  of  Tosa 
school  of  painting,  450 

Miura  branch  of  Taira,  265; 
plot  against  H5J6,  351 

—  Mitsuinura  (d.  1247),  sui- 
cide, 351 

—  Yasumara     (1204-47),     in 
war  with  Hojo,  351 

—  Yoshiaki,   333 

—  Yoshizumi      (1127-1200), 
in  Bakufu,  336 

Miwa  Sako,  commander  of 
palace  guards,  135 

Miyake  Atsuaki,  contributor 
to  Dai  Nilon-shi,  645 

Miyoshi,  scholars  in  Ashikaga 
administration,  403 ;  lec- 
turers, 449;  in  civil  war  of 
1520-50,  433,  464;  crush 
Hoshokawa,  434;  in  Awa,  470; 
attempt  to  take  Kyoto,  481 

—  Kiyotsura    (847-918),    240, 
243;  memorial  (914),  245-8, 
on   writing,    103-4;   Chinese 
scholar,  249 

—  Masanaga,  inheritance,  434 


Miyos 

Miyoshi  Motonaga,  434,  464 

—  Nagateru(d.  1520),  guardian 
of  Hosokawa  Sumimoto  and 
Takakuni,  432;  death,  433 

—  Norinaga,     called     ChSkei 
(1523-64),  in  civil  war,  434 

—  Yasunobu  (1140-1221),  son 
of  Yoritomp's  nurse,  303;  an- 
cestor of  Ota  and   Machino 
uji,  328  and  f.n.;  in  Bakufu 
council,  336;    advice  at  be- 
ginning of  Shokyu  struggle, 
343;  death,  346 

—  Yasutsura,       with       Ho  jo 
Yasutoki  plans  Joei  code,  349 

—  Yoshitsugu  (d.1573),  revolts 
in  Settsu,  484 

Mizugaki,"Sujin's  court  at,  79 
Mizuha,  life  time  name  of  Em- 
peror Hansho,  109 
Mizuno,  governor  of  Nagasaki, 
persecutes  Christians,  553 

—  Echizen    no    Kami,    prime 
minister   of    leyoshi,    sump- 
tuary laws  and  efforts  at  re- 
form (1826),  661,  egg.  662 

Mochifusa  see  Uesugi  Mochi- 

fusa 
Mochihito,  Prince,  (1150-80), 

Yorimasa  conspiracy,  299 
Mogami  of  Yamagata,  471 

—  Yoshiakira       (1546-1614), 
one  of  leyasu's  generals,  560 

Moho,  variant  name  of  Su- 
shen  or  Toi,  262 

Momijiyama  Bunko,  Toku- 
gawa  library  at  Yedo,  579 

Mommu,  42nd  Emperor  (697- 
707),  Prince  Karu,  accession, 
175-6;  succession  and  plan 
to  move  capital,  185 

Momokawa  see  Fujiwara  Mo- 
mokawa 

Momonoi  family  favours  Tada- 
yoshi,  406 

Momo-yama,  "Peach  Hill,"  in 
Fushimi,  Hideyoshi's  palace, 
527;  last  epoch  of  Ashikaga 
shSgunate,  521;  palace  de- 
stroyed (1596),  528;  leyasu's 
castle  taken  (1600),  559-60 

Momozono,  116th  Emperor 
(1735-62),  621 

Mon,  coin,  187,  438  f.n. 

Mongaku,  priest,  originally 
Endo  Morito,  aids  Yoritomo, 
303-4,  334 

Mongol,  subdivision  of  yellow 
race,  58;  fold  of  eye,  59;  inva- 
sion, 358-S4 

Monju-dokoro,  Bakufu  depart- 
ment of  justice,  328;  in  ad- 
ministration of  Kyoto  after 
Shokyu  war,  345 ;  power  passes 
to  Hydjoshu,  347;  in  Muro- 
machi  administration,  436 

Monkey,  worship  of,  128; 
female  divinity,  12,  213 

Mononobe,  palace  guard,  67, 
284;  uji  of  Kwami  class,  im- 
portant especially  in  Yurya- 


765 

ku's   reign,    129-30;   oppose 
Buddhism,  133-4,  285 

—  Moriya,  o-muraji,  killed  by 
Soga,  130,  138;  their  rivalry, 
134;  opposes  Buddhism,  134, 
285;  supports  Anahobe,  135, 
136;  final  contest  with  Soga, 
136-7;  property,  138 

—  Okoshi,  o-muraji,  130;  op- 
poses Buddhism,  133 

Montoku,  Emperor  (851-58), 
236-7,  chronicle  of  reign,  5 

Montoku  Jitsuroku,  National 
History,  251 

Monto-shu,  Shin  sect,  370  f.n. 

Moon,  Kami  of,  11 

Moonlight  festivals,  277 

Mori  Arinori,  Viscount  (1847- 
89),  minister  of  public  in- 
struction, assassinated,  691 

Mori  family,  rapid  rise  in 
power,  469-70;  Ashikaga 
Yoshialci  turns  to,  482 

—  Hidemoto  (1579-1650),  in 
Ishida's  army,  560 

—  Motonari  (1497-1571),  wins 
power  of  Ouchi,  469  (ill.) 

—  Motonori      (1839-96),     of 
Choshu,    leader   of    extrem- 
ists, expelled  from  Kyoto,  675 

—  Nagayoshi  (1558-84),  gen- 
eral of  Hideyoshi,  498 

—  Rammaru,     lieutenant     of 
Nobunaga,  474 

—  Terumoto  (1553-1625)  loses 
central  Japan  to  Hideyoshi, 
489;  Akechi  Mitsuhide  joins, 
490;  peace  with   Hideyoshi, 
491;    senior    minister,    523; 
signs  Hideyoshi's  laws,  526; 
favours    Ishida,    559,    leads 
his  army,  560;  loses  estates, 
561 

Morihito,  Emperor  Nijo  (q.v.) 

Morikuni,  Prince  (1301-33), 
shogun,  1308-33,  354 

Morimasa  see  Sakuma  Mori- 
masa  "fnolti1 

Morinaga,  Prince,  (1308-35), 
called  Ot5  no  Miya,  son  of 
Go-Daigo,  379,  and  his  de- 
fender, 381, 384;  commander- 
in-chief,  387;  death  389-90 

Moriya  see  Mononobe  Moriya 

Morosada,  Prince,  see  Kwazan 

Moroya,  chief  of  Otomo,  6- 
muraji,  129 

Morrison,  American  ship  in 
Yedo,  1837,  663 

Mother-of-pearl  and  lacquer, 
208,  279 

"Mother's  Land,"  Shiragi, 
Korea,  60 

Motien  Mountains,  Russian 
campaign  planned  in,  713 

Motonobu  (1476-1559),  paint- 
er, Kano  school,  450 

Motoori  Norinaga  (1730- 
1801),  Shinto  revival,  645; 
646  (ill.);  quoted,  648-9;  on 
Shinto  dualism,  65 


Mure 

Mourning  colour,  white,  212, 
earlier,  black,  213;  customs, 
139;  periods  of,  varying  with 
rank,  213  -r  'R! 

Moxa,  medicinal  herb,  touch 
of,  defilement,  276 

Mu  Hsi,  painter,  365 

Mukden,  Russian  railway 
through,  705;  battle  of 
(1905),  721-3 

Muko,  Fukuhara  harbour,  300 

Mukuhara,  Buddhist  temple 
at,  133^.  .jr 

Mulberry,  early  culture,  67; 
used  with  hemp  to  make 
cloth,  67;  order  for  cultiva- 
tion (472  A.D.),  113;  plant- 
ing of,  condition  of  tenure  of 
upland,  182 

Multa,  King  of  Kudara, 
stories  of  his  cruelty  told  of 
Emperor  Muretsu,  120 

Munemara,  chief  of  trade,  155 

Munetada  see  Tokugawa  Mu- 
netada 

Munetaka,  Prince  (1242-74), 
shogun  in  1252-66,  354,  356 

Munetake  see  Tokugawa  Mu- 
netake 

Munro,  N.  G.,  on  Japanese 
archaeology,  46,  47,  49,  54; 
imibe,  71-2;  rice-chewers,  74 
f.n.;  coins,  187  f.n. 

Muraji,  "chief,"  title,  73;  ap- 
plied to  pre-conquest  (Shim- 
betsu)  rulers,  77,  92,  98;  o- 
muraji,  head  of  o-uji,  98;  in- 
ferior title  in  Temmu's  peer- 
age, 171-2 

Murakami,  62nd  Emperor 
(947-67),  257-8 

Murakami  Genji,  branch  of 
Minamoto,  206 

—  Yoshihiro,  of  lyo  province, 
pirate  chief,  445 

—  Yoshikiyo  (1501-73),  driv- 
en from  Kuzuo  by  Takeda 
Shingen,  467 

—  Yoshiteru        impersonates 
Morinaga,  381 

Murasaki  Shikibu  (d.  992), 
writer  of  Genji  Monogatari, 
249  f.n.,  250,  (ill.),  261 

Muravieff,  Nikolai  Nikolaie- 
vich  (d.  1881),  Russian  com- 
mander in  Far  East,  claims 
(1858)  Saghalien,  697 

Murdoch,  J.,  quoted  on  Tada- 
tsune's  ravages  of  Kwanto,264 
f.n.;  on  Heian  epoch,  275-6; 
weakening  of  Fujiwara  power, 
294  f.n.;  Bushi  of  Kwanto, 
314;  Joei  code,  349-50;  down- 
fall of  Bakufu,  355;  feudalism 
in  war  of  dynasties,  401 ;  lit- 
erati in  Ashikaga  administra- 
tion, 403;  Kamakura  rule  in 
Kai,  Izu  and  Mutsu,  409;  re- 
volt of  1443,  412 

Muretsu  (Buretsu),  25th  Em- 
peror (499-506),  119-20 


Muro 

Muro  Nawokiyo,  or  KyusS, 
(1658^734).  Confucianist, 
historian  of  "47  Ronins," 
607;  adviser  to  shogun,  613 

Muromachi,  part  of  Kyoto, 
administrative  headquarters 
of  Ashikaga,  402;  Ashikaga 
shogu?is  at,  413,  435-6 

Musashi,  immigrants  from  Ko- 
ma  settle  in,  i68 ;  war  of  Taira 
and  Minamoto  in,  254;  Ho  jo 
and  Uesugi  in,  467 

Mushroom  picking,  458 

Music,  Korean  and  Buddhist, 
156;  and  poetry,  215;  in 
Heian  society,  278;  jdruri, 
605-6  .  T%<..< 

Muso  Kokushi,  "  National 
Teacher,"  or  Soseki  (1271- 
1346),  scholar,  448;  head  of 
Tenryuji,  454 

Mut5,  branch  of  Fujiwara  in 
Kwanto,  266 

—  Sukeyori,  founder  of  Shoni 
family,  470 

Mutsu,  5  provinces,  in  Nara 
epoch,  N.  E.  and  N.  littoral, 
219;  the  Nine  Years'  Com- 
motion (1056-64)  in,  266- 
67;  Three  Years'  War  (1089- 
1091)  in',  267;  (O-shu)  part  of 
0-U,  388;  peaceful  under  Ka- 
makura  rule,  409;  revolt  of 
1413  in,  412;  in  16th  century 
wars,  471;  silk  growing,  617; 
famine  of  1783-6  in,  623 

—  branch    of    Fujiwara,    de- 
scendants of  Fujiwara  Kiyo- 
hira,    268;    give   Yoshitsune 
asylum,  307,  324;  crushed  by 
Yoritomo   (1189),  324 

Mutsuhito,  (posthumous  name, 
Meiji),  122nd  Emperor  (1867- 
1912),  677;  seal,  694  (ill.) 

Myochin  Nobuiye,  metal- 
worker and  armourer,  451 

Myocho,  Zen  priest,  454 

Myoe  (or  Koben),  bonze,  quo- 
tation from  his  biography  on 
Yasutoki,  344-5 :  , 

My6gaku-ji,  temple,  491 

Myong  see  Song  Wang  Myong 

Myoo,  priest,  454 

Myoshin-ji,  Zen  temple,  W.  of 
Kyoto,  454,  566 

Myosho,  (109th)  Empress 
(1629-43),  Princess  Oki, 
daughter  of  Go-mizu-no-o 
and  Tokugawa  consort,  590 

Mythology,  8-27,33;  rational- 
istic explanation  of,  28-33,  by 
Japanese,  29 

Nabeshima  Naoshige  (1537- 
1619),  invasion  of  Korea,  509 

Nagahama,  Omi,  headquarters 
of  Hideyoshi,  485 

Nagakude,  battle  of,  498 

Nagamasa  see  Asai  Nagatnasa 
and  Asano  Nagamasa 

Nagamori  see  Masuda  Naga- 
mori 


766 

Nagao    Kagetora   see   Uesugi 

Ke'nshin 
Nagaoka,  Yamashiro,  capital, 

225^6 

—  vji,  of  princely  descent,  205 
Nagasaki,  port,  529;  church, 

trade,  growth,  535;  Jesuit 
church  seized  by  Francisans, 
542 ;  missionaries  receive  pat- 
ent 546 ;  Martyrs'  Mount,  548 ; 
execution  of  De  1'  Assump- 
tion and  Machado.  551 ; 
"Great  Martyrdom/'  552, 
553;  trade,  609;  Pessoa  ait, 
653;  Putch  and  English  con- 
fined to,  654;  Dutch  factory, 
656;  Russians  come  to, 
(1804),  658;  Glynn  and  the 
Preble,  663;  Americans  al- 
lowed to  trade,  666;  military 
college  at,  668 

—  Enki,    guardian    of    Hojo 
Takatoki,  377 

—  Takashige,  suicide,  386 

—  Takasuke  (d.1333),  minister 
of  Takatoki,  377;  dethrones 
Go-Daigo,  379 

Nagashino,  castle,  487 

Nagasune,  governor  of  Yama- 
to,  23-4,  76 

Nagato,  fortifications  at, 
(1280),  361-2 

Nagatoshi,  name  given  to 
Nawa  Nagataka,  382 

Nagauji  see  Hojo  Soun 

Nagaya  (684-729),  minister  of 
the  Left,  189,  209 

Nagoya,  in  Hizen,  base  of 
operations  against  Korea, 
512;  castle  of,  562,  521  (ill.) 

Nai-mul,  king  of  Shiragi 
(364),  first  sends  tribute  to 
Yamato,  89 

Naka,  Prince,  son  of  Kogy- 
oku,  148;  passed  over,  in 
succession,  159,  166;  inter- 
regnum, 168;  Great  Reform, 
160;  expedition  to  Korea,  167; 
Emperor  Tenchi  (q.v.),  168 

Nakachiko,  Oshiwa's  servant, 
118 

Nakahara  family,  scholars, 
secretaries  in  Bakufu,  328; 
in  Ashikaga  administration, 
403;  lecturers,  449 

—  Chikayoshi       (1 142-1207) , 
in   Yoritomo's   Bakufu,   328 
f.n.;    nominated';  high    con- 
stable at  Court,  but  not  ap- 
pointed,    330;     in     Bakufu 
council,     336;     ancestor    of 
Otomo  family  of  Kyushu,  470 

—  Kaneto,  rears   Yoshinaka, 
308 ;  his  four  sons, Yoshinaka's 
guards,  312-13 

Nakai  Seishi  establishes  school 

in  Osaka,  614 
Xakamaro  see  Abe  Nakamoro 

and  Fujiwara  Nakamaro 
Nakamura  Hiyoshi  see  Toyo- 

tomi  Hideyoshi,  475  f.n. 


Nara 

Nakane  Genkei,  mathemati- 
cian, translates  Gregoriim 
calendar  into  Japanese,  614 

Nakanomikado,  1 14th  Emperor 
(1710-35),  620-1 

Nakano,  suburb  of  Yedo, 
dog-kennel  in,  602 

Naka-Nushi,  "Central  Mas- 
ter," 61 

Nakasen^do,  Central  Mountain 
road,  completed  early  in  8th 
century,  210,  392,  560 

Nakashi,  wife  of  Okusaka,  111 

Nakatomi  family,  court 
priests,  130;  descended  from 
Koyane,  33,  61;  guardians 
of  3  insignia,  63,  and  of 
Shinto  ceremonials,  133;  op- 
pose Buddhism,  133-4,  and 
Soga,  148-9 

— •  Kamako,  muraji,  opposes 
Buddhism,  133 

—  Kamatari      see     Fujiwara 
Kamatari 

—  Kane,  muraji,  minister,  in 
conspiracy     against     Oama 
(Temmu),  170 

—  Katsumi,     muraji,     killed 
(587  A.D.),  148 

Nakatsu,  Prince,  108 
Nakaye  Toju  (1608-48),  Con- 

fucianist,  follower  of  Wang 

Yang-ming,  626,  628 
Namamugi  incident,  673,  674 
Nambu  family,  471 

—  Saemon    opposes    leyasu, 
565 

Names  and  naming,  Japanese 
system,  73;  territorial,  287 

Naniwa,  now  Osaka,  capital 
of  Emperor  Nintoku,  105; 
Buddhist  temple,  (579),  134; 
immigrants  from  Kudara, 
168;  administration,  Settsu- 
shoku,  under  Daiho,  180; 
removal  of  capital  to,  by 
K5toku,  185;  trade  in  Heian 
epoch,  281 

Nank6,  see  Kusunoki  Masa- 
shige 

Nankwa  (16th  Cent.),  scholar, 
474 

Na-no-Agata  or  Watazumi- 
no-Kuni,  Japanese  inter- 
course with,  84 

Naiishan,  commanding  Port 
Arthur,  715-16  : 

Nanzen-ji,  Zen  temple,  454; 
one  of  the  "Five,"  455 

Nara,  Yamato  province,  re- 
moval of  capital  to  (709 
A.D.),  185-6;  the  Nara  epoch 
(709-84),  185-223;  the  Nara 
image  of  Buddha,  193;  city 
officials,  revenues  from  pub- 
lic lands  appropriated  for, 
775  A.D.,  202;  Kusu  and 
Fujiwara  Nakanari  attempt 
to  make  it  capital  again, 
230;  power  of  armed  monks 
controlled  by  Yoshinori, 


Nari 

420;  rebel  against  Yoshimasa, 
422;  Takauji  tries  to  check, 
453 

Nariaki  see  Tokugawa  Nariaki 

Narimasa  see  Sasa  Narimasa 

Narinaga,  Prince  (1325-38), 
kwanryo  of  Kwanto,  387; 
shdgun  at  Kamakura,  391 

Narita  Kosaburo  assists  Go- 
Daigo,  382 

Nariyuki  see  Tokugawa  Nari- 
yuki 

Nasu  family,  one  of  "8  Gen- 
gerals  of  Kwanto,"  425 

"National  Histories,  Six," 
covering  years  697-887  A.D., 
188;  five  composed  in  Heian 
epoch,  251 

Nature  Worship,  65-6 

Navarrete,  Alonso  (1617), 
Spanish  Dominican,  executed 
by  Omura,  551 

Navigation,  72;  see  Ships 

Navy,  Japanese,  in  Mongol 
invasion,  360;  in  invasion 
of  Korea,  515,  519;  naval 
College,  Gunkan  Kyojujo,  at 
Tsukiji,  669;  modern  organi- 
zation, 696;  in  war  with 
China,  701-2;  in  war  with 
Russia,  710-12,  714-15,  717, 
718,  723-4 

Nawa,  adherents  of  Southern 
Court,  in  Sanin-d5,  400 

—  Nagatoshi  (d.  1336),  helps 
Go-Daigo  escape,  382;  pro- 
vincial governor,  388;  com- 
mands against  the  Ashikaga, 
392;  death,  396 

Nazuka  Masaiye,  in  charge  of 
land-survey,  527 

Needle,  magic,  as  cure,  196 

Negoro,  in  Kii,  firearms  made 
at,  489;  headquarters  of 
priests  of  Kii,  499 

Nei-issan  see  Ichinei 

Nemuro,  Russian  ship  in 
(1792),  658 

Nengo,  era  or  period,  in  chron- 
ology, 5;  different  names  in 
Northern  and  Southern 
courts,  398,  406 

Nenoi  Yukichika,  one  of 
Yoshinaka's  four  guards,  312 

Ne  no  Omi,  messenger  of  Anko, 
111-12 

Neo  support  Southern  Court 
in  Mino,  400 

Neolithic  culture,  46 

Nestorian  Christianity  in 
China,  192  f  .n. 

Netsuke,  (ill.),  283 

New  Spain,  Mexico,  ships 
from,  547,  550 

New  Year's  celebration,  214 

'Ng,  Chinese  writer  on  war 
(3d  Cent,  A.D.),  286 

Nichira,  Japanese  at  Kudara 
Court  advises  Bidatsu 
against  Kudara,  150 

Nichiren,  Buddhist  sect  dating 


767 

from  13th  century,  367;  its 
founder,  371  (ill.),  372;  war 
with  other  monks,  464 

Nigihayahi,  uncle  of  Jimmu, 
overlord  of  Nagasune,  76 

Nihon  Burnmei  Shiryaku,  on 
early  medicine,  126 

Nihon  Kodaihd  Shakugi,  on 
Board  of  Religion,  178 

Nihon  Kdki,  Later  Chronicles 
of  Japan  (792-833),  4,  251 

Nihongi,  Chronicle  of  Japan 
(720),  3;  on  Chuai  and  Jingo, 
88-9;  after  400  A.D.,  108 

Nihonmatsu  family,  471 

Nihon  Shoki,  Written  Chroni- 
cles of  Japan  to  697  A.D. 
(720),  revision  of,  3;  continua- 
tions, 4 

Nijo,  family  founded  by  son 
of  Fujiwara  Michiiye,  one 
of  "Five  Regent  Houses," 
358 

Nijo,  78th  Emperor  (1159- 
66),  291-5  . 

—  Castle,   Kyoto,   destroyed, 
624;  officials  of,  636 

—  Michihira  (1287-1335),  Go- 
Daigo's  minister,  387,  388 

—  Yoshimoto  (1320-88), 
scholar  and  author,  447 

Nikaido  in  office  of  shitsuji, 
327;  defeated  by  Date,  471 

—  Sadafusa  opposes   the   re- 
gent (1331),  379 

Nikki  favour  Takauji,  406 

Nikko,  Shimotsuke  province, 
shrine  of  leyasu  and  tombs 
in,  582;  annual  worship  at, 
583,  604 

Nikolaievsk,  strategic  situa- 
tion, 704 

Nimmyo,  Emperor  (834-50), 
235-236;  chronicle  of  his 
reign,  5;  luxury,  245-6 

Nine  Years'  Commotion,  Zen- 
kunen  (1056-64),  266-7 

Ningpo,  trade  with  Japan, 
444;  sacked  by  Japanese,  445 

Ninigi  see  Hikoho  Ninigi 

Ninken,  24th  Emperor  (488- 
98),  Prince  Woke,  118-19 

Ninko,  120th  Emperor  (1817- 
46),  664 

Nintoku,  16th  Emperor  (313- 
99),  104-7;  7  provinces  added 
by,  87 ;  consort,  Takenouchi's 
granddaughter,  91-105;  love 
story,  101 ;  remits  taxes,  124 

Nippon,  "Sunrise  Place,"  145 
f.n. 

Nira-yama,  Ho  jo  castle,  503 

Nishi  Hongwan-ji,  temple, 
502,  235  (ill.) 

Nishikawa  Masayasu,  astrono- 
mer under  Yoshimune,  614 

Nishina-uji,  branch  of  Taira 
family,  265 

Nishina  .Morito  (d.  1221), 
Bakufu  retainer,  in  Shokyu 
war,  342 


Norn 

Nishino  Buntar5,  assassin 
(1889)  of  Viscount  Mori,  691 

Nisi-no-shima,  islet  in  Oki 
group,  382 

Nitta  family,  Yoritomo's  at- 
tempt to  win,  306,  307;  ad- 
herents of  Southern  Court, 
400;  crushed  by  Ashikaga 
Ujimitsu,  416 

—  Yoshiaki  (d.  1338),  son  of 
Yoshisada     and     provincial 
governor,  388;  suicide,  399 

—  Yoshimune     (1332-68),    in 
defeat  of  Takauji,  407 

—  Yoshioki  (d.  1358),  407 

—  Yoshisada      (1301-38)     in 
Kyoto  revolt,  380;  declares 
against     Ho  jo,     384,     takes 
Kamakura,    385;    provincial 
governor,  388;  accuses  Taka- 
uji of  treason,  391 ;  commands 
army  against  Takauji,  392; 
besieges  Shirahata,  393;  es- 
capes, 395;  faithful  to  Go- 
Daigo,  397,  398;  death,  399 

— '•  Yoshishige  (d.  1202),  ances- 
tor of  Tokugawa,  556 

Nittabe,  Prince,  residence  of, 
site  of  Shodai-ji  temple,  191 

Niuchwang  taken  by  Japanese 
(f894),  702 

Niwa  Nagahide  (1535-85), 
soldier  of  Nobunaga,  481, 
492;  councillor,  494 

No,  dance  and  drama,  458-9, 
605;  Sadanobu  regulates  cos- 
tume, 625; masks, 28,  56  (ills.) 

No-ami,  artist,  patronized  by 
Yoshimasa,  425 

Nobility,  primitive,  62;  ad- 
ministrative, 98;  growth  of 
power  at  expense  of  Emperor, 
105;  Daika  attempts  to  dis- 
tinguish from  official  ranks, 
160;  titles  of  hereditary 
aristocracy  annulled  by 
Daika  and  estates  escheated, 
162;  nobles  state  pensioners, 
164;  new  titles  under  Tem- 
mu,  171-2;  influence  of  hered- 
itary nobles  against  Daiho 
laws,  178;  court  society  in 
Heian  epoch,  277-8 ;  in  Meiji 
era,  691;  see  Court  Houses, 
Military  Houses 

Nobukatsu  see  Oda  Nobukat- 
su 

Nobunaga  see  Oda  Nobunaga 

Nobuteru  see  Ikeda  Nobuteru 

Nobuyoshi  see  Tokugawa 
Nobuyoshi 

Nogi,  Kiten,  Count  (1849- 
1912),  commanding  3d  Army, 
at  Dalny,  717;  receives  sur- 
render of  Port  Arthur,  721; 
at  Mukden,  722-3 

Nomi-no-Sukune,  suggests 
clay  effigies  instead  of  human 
funeral  sacrifices,  82;  wres- 
tler, 83;  ancestor  of  Sugawara 
family,  242 


Non 

No-niwa,  moor-garden,  365 

Norimura  see  Akamatsu  Nori- 
mura 

Nori  Sachhi  see  Tori  Shichi 

Norito,   ancient  rituals,   63-4 

Northeastern  Japan,  political 
importance  of,  86 

North-east  gate,  the  Demon's 
gate,  228,  283 

Northern  and  Southern  Dy- 
nasties, 396-412;  table,  406; 
Northern  in  control,  418 

Northern  Japan,  more  primi- 
tive culture  of,  46 

Novik,  Russian  2d-class  cruiser 
at  Port  Arthur,  711 

Nozu,  Michitsura,  Count 
(1840-1908),  commanding 
4th  Army,  717-18;  at  Muk- 
den, 722 

Nuns,  Buddhist,  Imperial 
princesses  become,  620 

Nurses,  provided  for  the  Court 

_by  Mibu,  71 

Oama,  younger  brother  of  Na- 
ka  (Emperor  Tenchi),  ad- 
ministrator during  7-year 
interregnum  (661-668),  168, 
169;  appointed  Tenchi's 
successor,  declines  in  face  of 
conspiracy,  170;  becomes 
Emperor  Temmu  (q.v.),  170 

Oba  Kagechika  (d.  1182),  hems 
in  Yoritomo  and  crushes  his 
army,  304-5 

Oban,  coin,  528 

Obi,  in  Hyuga,  Chinese  trade, 
444 

Occupations,  hereditary 
among  prehistoric  uji  or 
families,  93 

Oda  family,  one  of  "8  Gen- 
erals of  Kwanto,"  425; 
origin  of  family,  473 

—  Hidenobu         (1581-1602), 
grandson  of  Nobunaga,  561 

—  Katsunaga    (1568-82), 
death,  491 

-Nobuhide  (d.  1549)  aids 
Crown,  462,  473,  479 

—  Nobukatsu,  son  of  Nobu- 
naga,   in    Ise,    468;    succes- 
sion, 494;  Komaki  war,  497; 
peace  with  Hideyoshi,  498; 
Hideyoshi's  treatment,   504; 
signs  oath  of  loyalty,  507 

—  Nobunaga  (1534-82),  466; 
seizes  Ise,  468;  career,  473 
(ill.)-5;  Hideyoshi  serves  un- 
der, 476;  wins  Okehazama, 
477;  alliance  with  leyasu  and 
Shingen,  478-9 ;  Court  appeals 
to,  479,  481 ;  attitude  toward 
Yoshiaki,  482 ;  practically  sho- 
gun,  482,  483;  makes  peace, 

484;  friendly  to  Christians, 
486,  538-9;  aids  leyasu,  487; 
death,  490;  character,  492-3; 
cur'-ency  reform,  527-8 

—  Nobutada  (1557-82),  with 
leyasu    destroys    army    of 


768 

Takeda      Katsuyori,      489; 
death,   491;  succession,   494 

—  Nobutaka  (1558-83),  494, 
496 

—  Sam  bosh  i.  called  Hidenobu, 
(1581-1602),  son  of  Nobuta- 
da, his  successor,  494 ;  496 

Odate,  governor  of  Harima, 
and  Oke  and  Woke,  118 

Odate  Muneuji,  killed  in  at- 
tack on  Kamakura,  385 

Odawara,  fortress  of  Hojo; 
Odawara-hyogi  proverb  of  re- 
luctance, 466;  attacked  by 
Kenshin,  467;  surrenders 

_(1590),  503 

Oeyama  Shutendoji,  bandit, 
262 

Office  and  official  called  by 
same  name,  96;  and  rank, 
family  qualifications  for,  be- 
fore Heiji  commotion,  295 

Official  or  Court  lands,  kwan- 
den,  under  Diaho  laws,  183 

—  rank  and  aristocratic  titles 
distinguished  by  the  Daika, 
160 

—  rules  (kyaku)  supplement- 
_ing  Yoro  laws,  177 

Oga,  eighth  of  the  great  uji,  de- 
cended  from  Okuninushi,  130 

Ogawa,  at  Sekigahara,  561 

Ogigayatsu,  family  name 
taken  by  Uesugi  Tomomune, 
416;  feud  with  Yamanouchi, 
419,  464;  against  Hojo,  466 

Ogimaru  see   Hashiba   Hide- 

Jcatsu 

Oguchi,  battle  of,  Hideyoshi 
defeats  Shimazu  lehisa,  501 

Ogura,  Mount,  home  of  Fuji- 
wara  Sadaiye,  366 

Ogyu  (or  Butsu)  Sorai  (1666- 
1728),  Confucianist,  writes 
on  "47  Ronin,"  607,  and  on 
government,  613;  626;  re- 
vises code,  641 

Ohama,    nobleman,    placates 

Jishermen,  99 

Ohatsuse,  brother  of  Anko, 
111;  apparently  instigates 
murder  of  ah1  between  him 
and  crown,  112;  succeeds  as 

_Yuryaku  (q.v.) 

Oiratsume,  incestuous  sister  of 
Karu,  111 

Oishi  Yoshiyo  (1659-1703), 
leader  of  "47  Ronin,"  (1703), 
606-7 

Oiwa,  general  in  Korea,  tries 
to  get  throne  of  Kudara,  122 

Ojin,  15th  Emperor  (270-310), 
99-104;  21  provinces  added 
in  his  reign,  87;  ship  building, 
126;  palanquin,  126 

Okabe  Tadazumi  kills  Taira 
Tadanori  at  Ichi-no-tani,  315 

Okagami,  historical  work,  255 

Oka-yama,  castle  in  Bizen,  559 

Okazaki,  in  Mikawa,  leyasu's 
castle  in,  479 


Omu 


Omur 

vites  Jesuits  to  Omura  in 
Hizen,  534;  a  Christian, 
persecutes,  535 

Omura  Sumiyori  (d.  1619), 
_persecutes  Christians,  551 

0-muraji,  head  of  o-uji  or  pre- 
eminent grandee,  98;  office 
held  by  Otomo  and  then 
Mononobe,  129-130;  political 
rivalry  with  o-omi,  133,  135; 
opposing  Buddhism,  134 ; 
property  of,  138,  unimportant 
after  the  Daika,  160;  not  in 
Temmu's  scheme  of  titles, 

_172 

Onakatsu,  consort  of  Inkyo, 
110 

Onchi,  or  Yenchi,  uplands, 
distinguished  from  irrigated 
rice  land  in  Daiho  code,  182 

Ondo    no    Seto,    strait    near 

_K6be,  300 

Onin,  period,  1467-9,  its  rec- 
ords, 423 ;  civil  war  of,  426- 
30;  beginning  of  Sengoku  Ji- 
dai,  460  _ 

Onjo-ji,  in  Omi,  temple  of 
Jimon  branch,  of  Tendai  sect, 
built  by  Otomo  Suguri, 
193  f.n.;  its  armed  men,  273; 
its  abbot  Raigo,  273-4;  part 
played  by  monastery  in 
Yorimasa  conspiracy,  300; 
burnt  by  Taira  (1180),  301 

Ono  Tofu,  scribe,  261,  365 

Ono  Azumahito  (d.  742),  lord 
of  eastern  marches,  builds 
castle  of  Taga,  220 

—  Harunaga  (d.  1615),  son  of 
Yodo's     nurse,     adviser     of 
Hideyori,  565;  plots  against 
Katagiri  and  Tokugawa,  567; 
advises  surrender  of  Osaka, 
568 

—  Imoko,  Japanese  envoy  to 
China   607  A.D.),  145 

—  Yasumaro  (d.  723),  scribe, 
2,  4;  preface  to  Ko-jiki,  214 

—  Yoshifuru,        general       of 
guards,     crushes    revolt    of 
Fujiwara  Sumitomo,  255 

Onogoro,    mythic    island    in 

_story  of  cosmogony,  9 

Ooka  Tadasuke  (1677-1751), 
chief-justice  in  Yedo,  613; 

.revises  code,  641 

0-oku,  harem,  636 

O-omi,  pre-eminent  ami,  head 
of  Kwobetsu-uji,  98;  rivalry 
with  o-muraji,  133,  135; 
favour  Buddhism,  134;  pre- 
eminent after  death  of  Mono- 
nobe Moriya,  138;  title  given 
by  Soga  Emishi  to  his  sons, 
147;  no  longer  important 
after  Daika  (645),  IbO 

Operative  regulations,  Shiki, 
supplementing  Yoro  laws,  177 

Oracle,  of  Sun  Goddess  at  Ise, 
195;  War  God  at  Usa,  199 

Orange      (tachibana)      seeds 


769 

brought  from  China  (61  A.D.) 
84;  trees  introduced,  208  . 

Ordeal,  100;  of  fire,  19,  20, 
125;  of  boiling  water,  kuga- 
dachi,  65,  97,  101,  125;  used 
in  Korea  by  Keno,  123;  in 
questions  of  lineage,  169 

Organtino  (1530-1609),  Jesuit, 
Hideyoshi's  treatment,  539 

Orloff ,  Russian  general,  am- 
buscaded at  Liaoyang,  719 

Orpheus-Eurydice  legend,  Jap- 
anese parallel,  10,  25' -^J"' 

Osabe,  Prince  Imperial,  son  of 
Konin,  poisoned  (772),  204 

Osada  Tadamune  and  his  son 
Kagemune  kill  Minamoto 
Yoshitomo,  293 

Osadame  Hyakkajo,  Hundred 
Articles  of  Law,  613 

Osafune,  swordsmith,  450  nfl 

Osaka,  campaign  from,  against 
Sujin,  79;  Hideyoshi's  castle, 
496,  527;  Chinese  envoys, 
518;  Franciscan  convent,  542; 
missionaries'  residence,  546; 
castle  attacked,  548;  taken 
by  Ishida,  660;  party  of, 
refuse  oath  of  loyalty  to 
Tokugawa,  565;  castle  partly 
destroyed,  567-9;  taken,  570; 
vendetta  illegal  in,  607 ;  Nakai 
Seishi's  school,  614;  rice  ex- 
change, 616;  jodai,  637; 
traders  crush  English  and 
Dutch  competition,  655,  656; 
opened  by  Hy5go  demonstra- 
tion (1866),  675-6 

Osaragi        Sadanao,        Hojo 

.general,  suicide  (1333),  385 

Osawa    family,     masters     of 

jceremonies,  635 

Osaz,aki,  life  name  of  Emperor 
Nintoku,  73  I  ^  : 

Oshihi,  ancestor  of  Otomo 
chiefs,  33,  62 

Oshikatsu,  Rebellion  of,  198 

Oshioki  Ojomoku,  code,  613 

Oshio  Heihachiro  (1792-1837) 
leads  revolt  after  famine  of 
1836-7,  662 

Oshiwa,  son  of  Richu,  killed 
by  Yuryaku,  117-118 

Oshiyama,  governor  of  Mima- 
na,  recommends  cession  (512) 
of  part  of  Mimana  to  Kudara, 
122;  territorial  dispute  of 

_513,  123 

Oshu,  or  Mutsu  (?.».)>  sub- 
jugated (1189),  331;  revolt  of 

_Ando,  377 

Ota  Sukekiyo  (1411-93), 
builds  fort  at  Iwatsuki,  426 

—  Dokwan  or  Sukenaga 
(1432-86),  builds  fort  at 
Yedo,  426;  aids  Ogigayatsu 
branch  of  Uesugi,  464 

Otani,  Nagamasa's  castle,  484, 
485 

Oto,  sister  of  Onakatsu,  con- 
cubine of  Inkyo,  110-11 


Oya 


Oto,  son  of  Tasa,  114 
Oto  Miya  see  Morinaga 
Otoko-yama,  surrendered,  399 
Otomo     family,   descent,   33, 
62,  67,  129;  gate-guards,  284; 
in   Kyushu,    414,    421,   470; 
treatment  of  Xavier  in  Bun- 
go,  532;  feudatory  and  son 
Christians,     535;     persecute 
Buddhists,  537 

—  general,  defeats  Iwaki  and 
Hoshikawa,  117 

—  Prince,   prime-minister 
(671),  169 ;  conspiracy  against 
Oama,  succession  as  Kobun 
(q.v.),  170 

—  Chikayo,  tandai  of  Kyushu 
(1396),  470 

—  Satehiko,  in  Korea  (562),  150 

—  Yakamochi  (d.  785),  anthol- 
ogy/214 

—  Yoshishige,     called    Sorin, 
(1530-87),  in  wars  in  Kyu- 
shu, 470;  defeated  in  Hizen, 

_appeals  to  Hideyoshi,  501 

Otsu,  port,  281 

Otsu,  Prince,  son  of  Temmu, 
170;  rebels  against  Jito  and 

_is  killed,  173 

Otsuki  Heiji  advocates  foreign 

jntercqurse,  665 

O-U,  O-shu  (Mutsu)  and 
U-shu  (Dewa),  388;  in  16th 

jcentury  wars,  471 

Ouchi  family  of  Suwo,  and  the 
revolt  of  1399,  414-15;  con- 
spires in  behalf  of  Hosokawa 
Yoshitane,  433;  tandai,  437; 
in  charge  of  relations  with 
Korea,  443,  and  China,  444; 
quarrel  with  Shogun  445; 
superintend  pirates,  446 ; 
scholarship,  449;  gifts  to 
Throne,  461,  462;  power  in 
16th  century,  469,  taken 
over  by  Mori  Motonari,  470 

—  Masahiro,     pirate    leader, 
446 

—  Mochiyo  (1395-1442),  426 

—  Yoshihiro          (1355-1400), 
Muromachi    general,    nego- 
tiates with  Southern  Court, 
412;  slanders  Imagawa  Ryo- 
shun,  414;  suicide,  415 

—  Yoshinaga  (d.  1557),  470 

—  Yoshioki  (1477-1528),  dep- 
uty   kwanryo   to    Hosokawa 
Yoshitane,   433;  removes  to 
Suw5,  461,  469 

—  Yoshitaka    (1507-51),  ;  re- 
establishes (1548)  trade  with 
China,  445;  Chinese  literat- 
ure, 449-50 ;  defeated  by  Suye 
Harukata,  469 

Owari,  province,  Nobunaga  in, 
476;  fighting  in  Komaki  war, 

_498;  Tokugawa  of,  624 

Oyama,  Iwao,  Prince  (b.1842), 
at  Mukden,  722-3 

Oyamad^  Takaiye,  sacrifice 
saves  Nitta  Yoshisada,  395 


Oye 

Oye  family  could  hold  office 
above  5th  rank,  295 ;  scholars, 
328;  in  Ashikaga  administra- 
tion, 403;  448,  449  onto 

—  Hiramoto  (1148-1225),  first 
president  of  man~dokoro,  327 ; 
reforms  (1185),  328, 330;  sent 
to  Kyoto  ;af  ter  earthquake  of 
1185, 330;  in  council  of  Baku- 

fu,  336;  remonstrates  with 
Sanetomo,  339;  urges  offen- 
sive at  beginning  of  Shokyu 
struggle,  343;  death,  346 

—  Masafusa,  general  in  Nine 
Years'  Commotion,  267;  at- 
tempt to  placate  Raigo,  274 

—  Tomotsuna,  litterateur,  261 
O  Y5-mei  see  Wang  Yang-ming 
Paddy-loom,  introduction,  280 
Pagoda,    7-storey,     194;    13- 

storey,  208;  many  built  by 
Shirakawa,  272 

Pahan-Hachiman,  of  pirate 
ships,  446 

Paikche,  or  Kudara,  near 
Seoul,  Japanese  alliance 
with,  90;  artisans  from,  113 

Paik-chhon-ku  (Ung-jin), 
Japanese  and  Kudara  army 
defeated  by  Chinese,  662 
A.D.,  167 

Painting,  Chinese,  in  Japan, 
113;  and  Korean,  127;  in 
years  540-640,  155;  in  Nara 
epoch,  209;  in  Heian  epoch, 
25 1 , 280 ;  in  Kamakura  period, 
365;  in  Muromachi  period, 
450,  452 

Palace,  ancient,  62;  consecra- 
tion, 63;  in  Nintoku's  reign, 
105;  Asuka,  154;  temporary, 
in  burial,  139;  Kyoto  palace 
burned  and  rebuilt,  624,  629- 
30;  guards,  180;  officials,  635; 
Yoshimitsu's,  417;  Yoshi- 
masa's,  423;  Hideyoshi's, 
506,  521 

Palanquin,  koshi,  of  3rd  cen- 
tury, 126;  one-pole,  kago,  456; 
legislation  about,  576,  585; 
luxurious  use  of,  in  Genroku 
period,  606;  (ill.),  396,  530 

Paletot,  211 

Palisades,  early  defence,  62 

Pattada,  Russian  cruiser  at 
Port  Arthur,  711 

Paper  currency,  604,  610,  639 

Parkes,  Sir  Harry  (1828-85), 
and  Hyog5  demonstration, 
675-6 

Parks  in  Heian  epoch  in  Kyo- 
to, 278;  in  Kamakura  period, 
365;  in  Muromachi,  417,  456; 
see  Landscape  gardening 

Parties,  political,  personal 
character  of,  690;  opposi- 
tion to  cabinet,  692-3;  union 
of  Liberals  and  Progressists, 
693 

Partitions  in  houses,  126,  280 

Parturition  hut,  ubuya,  <g§v«a 


770 

Paulownia,  Imperial  badge, 
374,  461,  525 

Pavilion,  Golden,  of  Yoshimi- 
tsu,  417;  Silver  of  Yoshimasa, 
424,  452 

Pawnshops,  heavy  taxes  on, 
423,  439 

Peaches  in  myth  of  Izanagi 
and  Izanami,  10;  Chinese 
origin  of  story,  26 

Peach  Hill,  Momoyama,  Hide- 
yoshi's palace,  521 

"Peerage,"  Japanese,  Seishi- 
roku  (814  A.D.),  233,  153 

Pehchili,  in  Boxer  Rebellion, 
703 

Peking,  Japanese  in  march  to, 
during  Boxer  Rebellion,  703 

Penal  law  and  penalties, 
ancient,  66,  96,  109,  117; 
proto-historic,  125-6;  ritsu 
of  Daihd&nd  Yoro,  169, 176-8, 
231;  in  Joei  code,  350;  in 
Tokugawa  period,  641-2 

Perry,  Matthew  C.  (1794- 
1858),  Commodore,  U.  S.  N., 
and  treaty  with  Japan,  664-6 

Persecution  of  Buddhists,  134, 
by  Christians,  534,  535,  536, 
537,  influence  Hideyoshi,  540; 
of  Jesuits  after  edict  of  1587, 
541;  of  Franciscans,  543;  of 
Dominicans  (1622),  552;  of 
Japanese  Christians  (1613), 
547;  (1616),  549,  (1622),  552, 
in  lemitsu's  time,  553  rfojijU 

Perseus-Andromeda  story, 
Japanese  parallel,  25 

Pescadores,  ceded  by  China 
(1895),  702 

Pessoa,  Andrea,  blows  up  his 
ship  at  Nagasaki,  653 

Pestilence  in  reign  of  Sujin, 
79;  hi  1182,  301;  in  1783-6, 
623;  displeasure  of  gods  at 
adoption  of  Buddhism,  134  , 

Petition-box  (meyastirbako) 
and  .right  of  petition  (645 
A.D.),  161;  abuse  of,  pointed 
out  in  Miyoshi  no  Kiyotsura, 
246;  petition  belX  in  Kama- 
kura, 353  f.n.;  boxes  re- 
introduced,  612-13 

Petropavlovsk,  Russian  battle- 
ship, sunk,  714 

Pets,  cats  and  dogs,  278 

Pheasant  in  myth  of  Heavenly 
Young  Prince,  16-17 

—  White,  Hakurchi,  nengo  or 
year-period,  650-4  A.D.,  165 

Philippine  Islands,  promised 
to  Hideyoshi  by  Franciscans, 
542;  leyasu's  embassies  to, 
545,  651;  conquest  of,  urged 
by  Cocks,  550,  and  by 
Matsukura  and  Takenaka, 
553;  Japanese  forbidden  to 
visit,  552;  governor-general 
of,  in  Japan,  652 

Phung-chang,  prince  of  Kuda- 
ra, 167 


Pot 

Physical  characteristics  of 
Japanese,  57-60 

Piece,  40  ft.,  unit  of  cloth 
measure,  437  f.n. 

Pine-bark  for  food,  623 

Pine  trees  in  Yedo  castle,  612 

Pirates  in  Shikoku,  Fujiwara 
Sumitomo  sent  against,  255; 
Japanese  piracy  in  Muro- 
machi epoch,  442,  445-7;  and 
invasion  of  Korea,  510 

Pit-dwellers  see  Tsuchi-gumo 

Pitszewo,  landing-place  of  2d 
Japanese  army  (1904),  715 

Plum  tree  groves,  612;  blos- 
som festival,  214 

Poetry,  127,  215;  Nara  epoch, 
214;  Heian,  250;  Chinese 
style,  214-15;  in  battle,' 266; 
in  Genroku  era,  600-1 ;  bureau 
of,  251;  quoted,  13  (f.n.),  14, 
15,66,100,101,115,209,215, 
216,  315,  381,  402,  475,  492, 
524;  see  Couplet  Composing 

Pohai,  Korean  kingdom  of  8th 
century  recognized  by  Japan 
as  successor  of  Koma,  223 

Pok-ein,  Kudara  general,  de- 
feats Shiragi  troops  (660),  167 

Police,  doshin,  637 

—  Board,    Danjo-dai,    duties 
taken  over  by  kebiishi,  232 

—  executive,    kebiishi,    (810- 
29)  179,  232 

Poltava,  Russian  cruiser  at 
Port  Arthur,  711 

Polygamy  in  early  Japan,  7o 

Polytheism  of  early  Buddhism, 
368 

Pontiff,  hv-o,  title  taken  by 
abdicating  Emperor,  197 

Porcelain,  451 

Port  Arthur,  taken  from  Chi- 
nese (1894),  701,702;  Russian 
railway,  705;  Russian  fleet 
at,  crippled  by  Japanese, 
710-12;  Japanese  attack  on, 
was  it  warranted? —  712-13 ; 
fleet  further  crippled,  714; 
harbour  entrance  blocked, 
715;  movements  toward,  715- 
17;  captured  (end  of  1904), 
718,  720-1 

Portsmouth,  Peace  of,  725, 
(text)  737-40 

Portuguese  in  Japan,  530-55; 
introduce  fire-arms,  488-9; 
Spanish  jealousy  of,  542; 
Dutch  and  English  intrigue 
against,  549-50;  instigate 
Christian  revolt,  552;  .edict 
of  1637  against,  554;  refuse 
grant  in  Yedo,  652;  monop- 
olize early  trade,  653;  end  of 
trade,  655-6 

Post  bells,  stizu,  218 

Posthumous  names,  21  (f.n.), 
73,  88  (f.n.);  official  rank 
first  conferred,  168 

Posting  stations,  592 

Potato,  sweet,  introduced,  018 


Pow 

Powder,  in  costume,  279 
Prayer,  magic,  etc.,  281-2 
Preble,     American     brig,     in 

Nagasaki  (1847),  663 
Prefectural  government  as  op- 
posed to  feudal,  128-129;  pre- 
fecture or  ken,  688 
Prices,  official,  (1735),  616 
Priesthood,  Buddhist,  attempt 
to    bring    under    law,    144; 
armed  priests,  273,  453,  462- 
4,    497,    499,    505;    princes 
enter,  441,  577,  except  Crown 
Prince,  620;  temporal  power, 
454-5;  scholarship,  448,  449, 
454  =-,iuifj  i.il.if 

—  Catholic,  leyasu's  attitude, 
547;  and  see  Jesuits,  Francis- 
cans Dominicans,  Augustins 

—  Shinto,  early  rules,  64 
Prime  Minister,  85,  develop- 
ment    of     political     power, 
90-1;  office  first  established 
(671)  169 

Primogeniture  in  early  times, 
Imperial,  90;  in  the  family, 
93;  Imperial,  established  696 
A.D.,  175 

Princely   Houses,   621,  622 

Princes,  Imperial,  change  of 
status  in  Nara  epoch,  205; 
many  become  priests  in  Ashi- 
kaga  epoch,  441;  abbots  of 
Enryaku-ji  and  Kwanei-ji, 
583;  all  but  Crown  Prince 
enter  priesthood,  620;  prince 
abbots,  or  monzeki,  633 

Printing,  Buddhist  amulets 
(770),  404;  in  China,  450; 
from  movable  type,  about 
1592,  520 

Prisons,  642 

Privy  council,  Daijd  (dajo) 
kwan,  171;  Board  of,  179 

Progressist  party,  Shimpo-to, 
organized  (1881)  by  Okuma, 
690;  joins  with  Liberals,  693 

Promotion,  official,  Chinese 
system  introduced  (603  A.D.), 
146;  under  Daiho,  181 

Prose  of  Nara  epoch,  214;  of 
Engi  era  wholly  in  Chinese, 
248-9;  Ki  no  Tsurayuki's 
preface  to  Kokin-shu,  251 

Prosody,  Japanese,  127;  and 
see  Poetry,  Couplet 

Prostitution  in  Yedo,  620; 
Sadanobu's  legislation,  625 

Provinces,  kuni,  91  in  reign  of 
Seimu,  87;  classification,  and 
subdivision  into  kori,  under 
Daiho,  180;  difference  be- 
tween capital  and  provinces 
in  Heian  epoch,  251;  lawless- 
ness, 253,  255;  power  of  pro- 
vincial families,  284;  Bushi 
employed  by  provincial 
nobles,  287;  shugo  system, 
328-9,  abolished  by  Kemmu 
restoration,  388;  local  auton- 
omy abolished,  681-2 


771 

Provincial  rulers,  in  early 
times,  62;  administration  by 
imperial  princes,  85,  87;  early 
kuni  -no-  miyatsuko,  later 
kokushi,  106;  kokushi  under 
Daika,  161-162;  164;  abuses 
under  Shomu  and  Koken, 
200;  use  forced  labour  to 
reclaim  uplands,  201;  term 
reduced  to  5  years  (774),  217; 
administration  criticized  by 
Miyoshi  no  Kiyotsura,  247; 
administration  after  Onin 
war,  431-2;  in  Muromachi 
period,  436-7;  and  Christian- 
ity, 548 

—  temples,    kokubun-ji,    195; 
expense,  245 

—  troops,  abolished  (792)  ex- 
cept on  frontiers,  218 

Public  land,  Kugaiden,  202 

Purchase  value  of  money,  187 
(f.n.) 

Purification,  Great,  Oharai, 
63,  65;  regular,  harai,  65; 
bodily,  misogi,  65;  as  punish- 
ment for  persons  of  high  rank, 
126 

Purple  court  costume,  211; 
ecclesiastical  robes,  589-90 

Pyong-yang,  Korea,  81,  83, 
102;  in  campaign  of  1592, 
513,  514,  516;  taken  from 
Japanese  by  Chinese  (1593), 
517;  Chinese  defeated  at, 
(1894),  701 

Queen's  Country,  Chinese 
name  for  Kyushu  and  west- 
coast  provinces  because  of 
female  rulers,  85 

Queue  -  wearing  and  official 
caps,  (603),  156 

Quiver,  181 

Race  of  Japanese,  58  sqq. 

Raconteurs  or  reciters,  guild 
of,  Kataribe  1,  71,  130 

(ill) 

Raigo,  abbot,  influence,  273-4 

Rai  Miki  (1825-59),  in  Im- 
perial restoration  movement, 
670  d  A  <> 

Rai  Sany5  (1780-1832)  on 
ethical  effects  of  Chinese 
classics,  104;  on  Mintqku, 
105;  on  Bakufu  377;  on  the 
H6j5,  386;  on  Morinaga,  390; 
on  Yoshisada,  399;  on  de- 
velopment of  tactics,  488 

Railways,  Englishmen  em- 
ployed in  planning,  686; 
modern  building,  694 

Rakuo,  pen-name  of  Matsu- 
daira  Sadanobu,  629 

Rank,  hon-i,  205;  changed  by 
Taira  Kiyomori  after  Heiji 
commotion,  295;  and  cos- 
tume, 575-6 

Ransetsu,  verse-writer,  601 

Ratio  of  copper  and  silver  in 
coinage,  187;  of  silver  and 
gold,  671-2 


Ric 

Reclamation,  of  upland,  in 
8th  century,  201;  and  per- 
petual title,  207,  251,  253;  in 
Yoshimune's  time,  615-16, 
617 

Recluse  Emperors,  Three,  341 ; 
and  see  Camera  Government 

Recorder,  of  judgments,  641 

Recorders,  Court  of,  352  f.n. 

Records,  early  Japanese,  2,  3, 
29,  77,  214;  local,  109 

Red  court  costume,  mark  of 
highest  rank,  211;  colour  of 
Taira  ensign,  304  f.n. 

Red  Monk,  name  given  to 
Yamana  Mochitoyo,  421,  427 

Red  walls,  209 

Reed,  source  of  terrestrial  life, 
8;  boat  in  Japanese  myth,  26 

Reform,  Great  (645),  160-5 

Regent  for  grown  Emperor, 
mayor  of  palace,  kwampaku, 
239,  office  abolished  after 
Kemmu  restoration,  387,  in 
Tokugawa  period,  588;  to 
minor,  sessho,  237;  military, 
shikken,  327 

Regent  Houses,  Five,  Go- 
Sekke,  358,  581,  588;  41$;^ 

Registrar  of  Vessels,  155 

Registration  of  land,  270 

Reigen,  112th  Emperor  1663- 
86),  591 ;  abdicates,  620 

Rein,  J.  J.,  on  chronology,  6 

Reizei,  63rd  Emperor  (968- 
969),  grandson  of  Fujiwara 
no  Morosuke,  258-9 

Relief  in  crop-failure  or  sick- 
ness, under  Daiho  laws,  184; 
for  debtors,  376,  422,  617;  for 
sufferers  from  fire  and  torna- 
do, 614;  for  famine,  662 

Religion,  early  rites  63,  65; 
rites  reorganized,  79;  Em- 
peror at  head  of,  96;  in  pro- 
tohistoric  period,  127-8; 
Board  of,  178;  Miyoshi 
Kiyotsura's  description,  246; 
Yoritomo's  attitude,  326;  in 
Muromachi  period,  452-5; 
Department  of,  681;  and  see 
Mythology,  Shinto,  Bud- 
dhism, Christianity 

Ren,  lady  of  Go-Daigo,  con- 
spires against  Morinaga,  for 
her  son  Tsunenaga,  389 

Rennyo  Shonin  see  Kenju 

Restoration,  of  Kemmu  era, 
386;  of  1867,  677 

Return,  English  ship,  655 

Retvisan,  Russian  battleship 
at  Port  Arthur,  711 

Rhinoceros,  fossil,  45  f.n. 

Rice,  castle,  62;  diet,  68;  cul- 
ture, 71;  chewers,  nurses,  74 
f.n.;  corporation  of  cultiva- 
tors, 87;  for  public  use,  124; 
standard  of  exchange,  182; 
store-houses,  for  sale  to 
travelers,  188;  loaned  to  far- 
mers, 200;  substitute  crops 


Rich 

urged,  207;  boiled  and  dried, 
ration,  221 ;  paddy-loom,  280; 
area  cultivated,  15th  century, 
437-8,  beginning  of  16th 
century,  439;  currency,  439, 
638;  relief  tax  on  feudatories, 
614;  production  increased, 
615;  rice  exchange,  616; 
classification  of  fields,  637-8; 
modern  crops,  694 

Richardson,  English  subject, 
killed  in  Namamugi,  673 

"Rich  Gem,"  Princess,  in 
myth  of  Hosuseri  and  Hoho- 
demi,  20,  21 

Richu,  17th  Emperor  (400- 
405  A.D.),  first  of  "proto- 
historic"  sovereigns,  108-10 

Right,   Minister  of,    160 

Rikken  Seiyukai,  "Friends  of 
the  Constitution,"  693 

Riparian  improvements  under 
Nintoku,  105 

Rituals,  Ancient,  63-4 

River  of  Heaven,  Milky  Way, 
12,25 

Rock,  Sacred,  on  Kannabi 
mountains  65 

Rodriguez,  Joao  (1559-1633), 
Portuguese  Jesuit,  interpre- 
ter at  Yedo,  546 

Roju,  seniors,  cabinet,  632, 
633;  council  of  ministers,  re- 
moved from  proximity  to  sho- 
gun,  601;  and  tax  collecting, 
639;  judges,  640 

Rokkaku,  one  of  Five  Regent 
Houses,  416;  Yoshihisa's 
campaign  against,  431 

—  Sadayori,  see  Sasaki  Sada- 
yori 

—  Takayori,  see  Sasaki  Taka- 
yori 

Rokuhara,  n.  and  s.  suburbs 
of  Kyoto,  offices  of  the  Baku- 
fu  tandai,  345,  347;  in  Kyoto 
revolt,  380,  384 

Rokujo,  79th  Emperor  (1166- 
1168),  295 

Roku  Kokushi,  Six  National 
Histories,  188,  251 

Rokuon-ji,  family  temple  of 
Yoshimitsu,  454 

Roku-sho-ji,  Six  Temples 
built  by  Shirakawa,  272 

Roman  Empire,  early  trade 
with  China,  60 

Ronin,  free  lances,  565;  revolt 
of,  584;  "47,"  606  (ill.)-7 

Roofs,  154,  209,  227,  373 

Rope,  straw,  in  myth,  12; 
paper-mulberry,  used  in  fish- 
ing, 72 

Rosen,  Roman  Romanovitch, 
Baron,  Russian  peace  com- 
missioner at  Portsmouth,  725 

Rossia,  Russian  cruiser  at 
Vladivostok,  717 

Rouge,  in  costume,  279 

Rozhdestvensky,  Ziniry  Petro- 
vitch  (b.  1848),  commanding 


772 

Baltic  squadron,  defeated  by 
Togo,  723-4 

Rules  for  Decisions,  349;  of 
Judicial  Procedure,  641 

—  and  Regulations  of  Three 
Generations,   Saridai-Kyaku- 
shiki,  177;  revised  (819),  232 

Rurik,  Russian  cruiser,  717 
Russia,    relations   with,    18th 
and    early     19th    centuries, 
658;  joins  France  and  Ger- 
many    in    note     protesting 
against  Japanese  occupation 
of  Manchurian  littoral,  702; 
war    with,    703-24;    peace, 
724-8,  (text)  737-40;   situa- 
tion in  1911,  730 
Russian,  name  Akuro-5  may 
be  read  Oro-6  and  mean,  222 
Ryobu  Shinto,   mixed  Shinto, 
Kami  being  avatars  of  Bud- 
dhas,  193,  452,  644 
RySgoku,  bridge  in  Yedo,  586 
Ryoken,  priest  of  Nanzen-ji, 
454 

Ryoshun  see  Imagawa  Sadayo 
Ryu,  Shinki,  artist,  113 
Ryuko,   Buddhist  priest,   ad- 
vises  of   Tsunayoshi,    602 
RyQkyu     Islands,      language 
cognate    to    Japanese,     56; 
King    of,     intervenes,     445; 
Japanese     intercourse     with 
islands,    447;    king   of,    and 
Japanese  invasion  of  main- 
land, 516;  French  in,  (1846), 
663;  Formosa  and,  684,  698; 
Chinese  claims  to,  given  up, 
698-9 

Ryuzoki,  Kyushu  family,  de- 
feat Shoni,  470,  471,  500 

—  Takanobu  (1530-85),  death, 
500rl 

Sacrifice,    early,    64;   human, 
47,  50,  74,  82,  105,  163;  of 
weapons,  85;  at  grave,  212 
Sadami,      Prince,      Emperor 

Uda  (q.v.) 

Sadanobu  .see  Matsudaira 
Sadanobu 

Sadato  see  Abe  Sadato 
Sadatoki  see  Hojo  Sadatoki 
Sadatsune,    Prince,   sons,  441 
Sadayori  see  Sasaki  Sadayori 
Sado,  island,   in  early  myth, 
29;    settlement,     34;    silver 
mines,  528;  penal  establish- 
ment, 642 

Sado  Maru,  Japanese  trans- 
port sunk  by  Vladivostok 
squadron,  717 

Saegusa  Moriyoshi  (d.  1651), 
582 

Saeki  family,  member  of, 
made  state  councillor,  225-6 
Saga,  52nd  Emperor  (810- 
23),  231-3;  as  calligrapher 
234,  251 ;  his  children  and  the 
Minamoto,  206 

—  Genji,  branch  of  Minamoto, 
206,  265 


Sak 

Sagami  province  conquered 
by  Hojo  S6un,  465;  Hf>jf> 
and  Uesugi,  467;  tobacco  in, 
617 

Sagara  (Sawara)  Crown 
Prince  under  Kwammu. 
225-6 

Saghalien,  Russians  in  (18th 
century),  658;  Russian  and 
Japanese  claims  in,  697-8; 
Russian  title  recognized 
(1875),  699,  704;  Japan's 
claim  to,  after  war  with 
Russia,  725;  not  to  be  forti- 
fied, 726 

Saho  plots  against  Suinin,  82 

Saicho,  .posthumously  Dengyo 
Daishi,  805  A.D.  introduces 
Buddhist  Tendai,  227  (ill.)- 
8,  367,  368 

Saigo  Takamori  or  Kichino- 
suke  (1827-77),  leader  in 
anti-foreign  movement,  670; 
in  alliance  with  Choshu,  676- 
7;  urges  war  with  Korea  and 
resigns  from  cabinet  (1873), 
683-4;  in  Satsuma  rebellion, 
685-6  (ill.) 

Saigyo  Hoshi  (1118-90),  poet 
and  ascetic,  367 

Saiko,   bonze,   296 

Saikyo,  western  capital,  281 

Saimei,  Empress  (655-61), 
the  Empress  Kogyoku  suc- 
ceeds Kotoku,  166,  460; 
Yemishi  at  coronation,  38 

Saimyo-ji,  Zen  temple,  352 

Saionji   in  Kawachi,   417 

—  Kimmochi,     Marquis     (b. 
1849),  head  of  Constitutionist 
(Liberal)  party,  693 

Sairan   Igen,    book   by   Arai 

Hakusekai,.608 
Saito  family  in  Ise  defeated 

by  Oda,  468;  feud  in  Mino, 

480;    helped    by    Buddhist 

priests,  485 

—  Hidetatsu,  480 

—  Tatsuoki,      defeated      by 
Nobunaga,  480;  leads  revolt 
in  Settsu,  484 

—  Yoshitatsu  (1527-61),  son 
of  Hidetatsu,  kills  him,  480 

Sajima,  Prince,  (d.  125  A.D.), 
37 

Sakai,  near  Osaka,  Ouchi 
Yoshihiro's  castle  at,  415; 
China  trade,  444;  Nobunaga's 
quarrel  with,  482-3;  firearms 
made  at,  489;  port,  529 
—  family,  Bakufu  ministers 
from,  624;  tamarizume,  636 

—  Tadakatsu,      minister      of 
Tokugawa,  584,  586,  594 

—  Tadakiyo   (1626-81)   takes 
over  most  of  Shogun's  power, 
587;  succession  to  Go-Mizu- 
no-o,  590;  succession  to  le- 
tsuna,  596;  displaced,  597;  601 

— •  Tadayo,  minister  under 
Hidetada,  580 


Sakaib 

Sakaibe     Marise,     uncle     of 

Emishi,  146 

Sakamoto,  castle  at,  485 
Saka-no-ye          Tamuramarp 

(758-811),  against   Yemishi, 

221,  223;  aids  Saga,  230 

-  Karitamuro  (728-86),  chief 

of  palace. guards,  222 
Sake,  manufacture  of,  taught 

by  Sukuna,  69;  dealers  taxed, 

439 
Sakitsuya,     killed     for     Use- 

majeste  (463  A.D.),  97 
Sakugen,  priest,  474 
Sakuma  Morimasa  (1554-83), 

defeated,  495 

—  Nobumori  (d.  1582),  soldier 
of  Nobunaga,  477,  481,  487 

Sakura-jima,  eruption,  619 
Sakuramachi,  115th  Emperor 

(1735-47),  621 
Sakurayama,     adherents     of 

Southern  Court,  400 

—  Koretoshi,  commands  force 
loyal  to  Go-Daigo,  381 

Salaries,  official,  615 

Salt,  use  of,  in  early  Japan,  69 

Sanbo-in,  temple,  522 

Samisen,  3-stringed  guitar, 
606;  244  (iU.) 

Samurai,  soldier  class,  free- 
lances, 584;  attitude  of,  to- 
ward foreigners,  671 ;  place  of, 
in  making  New  Japan,  677, 
679;  attitude  of  Crown  to, 
682;  abolition  of,  685;  Satsu- 
ma  rebellion,  685-6 

Samurai-dokoro,  Central  Staff 
Office,  (1180)  in  Yoritomo's 
Bakufu  system,  327;  in  ad- 
ministration of  Kyoto  after 
Shokyu  war,  345;  in  Muro- 
machi  administration,  436 

Sanada  Masayuki  (1544- 
1608),  accused  of  encroach- 
ment, 503;  blocks  Tokugawa 
Hidetada's  army,  560 

—  Yukimura_  (1570-1615),  in 
defence  of  Osaka  castle,  567 

Sandai  Jitsu-roku,  True  An- 
nals of  Three  Reigns,  859- 
87  (901),  5,  251 

Sandai-Kyaku-shiki,  Rules 
and  Regulations  of  Three 
Generations,  177 

Sanetomo  see  Minamoto  Sane- 
tomo 

San  Felipe,  Spanish  galleon, 
wrecked  in  Tosa,  543 

Sanjo,  67th  Emperor  (1012- 
16),  260-1 

—  Sanetomi,  Prince  (1837- 
91),  leader  of  extremist  party, 
673 ;  in  alliance  of  Choshu  and 
Satsuma,  677,  683  (ill.) 

Sanjonishi  Sanetaka,  scholar, 
447 

Sankyo-ron,  Shotoku  quoted 
in,  on  management  of  state, 
142 

Sano,  branch  of  Fujiwara,  266 


773 

Sano  Masakoto    attempts  to 

assassinate     Tanuma     Oki- 

tsugu,  619 

Sanron,  Buddhist  sect,  191 
Santa-Martha,  Juan  de,  Span- 
ish     Franciscan,      executed 

(1618),  551 

Sanuki,  province,  28,  290,  470 
Sapan  wood,  trade,  445 
Sarcophagus,  stone,  clay,  and 

terra  cotta,  of  Yamato,  49 
Saris,    John,    agent    of    East 

India   Company,   settles    at 

Hirado,  653-4 
Sarume,     "monkey    female," 

dances   before    cave  of   Sun 

goddess,  213,  12 
Sasa      Narimasa      (1539-88), 

in  Komaki  war,  497,  500 
Sasaki  family,  branch  of  the 

Minamoto,  265;  favour  Taka- 

uji,  406 

—  Mochikiyo,  estates  of,  426 

—  (Rokkaku)     Sadayori     (d. 
1552)    captures  Kyoto,  433; 
reconciles  hostile  parties,  434; 
generosity  to  Crown,  461 

—  Shotei    general    in    forces 
against  Nobunaga,  484 

—  Takayori   (d.   1520),  great 
estates,       426;       campaign 
against,  432 

Sasebo,  Japanese  sally  from, 

on  Port  Arthur,  711 
Sashihire,      Hayato     assassin 

(399)  of  Nakatsu,  41;  death, 

109  ' 
Sassulitch,    Russian    general, 

on  Yalu,  713,  714 
Satake     family,     Yoritomo's 

attempt   to   win,    306,    307; 

one  of  "8  Generals  of  Kwan- 

to,"    425;   of   Hitachi,   471, 

allies  of  Shingen,  483 

—  Yoshinobu       (1570-1633), 
opposes  leyasu,  559,  taking 
army   over   to   Ishida,    560; 
fief  reduced  J1600),  561 

Satehiko  see  Otomo  Satehiko 
Sato  Tadanobu,  impersonates 
Yoshitsune,  323 

—  Tsuginobu,  318 

Satomi  family,  one  of  "8  Gen- 
erals of  K  wanto,"  425;  fight 
Hojo,  431;  defeated,  466; 
allies  of  Shingen,  483 

Satow,  Sir  Ernest,  sceptical 
of  dates  in  "Chronicles,"  6; 
on  revival  of  Shinto,  649  f.n. 

Satsuma,  Xavier  in,  531; 
later  preaching,  533;  foreign 
ships  in,  menace  Tokugawa, 
550;  trade,  610;  tobacco,  617; 
bonita,  618;  moderate  party, 
673;  against  Tokugawa,  676- 
7;  predominant,  679-80; 
fiefs  surrendered,  680;  clan 
representation,  681 ;  rebel- 
lion of  1877,  670,  684-6 

Sawaga,  monastery,  500 

Sawing  to  death,  642 


Sep 

Scholars,  Chinese  and  Korean, 
in  Japan,  153;  sophists,  240; 
in  Bakufu,  328;  in  Ashikaga 
system,  403 ;  literati  at  Court, 
635;  Japanese  sent  to  Europe 
and  America,  691 

Scholarship  recommended  in 
Court  Laws,  577;  leyasu's 
attitude  to,  578;  revival  of 
learning,  578-9;  Tsunayoshi 
favours  Chinese  scholarship, 
599;  Western,  614 

"Scrutator,"  nairan,  Bakufu 
official  at  court,  330 

Sculpture  in  Nara  epoch,  208; 
in  Heian,  280;  Kamakura 
period,  374-5 

Sea-Dragon,  Castle  of,  myth 
20,  26,  32-3 

Sea,  Command  of,  in  1592 
campaign,  515 

Seals,  137  f.n.;  of  Taiko,  529, 
578;  (ill.),  301,  694,  731 

Seal  skins  in  early  myth,  20 

Seaweed  as  food,  69,  212 

Sebastian,  Spanish  sailor, 
undertakes  coast  survey,  547 

Secretaries  in  Bakufu,   633 

Seed  distribution  by  Crown 
(723),  207 

Seidan,  book  on  government 
by  Ogyu  Sorai,  613 

Seido,  or  Shohei  college,  626, 
627 

Sei-i,  "barbarian  expelling," 
title  of  shoqun,  672;  sei-i 
tai-shogun,  hereditary  title, 
33 1-2 

Seikan,  priest,  566 

Seimu,  13th  Emperor  (131- 
190  A.D.),  87-8 

Seinei,  22nd  Emperor,  (480-4 

117-19 

Seishi-roku,  record  of  nobles 
(814A.D.),  233,  153 

SeiShonagon,  poetess,  249  f.n., 
261 

Seiwa,  56th  Emperor  (859- 
76),  237;  (ill.),  238;  sons  be- 
come Minamoto,  206 

Seiwa  Genji,  branch  of  Mina- 
moto, 206 

Seldgahara,  battle  of  (1600), 
559-61 

Sen,  Japanese  coin,  187 

Senate,  Genro-in,  organized 
(1875),  689 

Sengoku  Hidehisa  (1551-1614) 
soldier  of  Hideyoshi,  497,  502 

Senkwa,,  28th  Emperor  (536- 
9),  succeeds  his  brother 
Ankan,  121-2 

Seoul,  Korea,  80;  march  upon 
(1592),  513-14,  Japanese 
forced  to  give  up,  517;  Chi- 
nese resident  in,  blocks  Jap- 
anese control,  699;  foreign 
legations  removed,  Japanese 
resident-general  in,  728 

Sepulchres  of  Yamato,  49; 
contents,  51,  74 


Ser 

Serpent,  eight-forked  killed  by 
Susanoo,  13.  18,  25;  possibly 
the  name  of  a  local  chief,  31, 
70;  early  shrine,  65;  worship, 
128 

Sesshfl  (1420-1506),  painter 
of  Kamakura  school,  365, 
450;  academy,  452 

Seta,  Long  Bridge  of,  170 

Settsu  Dojun,  suicide,  386 

Settsu,  Buddhist  temple  in, 
137;  Kiyomori  moves  capital 
to  Fukuhara  in,  300;  priests 
revolt,  484 

Seven  Generals  plot  against 
Ishida,  558 

Sexagenary  Cycle  in  Japanese 
chronology,  '5;  accounts  for 
error  of  120  years,  7,  99; 
Chinese  origin  of,  27 

Shaho,  battle  of,  719 

Shaka,  Sakiya  Muni,  368,  369 

Shan-hai-ching,  Chinese  rec- 
ord (4th  cent.  A.D.),  60,  68 

Shantung  peninsula,  fighting 
on,  (1894),  701;  part  of, 
seized  by  Germany,  705 

Shao-kang,  mythical  Chinese 
ancestor  of  Japanese  kings, 
32 

Shell-heaps,  45-6 

Shiba,  district  of  Tokyo, 
Castle  of,  built  (803),  222; 
temple  with  tomb  of  Hide- 
tada,  581 

—  family,  in  office  of  Muro- 
machi  kwanryo,  414,  436;  one 
of  Five  Regent  Houses,  416; 
make  trouble  in  Kyushu,  421 ; 
in  Onin  war,  430;  in  Omi,  469 

—  Mochitane,  estates  of,  426 

—  Tachito,  first  Buddhist  mis- 
sionary, 131,  134 

—  Takatsune,  revolts  against 
Ashikaga,  410 

—  Yoshihige,       minister      of 
Ashikaga  Yoshimochi,  418 

—  Yoshikada,  rival  of  Masa- 
naga,  428 

—  Yoshimasa  (d.  1410),  shitsu- 
ji,  first  to  be  called  kwanryo, 
414,  436 

—  Yoshitoshi  _        (1430-90), 
estates,  426;  Onin  war,  428 

Shibata  Gonroku,  495 

—  Katsuiye  (1530-83),  gener- 
al   under    Nobunaga,     477, 
481,    484;    councillor,    494; 
death,  495-6 

Shibukawa  Noriyasu,  govern- 
ment astronomer,  614 

—  Shunkai,   revises    calendar 
(1683),  599-600 

Shi-do,  "  Way  of  the  Warrior," 
by  Yamaga  Soko,  607 

Shido  Shogun,  Campaign  of, 
79-80 

Shiga,  in  Omi,  176 

Shigehide  see  Hagiwara 
Shigehide 

Shigehito,  Prince,  289,  291 


774 

Shigeko,  mother  of  Ashikaga 
Yoshimasa,  423 

Shigeyoshi  see  Tokugawa 
Shigeyoshi 

Shihotari,  Prince,  commands 
government  station  in  Anra, 
83 

Shijo,  87th  Emperor  (1233- 
42),  355 

Shijo-nawate,  .  in  Kawachi, 
battle  (1348),  402 

Shikken,  military  regent,  in 
Yoritomo's  system,  head  of 
the  man-dokoro,  great  power 
of  office  held  by  Ho  jo  family, 
327;  Ashikaga  substitute 
second  shitsuji  for,  403; 
kwanryo  later  equivalent  to, 
436;  of  Inchu,  office  held  by 
Hino  family,  440 

Shikoku,  early  history,  28, 
29;  pirates  in,  (931-7),  255; 
in  16th  century  wars,  470 

Shikotan,  inhabitants  of,  not 
pre-Ainu,  43 

Shimabara,  battle  of,  defeat  of 
RyOzoki  Takanobu  (1585), 
501;  Jesuits  and  trade  at, 
536;  the  S.  revolt  (1637-8), 
554-5,  puts  end  to  Portu- 
guese trade,  656 

Shimada  Yuya,  judge,  639 

Shimazu  in  Kyushu,  470,  471; 
defeated  by  Hideyoshi,  500-^2 

—  Ei-O,  631 

—  Hisamitsu  or  Saburo  (1820- 
87),  feudatory  of  Satsuma, 
in  Namamugi  incident,  673; 
in  making  of  New  Japan,  677 ; 
with  Saigo  in  Satsuma,  684 

—  lehisa  (d.  1587),   defeated 
by  Hideyoshi,  501-2 

—  Tadahisa    (12th    century) 
founder  of  family,  471 

—  Tadakuni,  in  Ryuku,  447 

—  Yoshihiro         (1535-1619), 
successor  of  Yoshihisa,  502 

—  Yoshihisa  (1536-1611),  de- 
feats Ryuzoki  Takanobu,  and 
is  ousted  by  Hideyoshi,  501- 
2;  against  leyasu,  559,  560; 
escapes  after  Sekigahara,  561 

Shimbetsu,  families  of  pre- 
conquest  chieftains  or  Kami 
class,  77;  three  sub-classes, 
92;  early  administration,  98; 
help  put  down  revolt  of 
Hegun,  128,  129;  and  rank  of 
Empress,  189;  classification 
of  Seishi-roku,  233 

Shimizu,  branch  of  Tokugawa, 
592 

—  Muneharu,  suicide,  490-1 
Shimoda,   residence  given  to 

Americans,  666 

Shimonosekij  French,  Dutch 
and  Americans  fired  upon, 
attack,  674-5;  peace  with 
China  concluded  at,  (1895), 
702 

Shimosa,    Taira    Masakado's 


Shirag 

revolt  in,  254;  Taira  Tada- 
tsune's,  263-4 

Shimpo-to,  Progressist  party, 
organized  (1881),  690 

Shin,  Buddhist  sect  (1224), 
367,  370;  Hongwan-ji  feud 
with  Enryaku-ji,  462-3;  in- 
ternal quarrels,  463;  revolt 
of  1488,  Ikko-ikki,  463-4; 
oppose  Nobunaga,  486; 
interdicted  in  Shimazu,  502 

Shinano,  Yemishi  in,  37;  re- 
volt of  -Minamoto  (Kiso)  no 
Yoshinaka  in,  307-8;  Fakeda 
and  Uesugi  in,  467;  silk 
growing,  617 

—  Genji,  branch  of  Minamoto 
family,  265 

Shingen  see  Takeda  Shingen 

Shingon,  "True  Word," Bud- 
dhist sect  founded  by  Kukai, 
229;  Heijo  and  Shinnyo  de- 
voted to,  231;  esoteric  char- 
acter, 369 

Shingu,  Kii  province,  tomb  of 
Hsu  Fuh,  78;  naval  base  of 
Southern  army,  402 

Shinki,  Chinese  painter,  127 

Shinno,  painter,  450 

Shinnyo,  name  hi  religion  of 
Takaoka,  231 

Shin-o,  bridge  in  Yedo,  586 

Shino  Soshin  and  incense- 
comparing,  457 

Shinran  Shonin  (1184-1268), 
founder  of  Shin  sect,  370, 
462,  463  (ill.) 

Shinto,  sun-myth,  12-13; 
rules  in  Yengi-shiki,  64; 
therianthropy,  65;  shrines  66; 
Board  of  Religion,  178-9; 
first  use  of  name  (c.  586),  135; 
relation  to  Buddhism,  132, 
138;  mixed,  with  Buddhism, 
193,  195,  196,  228,  368,  452, 
644;  overshadowed  by  Bud- 
dhism, 225,  and  subservient, 
229;  insincerity,  246;  in 
Heian  epoch,  281;  priests 
support  Southern  Court,  400; 
relations  with  Confucianism 
and  Buddhism,  452-3;  Pure 
Shinto,  453,  644;  combined 
with  Confucianism,  621;  re- 
vival of,  644^50 

Shinzei  see  Fujiwara  Michinori 

Ships,  early,  22,  60,  72,  126; 
building,  22,  80,  as  tribute, 
99,  100;  bureau  of  shipping, 
155;  China  trade,  443  f.n., 
444^5;  size  limited,  585,  655; 
limitation  removed,  666; 
middle  of  19th  century,  669; 
modern  mercantile  marine, 
695;  illustrations,  360,  556, 
654;  see  Navy 

Shiragi,  Korea,  myth,  60; 
annals,  80;  war  with  Kara, 
81 ;  king  settles  in  Japan,  84; 
submits  to  Jingo,  89;  Japan- 
ese attacks  on,  89;  Chinese 


Shirah 

immigration,  102;  revolt 
against  Yuryaku,  114,  121; 
weakened,  122;  dispute  over 
Imun,  123;  ship-builders, 
126;  Buddhist  image,  134; 
defeats  Kudara  and  Mimana, 
149-50;  Japanese  interven- 
tion, 151;  invasion,  152; 
families  in  Japanese  nobility, 
153;  travel  to  Japan  forbid- 
den, 167 

Shirahata,  in  Harima,  fortress 
held  by  the  Ashikaga,  393-4; 
by  the  Akamatsu,  420,  421 

Shirakabe,  Prince,  204;  see 
Konin 

Shirakawa,  72nd  Emperor 
(1073-86),  271-3 

Shiren,  priest,  454 

Shiro-uji,  branch  of  Taira 
family,  265 

Shishi-ga-tani  plot  (1177) 
against  Taira,  296 

Shitennp-ji,  temple  to  Four 
Guardian  Kings  of  Heaven, 
138 

Shitsuji,  manager,  of  man- 
dokoro,  office  hereditary  in 
Nikaido  family,  327;  of  mon- 
ju-dokoro,  328;  second  s. 
created  in  Takauji's  system, 
403;  and  kwanryo,  414,  436 

Shizuka,  mistress  of  Yoshi- 
tsune,  322,  323 

Shizugatake,  battle  of,  (1583), 
495 

Shoan,  Student  of  Chow  and 
Confucius,  teacher  of  Naka 
and  Kamatari,  148 

Shocho  koban,  gold  coins  of 
1428,  527 

Shodai-ji,  temple,  191 

Shodan-chiyo,  work  of  Ichijo 
Kaneyoshi,  448 

Shoen,  great  estates,  manors, 
251-2,  201-2;  temple  do- 
mains, 208;  attempts  to 
check,  270;  effect  on  agri- 
culture, 281 

Shogun,  "general,"  83,  181; 
head  of  Yoritomo's  bakufu 
system,  327 ;  attempt  to  have 
Imperial  prince  appointed, 
340,  353;  unimportant  under 
Ho  jo,  354;  Fujiwara,  then 
Imperial  princes,  appointed, 
354;  Ashikaga  in  Northern 
Court,  398;  powers  trans- 
ferred to  kwanryo,  436;  under 
Tokugawa,  577;  minister  gets 
power,  587;  separated  from 
ministerial  council,  601; 
Chinese  classics  lessen  power, 
614,  621 ;  court  of  last  appeal, 
639-40;  Imperial  rescript  to, 
673 ;  power  resigned  to  Crown, 
677 

Shohei,  Japanese  pronuncia- 
tion of  Changping,  Con- 
fucius's  birthplace;  Shohei- 
bashi,  bridge,  Shohei-kd,  col- 


775 

lege,  near  temple  to  Con- 
fucius, 578;  lectures  there, 
613 

Shohei,  period,  1346-69,  406 

Shohyo  era,  931-7,  206,  255 

Shokagu-in,  academy  of  Mina- 
moto  (881),  206 

Shoko,  101st  Emperor  (1412- 
28),  son  of  Go-Komatsu,  412, 
418,  460; 

Shokoku-ji,  Zen  temple  in 
Kyoto,  art  school  of  Josetsu, 
45_0;  one  of  the  "Five,"  455 

Shokyu,  year  period  1219-22, 
and  the  struggle  between  the 
Court  and  the  military,  340-4 

Shomu,  45th  Emperor  (724- 
48),  188-97 

Shoni,  independent  family  of 
Kyushu,  421, 444,  470 

—  Tokihisa  (d.  1559),  last  of 
family,  470 

Shonzui  (16th  century),  manu- 
facture of  porcelain,  451 

Shoren-in,  temple  in  Kyoto, 
419 

Shdsd-in,  Nara,  216-17  (ill.) 

Shotoku,  Empress  (765-70), 
Koken  returns  to  throne,  199, 
460;  orders  amulets  printed, 
404 

—  Prince,  or  Taishi  (572-621), 
136;  history,  1,  143;  on  reli- 
gions, 132-3 ;  defeats  Monone- 
be  Moriya,  137;  builds  Bud- 
dhist temple,  137-8;  relations 
withSushun,  138-40;  opposes 
uji  system,  140;  his  "Consti- 
tution,"  140-2;  death,   143; 
China,     144,     153,     367-8; 
official     promotion     system, 
146;  a  painter,  155 

—  period,  1711-15,  trade  rules 
of,  609,  613 

Shrines,  yashiro,  early  Shinto, 
64;  simple  architecture  of, 
66;  in  reign  of  Suinin,  82; 
less  important  than  temple 

*  after  mixed  Shinto,  193; 
shrine  and  temple,  ji-sha, 
193;  immune  from  s/m<70,.329 

Shubun,  painter,  365,  450 

Shui-shu,  anthology,  251 

Shujaku,  61st  Emperor  (931- 
46),  253-6 

Shuko  or  Juko  (1422-1502), 
Zen  priest,  code  and  tea- 
ceremonial,  457 

Shunkai  see  Shibukawa  Shun- 
kai 

Shunzei,  nom  de  plume  of 
Fujiwara  Toshinari,  366 

Shuryo,  Buddhist  priest,  en- 
voy of  Muromachi  to  China, 
445 

Shu-shi  see  Chutsz 

Shushin,  Zen  priest,  454  ^q 

Silk  in  early  times,  68;  culture, 
71,  113,  curtains  for  parti- 
tion, 126;  mulberry  trees  on 
uplands,  182;  in  Nara  epoch 


Soga 

advanced  by  need  of  rich 
robes  for  priests,  208;  ex- 
ported, 444;  growing  in  Ko- 
tsuke,  Shinano,  etc.,  617; 
"silk  clothiers,"  102 

Silkworm,  worship  of,  65 

Silver  and  other  precious 
metals,  186,  528 

Si  Wang-mu,  owner  of  mirac- 
ulous peachtree,  26 

"Six  National  Histories,"  5 

Slave,  value  of,  173-4 

Slaves  and  slavery,  prehis- 
toric, 75;  aliens  become  nuhi 
at  conquest,  77 ;  prisoners  of 
war  and  criminals,  95;  Daika, 
161 ;  laws  on  slavery  for  debt, 
173;  Daiho  laws,  178;  prov- 
inces, 287;  Christians  and 
slave-trade,  539,  540 

Sleeves,  legal  regulation  of, 
211,  279 

Small-pox  interpreted  as  di- 
vine punishment,  134 

Snow  and  snow  festivals,  277; 
image  of  Dharma,  50,8  (ill.) 

So  family  and  Korean  trade, 
444 

So-ami,  artist,  patronized  by 
Yqshimasa,  425;  envoy  to 
Ming  court,  443 

—  Sadamori  (1385-1452)  and 
Korean  trade,  444 

—  Sukekuni  (d.  1274),  gover- 
nor  of   Tsushima,    killed   in 
battle  with  Mongols,  359 

Soden,  inscription  on  Hoko-ji 
bell,  566 

Soga,  family,  descendants  of 
Takenouchi,  106,  130;  power, 
105,  107,  109,  115,  130; 
favour  Buddhism,  133;  rela- 
tion to  Imperial  family,  135; 
crushed  by  Fujiwara,  148-9; 
usurpation  causes  Daika,  164 

—  Akae,  minister  of  the  Left,  in 
conspiracy  against  Oama,  170 

—  Emishi,  d-omi,  successor  of 
Umako,     146;    assumes  Im- 
perial titles,  147;  killed,  149 

—  Iname,   d-omi,  130;  recom- 
mends adoption  of  Buddhism, 
133 ;  and  Buddhist  temple(552 
A.D.),  138 

—  Iruka,  powerful  under  Kog- 
yoku,    147;     quarrels     with 
Yamashiro,  147-8      i  ,•»>; 

—  Sukeyasu,  death,  333 
—.Umako    (d.    626),    histori- 
ography, 1,  143;  d-omi,  kills 
Mononobe  Moriya,  130;  pow- 
er     under     Bidatsu,      134; 
guardian  of  Buddhist  images, 
134;  relationship  to  Imperial 
family,  135;  final  success  over 
Mononebe    Moriya,    136-7; 
builds     temple     of     Hoko-ji 
(587  A.D.)    138;  has  Sushun 
assassinated,  138-9;  alliance 
with  Shotoku  against  military 
system,  140  J  death,  146 


Soge 

Sogen  (Chu  Yuan),  Chinese 
priest,  361;  and  Kamakura 
calligraphy,  365 

Soji-ji,  temple,  454 

Soko  see  Yamaga  Soko 

Solfataras  of  Unzen  volcano, 
torture  of  Christians  in,  553 

Solitary  Kami,  9 

Soma,  branch  of  Taira,  265 

Somedono,  Empress,  wife  of 
Montoku,  236 

Song  Wang  Myohg,  King  of 
Kudara,  and  Buddhism,  132 

Son-Kwang,  Kudara  prince, 
settles  in  Naniwa,  168 

Son-O  Jo-Ir  "Revere  the 
Sovereign,  expel  the  barba- 
rians," motto,  669 

Sorin  see  Otomo  Yoshishige 

Soseki  see  Muso  Kokushi 

Sosetsu,  envoy  to  China  of 
Ouchi  family,  445 

Soshi-Mori,  Korea,  myth,  60 

Sotan,  painter,  450 

SoteloLuis  (1574-1624),  Span- 
ish Franciscan,  attempts  to 
survey -"Japanese  coast,  547 

Soto,  sect,  modification  of 
Zen,  371 

Soun  see  Hoj5  Soun  (Nagauji) 

Southern  Court,  Daikagur-ji, 
356;  war  of  dynasties,  396- 
412;  adherents,  400;  rulers, 
406;  claims  ignored  in  1412 
and  1428,  412,  418 

Southwestern  Japan,  compar- 
ative accessibility  of,  86 

Sow  race,  Borneo,  probable 
source  of  Kumaso,  39 

Soya,  strait  of,  45 

Sozen  see  Yamana  Mochitoyo 

Spaniards,  in  Manila,  jealous 
of  Portuguese,  542;  in  Tosa 
with  "wrecked"  galleon,  543; 
intrigue  against  Dutch,  547, 
653;  Dutch  and  English 
intrigue  against,  549-50,  552 ; 
Hidetada  orders  deported 
(1624),  552,  655;  invasion  by, 
feared,  and  conquest  of  Phil- 
ippines urged,  553;  Spanish 
authorities  forbid  priests 
going  to  Japan,  553;  refuse 
grant  in  Yedo,  651;  trade 
unimportant,  652-3;  end  of 
trade,  655 

Spear,  jewelled,  token  of  au- 
thority of  Kami,  9;  sign 
of  military  authority,  30; 
heads  of,  52;  export  of,  444, 
445;  carrier  (ill.),  622 

Spinning  in  myth,  25;  in  early 
times,  67-8 

Spirit,  lama,  survives  body, 
65;  belief  in  activity  of,  204, 
244,258,282,330 

Spying  in  Bushi  system,  286; 
civil,  2%,  612,  635  f.n.;  in 
Tokugawa  Laws  of  Military 
Houses,  574 

Stackelberg,    Baron,    Russian 


776 

general  defeated  by  Oku  at 

Telissu,  716-7 
Stag's  shoulder  blade,  use  in 

divination,  27,  66 
Stake,  death  at,  125,  642 
Stars  in  cosmogony,  26 
State,  Central  Department  of, 

Nakatsukasa-sho,  179 
Stature  of  Japanese,  58 
Steel  for  swords,  374 
Stirrups  among  sepulchral  re- 
mains,   52;    bridle,    harness 

and,  61  (ill.) 
Store-house,  imikura,  63,  114; 

kura,  281,   administrator  of, 

kura-bugyo,  638 
StSssel,  Anatol  Mikhailovitch, 

Russian   general,    surrenders 

Port  Arthur,  720-1 
Straw,  famine  food,  623 
Straw    mat,    tatsu-gomo,    for 

carpet,  126 

Straw  rope  in  sun-myth,  12 
Sugar  culture,  617 
Sugawara    family    descended 

from  Nomi  no  Sukune,  242; 

scholars,  448,  449 

—  Fumitoki,  litterateur,  261 

—  Hidenaga,  lecturer,  448 

—  Michizane  (845-903),  called 
Kwank5,  schoolman,  240 ;  plot 
to  send  him  on  embassy  to 
China,    241;    Fujiwara   plot 
against,  242  (ill.),  4;  one  of 
authors  of  the  fifth  of  "Na- 
tional Histories, "  188 ;  Chinese 
prose,  249;  shrine,  243  (ill.), 
244, 258;  descendants,  664 

—  Toyonaga,    patronized    by 
Ujimitsu,  448 

Suicide  in  early  myth,  17-18; 
some  examples,  101,  147,  189, 
199,  385-6,  582;  at  grave, 
47,  50,  74,  82,  163,  173,  585; 
in  protest  against  policy,  415; 
as  punishment,  642 

Suiko,  33d  Empress  (593- 
628),  consort  of  Bidatsu, 
140-6;  historiography  1,  3;' 
Chinese  learning,  153 

Suinin,  llth  Emperor  (29 
B.c".-70  A.D.),  81-5;  attempts 
to  abolish  human  sacrifice, 
50,  82 

Suisei,  2nd  Emperor  (581-549 
B.C.),  78 

Sujin,  10th  Emperor  (97-30 
B.C.),  79-81;  and  ship  build- 
ing, 22 

Sukenari  (or  Juro),  333 

Suken-mon-in,  mother  of  Go- 
Enyu,  relations  with  Yoshi- 
mitsu,  441 

Suko,  Northern  Emperor 
(1348-52),  406,  407 

Sukuna  Hikona,  mythical 
pygmy  healer,  15;  inventor  of 
sake,  69 

Sukune  family,  growth  of  its 
power,  90,  105,  106;  see  also 
Takenouchi-no-Sukune 


Suti 

Sulphur  trade,  445 
Sumida,  river  bridged,  586 
Sumidu-gawa,   groves,   612 
Sumitada  see  Omura  Sumita- 

da 
Sumiyoshi,    Kyoto  school   of 

painting,  365;  decorations  for 

Imperial  palace,  629 
— ,  battle,  defeat  of  Ashikaga, 

402 

—  Gukei,  or  Hirozumi  (1634- 
1705),  600 

Summer  Campaign,  570 

Sumptuary  laws  in  Nara  epoch, 
211;  in  Kamakura  period, 
355,  375;  of  Hideyoshi,  525- 
6;  in  military  laws,  576,  584; 
of  Sadanobu,  624-6;  in  early 
19th  century,  661 

Sumpu,  in  Suruga,  leyasu  re- 
tires to,  562,  573,  580;  ven- 
detta illegal  in,  607;  jodai  of, 
637 

Sun,  and  titles  of  nobles,  62 

Sun-crow,  in  Yamato  expedi- 
tion, 23;  on  banners,  155 

Sun  goddess,  withholds  light, 
12,  an  incarnation  of  Buddha, 
195 

Sung,  writer  on  war,  286 

—  philosophy,    .Gen-e    intro- 
duces, 447-S;  painting,  Jose- 
tsu  introduces,  450 

Sungari,  Russian  transport  at 
Chemulpo,  712 

Sunrise  Island,  Jih-pen, 
Chinese  or  Korean  name  for 
eastern  islands,  77 

Superstition,  in  4th-6th  cen- 
turies, 127;  in  Nara  epoch, 
196;  in  Heian,  274,  281-2 

Supply,  Departments  of,  in 
capital,  under  Daihd,  180 

Suruga,  brigands  of,  crushed 
by  Yamato-dake,  37;  prov- 
ince given  to  leyasu,  489 

—  Genji,  branch  of  Minamoto 
family,  265 

Survey  for  map  under  Hide- 
yoshi, 527;  coastal  begun  by 
Spanish,  547 

Susanoo,  Kami  of  Force,  con- 
test with  Amaterasu,  11; 
expelled  from  heaven,  kills 
great  serpent,  13;  as  tree- 
planter,  22;  rationalization 
of  myth,  31;  its  bearings  on 
relations  with  China  and 
Korea,  60;  purification  of,  65; 
as  guardian  of  forests,  71; 
ruler  in  Shiragi,  81 

Sushen,  Tungusic  settlers  on 
Sado  Island  (549  A.D.),  34; 
expeditions  of  Hirafu  against, 
(658  &  660),  34-5;  captives  of 
Yemishi,  38,  39;  later  called 
Toi,  262 

Sushun,  32nd  Emperor  (588- 
92),  138-40,  130 

Su  Ting-fang  attacks  Kudara 
(660  A.D.),  167 


Suto 

Sutoku,  75th  Emperor  (1124- 
41),  273;  Hogen  tumult, 
289,  290-1 

Sutras,  Buddhist,  194;  copying 
as  atonement,  290 

Suwo,  brigands,  40;  woman 
ruler  in,  85 ;  Ouchi  family  of, 
443,  460 

Suye  Harukata,  called  Zen- 
kyo  (d.  1555),  crushed  by 
Mori  Motonari,  469 

Suzuka-yama,  apparent  Tatar 
remains  in  shrine  at,  222 

Swan,  Yamato-dake  in  form  of, 
65;  in  cure  of  dumbness,  82 

Sword,  myth,  Imperial  in- 
signia, 13,  18,  31,  33,  60,  63, 
79,  319;  sepulchral  remains, 
51 ;  single-  and  double-edged, 
70;  offered  at  shrines,  85; 
large  and  small,  181;  Mina- 
moto  heirlooms,  285,  299; 
swordsmiths,  374,  450-1;  ex- 
ported, 444,  445;  hilts,  451, 
302  (ill.) ;  samurai  and  sword- 
wearing,  682,  685;  illustra- 
tions, 176,  413,  460,  509 

Syllabary,  phonetic,  develop- 
ment in  Japanese  away  from 
Chinese  ideograph,  3;  in 
Heian  epoch,  kata-kana  and 
hiragana,  250;  used  in  Joei 
code,  349 

Ta-be,  rice-cultivators  or  rustic 
corporation,  87,  96 

Table  and  cookery  in  ancient 
Japan,  69;  in  Kamakura 
period,  374 

Tachibana  family,  240 

—  Hayanari    (d.   843),   exiled 
with  Tsunesada,   236;   calli- 
grapher,  234  f.n.,  251 

—  Hiromi,  scholar,  240 

—  Moroe  (684-757),  minister 
of  the  Right,   acquiesces  in 
rule  of  Koken-Shotoku,  200; 
may  have  compiled  anthol- 
ogy of  "Myriad  Leaves,"  214 

Tachiri  Munetsugu,  Court  en- 
voy to  summon  Nobunaga  to 
Kyoto,  479,  481 

Tactics,  of  Bushi,  286;  gradual 
change  in,  487-9 

Tada  Genji,  branch  of  Mina- 
moto,  265 

Tadahiro  see  Kato  Tadahiro 

Tadakiyo  see  Sakai  Tadakiyo 

Tadamori  see  Taira  Tadamori 

Tadateru  see  MatsudairaTada- 
teru 

Tadayoshi  see  Ashikaga  Tada- 
yoshi and  Tokugawa  Tada- 
yoshi 

Tadong  River,  Korea,  81;  in 
campaign  of  1592,  513,  514 

Taema,  Prince,  and  expedition 
against  Shiragi  (603  A.D.),  151 

Taema-no-Kuehaya,  wrestler, 
83 

Ta-fu,  Japanese  envoy  to 
China  (A.D.  57),  84 


777 

Taga,  Castle  of;  built  in  724 
to  check  Yemishi,  220;  head- 
quarters transferred  to 
Isawa,  222 

Taguchi  Shigeyoshi,  deserts 
with  fleet  to  Minamoto  in 
battle  of  Dan-no-ura,  319 

Tai-hei-ki,  historical  work  of 
14th  century,  quoted  on 
causes  of  Shokyu  struggle, 
341 ;  on  Yoshinaga,  393 

Taiho  see  Daiho 

Taiken-mon-in,  consort  of 
Toba,  273;  intimacy  with 
Shirakawa,  289  :;doK 

Taiko,  "great  merit,"  183; 
ex-regent,  title  of  Hideyoshi, 
522;  Taiko-zan,  temple  at  his 
birthplace,  4  '6 

Taikoki,  "Annals  of  the  Tai- 
ko "  quoted  on  Hideyoshi's 
palace,  506-7 

Taikwa  see  Daika 

Tai  Peh,  Chinese  prince,  exile 
to  Japan  (800  B.C.),  32; 
Imperial  descent  from,  645 

Taira,  family,  descended  from 
Prince  Katsurabara,  generals 
of  Imperial  guards,  205-6,  86; 
called  Heike,  206  f.n. ;  manors 
and  armed  forces,  252;  lose 
estates,  253;  quarrel  with 
Minamoto,  254,  263;  revolt 
against  Fujiwara,  258;  pro- 
vincial branches,  265;  treat- 
ment of  priests,  274  the 
Gen-pei  epoch,  struggle  with 
Minamoto,  284-335;  geneal- 
ology,  288;  in  Heiji  tumult 
crush  Minamoto,  292-3 ;  hold 
most  important  offices,  295; 
Yorimasa  conspiracy  against, 
299;  defeated  by  Minamoto, 
302-24 

—  Atsumori  (1169-84),  killed 
at  Ichi-no-tani,  315 

—  Chikafusa,  provincial  gov- 
ernor, 308 

—  Hirotsune,    favours    Yori 
tomo,  305 

—  Kanetaka,  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor of  Izu,  303;  is  killed  by 
Tokimasa,  304 

—  Kiyomori   (1118-81),   wins 
manors,    252;    treatment    of 
priests,   274;  crushes   Mina- 
moto,    288,     292;     supports 
Gp-Shirakawa,  289;  alliance 
with    Shinzei,    292;    lessens 
power     of     Fujiwara,     294; 
supreme,  295;  arbitrary  rule, 
296;  crushes  Yorimasa  con- 
spiracy, 299-300;  death,  301, 
308 

—  Korehira,  founder  of   Ise- 
Heishi,  265,  288 

—  Koremochi,      founder      of 
branches  of  Taira,  265 

—  Koremori,       commands 
army  sent  against  Yorimoto, 
306 


Tais 

Taira  Masakado.(d:.  940),  206, 
his  revolt,  253-4,  275 

—  Masamori,    crushes    rebel- 
lion of  Minamoto  Yoshichika, 
288        .  >:nu&fl 

—  Michimori,  killed  in  battle 
of  Ichi-no-tani,  315 

—  Munekiyo  helps  save  life  of 
Yoritomo,  293-4,  302;  rela- 
tions with  Minamoto,  320 

—  Munemori  (1147-85),  Shi- 
shi-ga-tani  plot,   296;  aban- 
dons Kyoto,  309-10;  refuses 
Yoshinaka's  request   for  an 
alliance,    312;   escapes   after 
Ichi-no-tani,  315;  defeated  at 
Yashima,   317-18;  executed, 
319 ;  possibly  a  changeling,  320 

—  Noritsune    (1160-85),    de- 
feats Ashikaga  Yoshikiyp  in 
B  tchu,    31 1 ;    at    Yashima, 
318;  drowned  at  Dan-no-ura, 
319 

—  Sadamori     defeats     Taira 
Masakado,  254,  265,  288 

—  Shigehira   (1158-85),  sacks 
and  burns  three  monasteries, 
301;  in  1181  attacks  Mina- 
moto   Yukiiye,    308;    taken 
prisoner  at  Ichi-no-tani,  315; 
death,  320 

—  Shigemori   (1138-79),  265, 
288;     Fujiwara    Narichika's 
jealousy    of,    296;    restrains 
Kiyomori,  297;  death,  :298 

—  Shigenobu,  in  revolt  against 
Fujiwara  (967),  258 

—  Tadamasa,  favours  Sutoku 
in   Hogen  tumult,    executed 
by  Kiyomori,  289,  290,  291 

—  Tadamori         (1096-1153), 
body    guard    of    Shirakawa, 
288  f.n.;   against  Yoritomo, 
306;  descent,  206;  treatment 

:  of  priests,  274 

—  Tadanori  (1144-84),  killed 
at  Ichi-no-tani,  315 

—  Tadatsune,     defeated     by 
Minamoto  Yorinobu  (1031), 
263-4 

—  Takamochi,    first    marquis 
(889)  of  Taira,  205-6 

—  Tomoakira,  saves  his  father, 
315  % 

—  Tomomori  (1152-85)  burns 
and  sacks  monasteries,  301; 
saved  by  his  son  at  Ichi-no- 
tani,  315;  drowned  at  Dan- 
no-ura,  319 

—  Tomoyasu,  enemy  of  Yoshi- 
naka,      commands      palace- 
guards,  312 

—  Tsunemasa,  264     if  ue  i  .adjsT 

—  Yoritsuna,      guardian      of 
Sadatoki,      crushes     Adachi 
(1286),  killed  (1293),  376 

—  Yoshibumi,  265 
Taishiden  Hochu,  Shotoku  in, 

on  Buddhism,  132-3;  on 
property  of  Mononobe  Mori- 
ya,  138 


Tait 

Taitsang,  taken  by  pirates, 
1560 

Taitsu,  Chinese  Emperor,  pro- 
tests against  piracy,  443,  445 

Tajima,  king  of  Shiragi,  settles 
in,  84,  88 

—  Mori,  sent  for  orange  seeds, 
84 

Taka  becomes  empress,  238 

Takaaki,  younger  brother  of 
Murakami,  'banished,  257-8 

Takachiho,  Mt.j  in  Hyuga 
(Saikaido),  21 

Takahashi,  Mr.,  on  "Mallet- 
headed"  swords,  51 

Takahira,  Kogoro,  Baron  (b. 
1864),  peace  commissioner  at 
Portsmouth,  725 

Takahito,  Prince,  son  of  Go- 
Shu  jaku,  attempt  to  have 
him  passed  over,  269;  see  Go- 
Sanjo 

Takaichi,  Prince,  170;  dies 
(696),  174  •*;!>  non 

Taka-ichi,  Yamato  province, 
possibly  the  "Plain  of  High 
Heaven"  of  myth,  29,  30 

Takakage  see  Kohayakawa 
Takakage 

Takakuni  see  Hosokawa  Taka- 
kuni 

Takakura,  80th  Emperor 
(1169-SO),  295-8 

Takamatsu,  castle  in  Bitchu 
besieged  by  Hideyoshi,  490, 
491 

Takama-yama  and  Takama- 
no,  Yamato,  30  ,«^-ni 

Takamochi,  first  of  the  Taira 
family,  205  ,iion 

Takamuku  Kuromaro,  litera- 
tiis,  national  doctor,  160; 
leader  of  embassy  to  China 
(654,  A.D.),  166;  dies  there, 
168 

Takanaga,  Prince  (1311-38), 
commander  against  Ashikaga 
Takauji,  392;  in  war  of  dy- 
nasties, 398;  suicide,  399 

Takano,  consort  of  Konin, 
mother  of  Kwammu,  204 

Takanori  see  Kojima  Takanori 

Takao,  temple  at,  304 

Takaoka,  monk,  travels  in 
India,  231 

Takashima  Kihei,  called 
Shirodayu,  or  Shuhan,  advo- 
cates foreign  intercourse 
(1853),  665 

Takata,  sect  of  Shin,  463 

Takatomo,  Pruice,  adopted 
son  of  Okimachi,  505 

Takatsukasa  family  founded 
by  Fujiwara  Kanehira,  one 
of  "Five  Regent  Houses," 
358 

Takatsuki,  fief  of  Takayama, 
538 

Takatsune  see  Shiba  Taka- 
tsune 

Takauji  see  Ashikaga  Takauji 


7.78 

Takayama  (d,  1596)  feuda- 
tory of  Takatsuki,  converted 
by  Vilela;  his  son  Yusho, 
"Don  Justo  Ukondono,"  538 

Takeda  family  of  Kai  favour 
Yoritomo,  305.  308;  help  in 
overthrow  of  Yoshinori,  428; 
alliance  with  Ho  jo  and  war 
with  Uesugi,  466-7;  his  allies 
against  Nobunaga,  483  -uuo 

—  Katsuyori  (1546-82),  mar- 
ries   Nobunaga's    daughter, 
479,  but  makes  war  on  him, 
487-8;  defeated,  489 

—  Nobumitsu  stirs  up  Yori- 
tomo against  Yoshinaka,  309 

— •  Shingen,  or  Haranobu 
(1521-73),  war  with  Uesugi, 
466-8  (ill.) ;  alliance  with  No- 
bunaga, 479,  and  with  leyasu, 
486-7;  death,  485;  military 
art,  488;  signature,  520  (ill.) 

Takenaka,  of  Nagasaki,  perse- 
cutes Christians,  553 

—  Shigeharu,  soldier  of  Hide- 
yoshi,  480 

Takenouchi-no-Sukune,  sev- 
eral prominent  officials^  1st 
to  4th  century,  106-7; 
against  Yemishi,  36;  prime 
minister,  85;  great  duke  of 
the  Presence,  98;  in  conquest 
of  Korea,  88-90;  succession 
to  Jingo,  90-1;  ordeal  for 
treason,  100-1 ;  grand- 
daughter, marries  Nintoku, 
105;  descendants,  105,  106; 
theHeguri,  127 

Takenouchi  Shikibu(1716-71), 
teacher  of  Chinese  classics, 
621;  forerunner  of  Restora- 
tion, 622 

Taketori  Monogatari,  "Bam- 
boo gatherer's  narrative," 
classic,  251 

Takigawa  Kazumasu,  soldier 
of  Nobunaga,  kwanryo  of 
K  wan  to,  489;  favours  Nobu- 
taka,  494;  defeated  by  Hide- 
yoshi,  495 

Takinosawa,  battle  of,  victory 
over  Takeda,  488 

Takuan  (1573-1645),  Emperor 
gives  purple  robe  to,  589-90 

Takuma  artists,  280   .aion 

Takuahan,  Manchuria,  4th 
Army  lam  Is  at ,  717 

Takutsakasa  Sukehira,  prime 
minister  in  Kyoto,  opposes 
Kokaku,  631 

Talien,  taken  from  Chinese 
(1894),  701,  702;  Russian 
railway,  705 

Tallies  used  in  trade  with 
China,  444,  445 

Tamba,  urchins  of,  the  princes 
Oke  and  Woke,  118;  rice 
grants  charged  to  province, 
588 

Tamehira,  younger  brother  of 
Murakami,  258 


Tamibe,  naturalized  aliens  in 
pro-historic  time,  94 

Tamichi,  general,  killed  by 
Yemishi,  367  A.D.,  38 

Tamon,  i.  e.  Ananda,  statue 
in  castle  of  Azuchi,  486 

Tamu  no  Mine,  valley,  site  of 
shrine  to  Kamatari,  168 

Tamura,  Prince,  Emperor 
Jomei  (629),  146 

Tamura  family  defeated  by 
Date,  471 

Tamuramaro  see  Saka-no-ye 
Tamuramaro 

Tan,  land  unit,  182,  527;  tan- 
sen,  area  tax,  439,  440,  r>_> 

Tanaka  Harukiyo,  rebuilds 
shrine  of  Hachiman,  452 

Tandai,  inquisitors,  two  repre- 
senting Bakufu  at  Court, 
345;  the  Ryd-Rokuhctra,  347; 
similar  offices  at  Hakozaki 
and  Nagato,  362;  in  Muro- 
machi  period,  436-7 

Tanegashima  island  where 
Portugese  first  landed,  530; 
name  used  for  muskets  they 
introduced,  488-9 

Tanetsugu  see  Fujiwara  Tane- 
tsugu 

Tang,  Chinese  systems,  and 
power  of  Throne  (645-70), 
128;  most  of  features  of 
Daika  taken  from,  160  f.n., 
164;  respects  in  which  not 
adaptable  to  Japan,  204; 
Kyoto  modelled  on  Tang 
metropolis,  Changan,  226 

Tanners  from  Korea,  119 

Tanuma  Okitomo  (Mototomo) 
(d.  1784),  son  of  Okitsugu, 
619,  623 

—  Okitsugu  (Mototsugu) 
(1719-88),  favourite  of  le- 
shige,  prime  minister  of  le- 
haru,  618-19,  623 

Tan  Yang-i,  Chinese  scholar, 
153 

Taoism  and  Shinto,  648 

Tao  Lung  see  Doryu 

Tasa,  omi  of  Kibi,  removed 
by  Yuryaku,  112;  leads  re- 
volt in  Mil nana,  114 

Tatars,  possibly  prominent 
in  Yemishi  revolts  of  8th 
century,  222;  Golden  and 
Khitan  in  China,  358 

Tote,  fortress  or  warp,  266  f.n. 

Tate  Chikatada,  one  of  Yoshi- 
naka's  four  body  guards,  313 

Tatebito,  famous  archer,  137 

Tatsunokuchi,  in  Yedo,  site  of 
court  of  justice,  633 

Tattooing  as  penalty,  66,  612; 
as  decoration  first  in  proto- 
historic  period,  when  penalty 
abandoned,  109 

Tawara  Toda  see  Fujiwara 
Hidesato 

Taxation,  early,  67,  80;  and 
land-holding,  95-6;  war  tax, 


Tay 

97;  land  not  taxed,  124; 
requisitions,  124-5;  in  Shoto- 
ku  s  constitution,  142;  Daika, 
162,  164-5;  Daiho,  183; 
Ashikaga  period,  426,  438-9, 
440;  toll-gates,  430;  tokusei 
riots,  431;  under  Tokugawa, 
637-8 

Tayasu  branch  of  Tokugawa, 
eligible  to  Shogunate,  592; 
named  from  gate  of  Yedo 
Castle,  618 

—  Munetake,  or  Tokugawa 
Munetake  (q.v.),  624 

Tea,  plants  introduced  (814), 
280;  more  generally  (1191), 
374;  picking,  in  Uji,  623  (ill.) ; 
festivals,  425;  ceremonial, 
457,  159  (ill.),  influence  on 
ceramics,  451,  and  architec- 
ture, tea-parlours,  452,  131 
(ill.) ;  Hideyoshi's  interest  in, 
507 

Technical  vocabulary,  Jap- 
anese, 57 

Teeth-blackening,  74,  279 

Teika  see  Fujiwara  Sadaiye 

Teikin-orai,  text  book  of  let- 
ter-writing, 448 

Teid-keizu,  Imperial  genealogy, 
448 

Telissu,  battle  of,  Russians 
defeated  by  Oku,  716-17 

Tembun  koban,  gold  coins 
minted  in  1532-55,  527 

Tembyo,  period  (729-48),  193 

Temman,  Tenjin,  shrine  of 
Michizane,  244 

Temmangu  see  Michizane 

Temmoku-zan,  in  Kai  prov- 
ince, defeat  of  Takeda  at,  489 

Temmu,  40th  Emperor  (673- 
86),  Prince  Oama,  170-2; 
historiography,  2;  sumptuary 
laws,  211 

Temples,  early  Buddhist,  137- 
8;  mixed  Shinto,  193;  pro- 
vincial, 194;  estates,  208, 329; 
the  "Six,"  272;  Nara  epoch, 
209;  at  Kamakura,  439;  the 
"Five,"  schools  and  scholar- 
ship, 448,  455;  revenue,  439; 
commissioners,  436,  633,  634; 
leyasu's  legislation,  577-8; 
under  Imperial  princes,  583, 
588 

Tempo,  period,  1830-44,  fam- 
ines, 661 ;  reformation  of,  662 

Tenchi,  38th  Emperor  (668- 
71),  168-9;  burial  mound,  50; 
painters,  127;  Daika,  165; 
see  Naka 

Tendai,  monastery  and  doc- 
trine of  Saicho,  228,  367,  368; 
temple,  283 

Tengai,  abbot  of  Enryaku-ji, 
in  bell-inscription  affair,  566; 
temple  at  Nikko,  582;  Kwan- 
ei-ji,  583 

Tenjin,  descendants  of  prime- 
val trinity,  sub-class  of  Shim- 


779 

betsu,  92;  name  under  which 
Michizane  was  apotheosized, 
244 

Tennoki,  Record  of  the  Em- 
perors, 2 

Tenno-zan,  position  in  battle 
of  Yamazaki,  493 
Tenryaku,    year-period,    947- 
57,  258,  261 

Tenryu-ji,  temple  at  Saga, 
built  by  Takauji;  T.-bune, 
merchantmen,  sent  to  China 
for  art  objects;  T.-seiji,  cela- 
don vases  from  China,  442, 
453,  455 

Tenshin,  "kami  of  the  de- 
scent," chieftains  of  expedi- 
tion from  Kyushu,  77 

Tensho,  year  period,  1573-91, 
coins,  528 

Tenson,  "Heavenly  grand- 
child," epithet  of  Hikoho 
Ninigi  33,  64;  sub-class  of 
Shimbetsu,  descendants  of 
Sun  goddess,  92;  superior  po- 
sition of,  98 

Teraishi,  Dr.,  on  decoration  of 
bronze  bells,  49  (f.n.) 

Terasaka  Kichiemon,  one  of 
"47  Ronin,"  607 

Terumoto  see  Mori  Terumoto 

Terutora  see  Uesugi  Kenshin 

Tetsuo,  priest  of  Daitoku-ji, 
454 

Text  books,  448 

Thatch  on  houses,  154 

Thermal  springs,  127;  157 

Thirty-year  census,  181 

Three  Years'  War,  Go-Sannen 
(1089-91),  267 

Thunder,  Kami  of,  in  tree,  65, 
196;  axes,  46 

Tientai,  Japanese  Tendai, 
Chinese  monastery,  228 

Tientsin  relieved  by  Japanese 
troops  in  Boxer  Rebellion, 
703 

Tiger,  magic  taught  by,  196 

Tiles,  peculiar  to  temples,  154; 
roofs  of  official  buildings  tiled 
in  Nara  epoch,  209;  slate- 
coloured  and  green  in  city  of 
Kyoto,  227 ;  in  Kamakura  pe- 
riod, 373;  ill,  441 

Timur  gives  up  attack  on 
Japan,  363 

Ting,  Chinese  admiral,  de- 
feated at  Weihaiwei,  701-2 

Titles,  or  gentile  names,  73; 
new  under  Temmu,  171 

Toba,  74th  Emperor  (1108- 
23),  273;  state  domains,  253; 
palace,  272,  273 

Tobacco  growing,  617;  pipe 
and  pouch,  107  (ill.) 

Toda  Izu  no  Kami,  advocates 
foreign  intercourse  (1853), 
665 

—  Tadanori,  adviser  of  Nari- 
aki,  662 

Todai-ji,    Kegon    temple    at 


3iTok 

Nara,  bronze  Buddha,  193, 
367;  procession  in  Koken's 
reign,  197;  great  bell,  210; 
bell-tower,  453  (ill.);  statue, 
158  (ill.);  gak-guards,  280; 
burnt  by  Taira,  301 

Todo  Takatora  (1556-1630) 
helps  Tokugawa,  580 

Toei-zan,  Ueno  hill,  temple  of 
Kwanei-ji,  583 

Tofuku-ji,  Buddhist  temple, 
S.E.  of  Ky5to,  454,  455 

Tofuku-mon-in,  Kazuko,  first 
Tokugawa  consort,  580;  wife 
of  Go-Mizu-no-o,  589 

Togashi  family  splits  in  Onin 
war,  430 

Togo  Heihachiro,  Count  (b. 
1857),  Japanese  admiral,  at- 
tacks Russian  fleet  at  Port 
Arthur,  711;  blocks  entrance 
to  harbour,  714-15;  defeats 
Russians  at  Tsushima,  723-4 

Toi  invade  Japan  (1019). 
262-3 

Toichi,  wife  of  Kobun,  170 

Toin  see  Doin 

To-ji,  Shingon  temple  (Goku- 
ku-ji)  in  Kyoto,  367 

Tokaido,  road  from  Kyoto  to 
Tokyo,  560 

Toki  see  Doki 

Tokichi  see  Toyotomi  Hide- 
yoshi,  475  f.n. 

Tokimasa  see  Ho  jo  Tokimasa 

Tokimune  (or  Goro)  avenges 
father's  murder,  333  , 

Tokiuji  see  Yamano  Tokiuji 

Tokiwa,  mistress  of  Yoshito- 
mo,  294,  306 

Tokiyasu,  Prince,  see  Koko 

Tokiyo,  Prince,  mar-rites 
daughter  of  Sugawara  Michi- 
zane, 242-3 

Toku,  empress  Kenrei-mon-in, 
295;  mother  of  Emperor  An- 
toku,  297 

Tokugawa,  descent  of  family, 
556;  hereditary  system 
founded  by  leyasu,  504; 
shogunate  of  family,  556-73; 
oath  of  loyalty  to,  564-5; 
the  T.  Bakufu,  573-643; 
"Constitution,"  576;  school, 
Shohei-ko,  578;  Imperial 
family,  marries  into,  580,  589 ; 
strengthened,  581-2;  attitude 
to  feudatories,  593;  Hide- 
tada  line  succeeded  by  Kii 
branch,  610-11;  families  in 
ministry,  624;  decline  of 
power,  661-78;  end  of  sh5- 
gunate,  677 

—  Chikauji    (d.    1407?),    an- 
cestor of  Matsudaira,  556 

—  Hidetada  (1579-1632),  sho- 
gun  (1605-22)  557,  562;  anti- 
Christian  edict  (1616),  550-1; 
orders    Spaniards    deported, 
552;  in  war  with  Uesugi,  560; 
daughter  weds  Hideyori,  562; 


Tokug 

attacks  Osaka,  567;  I«\v:i- 
su's  instructions  to^  570; 
i*ule,  death,  character,  580-1 ; 
and  Crown,  588 
Tokugawa  Hirotada  (1526- 
49),  556  "  yd  jmu 

—  Hyakkaid,    One    Hundred 
Rules  of  Tokugawa,  641 

— leharu    (1737-86),    shdgun 
(1760786),  618-20,  624 

—  lemitsu   (1603-51),   shdgun 
(1622-51),  581-3;  treatment 
of  Christians,  552-3;  leyasu's 
instructions  to,  570;  requires 
nobles   to   reside    at    Yedo, 
581-2;  and  feudal  lords,  594 

—  lemochi  (1846-66.),  shogun 
(1858-66),  668;  marries  Em- 
peror's sister,  672;  resigns,  676 

—  lenari  (1773-1841),  shogun 
(1786-1837),    624,    629;    his 
father's   rank,    630-1;    abdi- 
cation, 662 

—  lenobu  (1662-1712),  shogun 
(1709-12),  608-10;  621 

—  lesada    (1824-58),    shogun 
(1853-8),  667-8 

—  leshige   (1702-61),    shogun 
(1745-60),     618;     his     son, 
Shigeyoshi,  ancestor  of  Shi- 
mizu  branch,  592 

—  letsugu   (1709-16),  shogun 
(1712-16),  610,  620 

—  letsuna  (1642-80),  4th  sho- 
gun (1651-80),  583-9;  power 
passes  to  minister,  587;  ab- 
dication   of   Oo-Saien,   591; 
death,  596-7 

—  leyasu    (1542-1616),    466, 
478  (ill.)-9j  in  war  on  Asaku- 
ra  and  Asai,  483,  484;  alliance 
with  Shingen,  486-7;  defeats 
Takeda,     489;     threatened, 
492;   in   Komaki   war,    497; 
peace  with  Hideyoshi,  499; 
against  Hojo,   503 ;  receives 
KwantOj,    504;    takes    oath, 
507;  in  Hideyoshi's  scheme, 
523,  524;  Oiristianity,  544-9; 
Will  Adams,  546;  death,  549, 
57 1 ;  family,  556-7 ;  succession 
to  Hideyoshi,  557-9;  wealth, 
559;    Sekigahara,    561;    dis- 
tribution   of    fiefs,     561-2; 
shogun,  562;  Hideyori,  563- 
4;    defied    at    Osaka,    565; 
Hoko-ji  bell,  565-6;  attacks 
Osaka  castle,  567-70;  char- 
acter, 571-2;  legislation,  573- 
8;  literature,  578-9;  Hideta- 
da,      580;     shrine,      582-3; 
patterned    upon    by   Yoshi- 
mune,    611;   Shinto   revival, 
644;  foreign  intercourse,  651; 
signature,  529  (ill.) 

— leyoshi    (1792-1853),    sho- 
gun (1838-53),  661-8 

—  Jidaishi,  on  leyasu's  laws, 
578 

^Mitsukuni       (1628-1700), 
sympathizes  with  Masayasu, 


698;  interest  in  letters,  600, 
644  (ill.)-5 

-  Munetada  (1721-64),  foun- 
der of  HitotsubasHi  branch, 
592,  618 

—  Munetake  (d.  1769)  found- 
er  of   Tayasii  branch,  592, 
618,  624 

—  Nariaki  (1800-60),  daimyo 
of  Mito,  anti-foreign  policy 
of,   662;  attempts  to  make 
his  son  shogun',  668;  surren- 
ders   edict    against    shdgun, 
670-1;  677    • 

—  (or  Matsudaira)  Nariyuki, 
feudatory  of  Kir,  668 

—  Nobuyasu  (1559-79),  557; 
marriage,  479' 

^Nobuyoshi  (1583-1603), 
daimyo  of  Mito,  557,  591 

—  Shigeyoshi        "( 1745  -  95 ), 
founds  Shimizu  branch,  592 

—  Tadanaga  <1605-33), 
brother  of  lemitsu,  594;  595 

—  Tadayoshi        (1580-1607), 
daimyo  of  Kiyosu,  557,  591 

—-Tsunayoshi  (1646-1709), 
shdgun  (1686-1709),  596-608; 
considerate  for  Crown,  620 

—  Yorifusa  (1603-61),  daimyo 
of  Mito,  557;  one  of  Sanke, 
591 

—  Yorinobu  (1602-71),  daimyo 
of  Kii,  557,  591 

—  Yoshimune       (1677-1751), 
shdgun  (1716-45),  611  (ill.)^ 
18;  camera  rule,  618;  Tayasu 
and    Hitotsubashi  branches, 
592,  618 

—  Yoshinao  (1600-50),  daimyo 
of  Owari,   557,   591;  founds 
Shdhei-ko  school,  578 

-^  Yoshinobu  or  Keiki  (1837- 
97),  son  of  Nariaki  and  his 
candidate  for  shdgun,  668; 
Crown  urges  his  promotion, 
673;  guardian  of  shogun,  674; 
shdgun  (1866-8),  676;  resigns 
677;  surrenders  Yedo,  678 

Tokuhon  see  Hatakeyama 
Mochikuni 

Tokun5  support  Southern 
Court,  400 

Tokuno  Michlkoto,  defender 
of  Go-Daigo,  382 

Tokusei,  ' '  benevolent  .policy, ' ' 
laws  of  1297,  376;  extension 
of  policy  under  Ashikaga, 
422-3;  riots,  431;  for  debtors, 
617 

TokusS,    priest,  454 

T5kyo,  formerly  Yedo,  eastern 
capital,  .281,  682 

Tomi  see  Fujiwara  Tomiko 

Tomoe,  Yoshinaka's  mistress, 
313 

Tomohira,  Prince  (963-1009), 
poet,  261 

Tomohito,  Prince,  see  Kdkaku 

Tomo,  Princess,  see  Go-Saku- 
ramichi 


Toyo 

Tomo  Kowamine,  exiled  (843) 

with   I'riuce  Tsunesada,  '2'/,i\ 
Ton-a  (1301-34),  poet,  367 

1  '<in;uni-yamL  Echizen,  defeat 

of  Taira  at,  309  , 
Tonegawa,  flotxl  in,  619 
Tone-yama,  battle  (1573),  485 
Tonghak   rebellion   in   Korea 

(1884),  Chinese  troops  sent 

to  quell,  700-1 
Tongkato,  Korean  history,  its 

chronology,  90 
Tori    Smcni     (Korean     Nori 

Sachhi) ,  Buddhist,  1 32 
Torii  Mototada  (1539-1600), 

dies  in  defense  of   leyasu's 

castle,  559-60 

—  Suneemon,  487 
Tornado  of  1718,  614 
Torres,    Baltasar    de    (1563- 

1626),  Jesuit,  companion  of 
Xavier,  532,  533,  534 
Tortoise  shell,  divination,  66 
Torture  in  ancient  Japan,  66 
Tosa,     province,     28;     ichijo 
family  loove  to,  461;  seized 
by   Chosokabe,   470;   bonita 
curing  in,  617;  T  memorial 
against    Bakufu,    677;    sur- 
render   of    fiefs,    680;    clan 
representation,  681 
Tosa,  Kyoto  school  of  paint  ing, 
280,  365,  450, 452;  patronized 
by  Tsunayoshi,  600;  decora- 
tions of  palace,  629 

—  Mitsunobu  see  Mitsunobu 

—  Mitsuoki,  teacher  of  Hiro- 
zumi,  600 

Tosa  Nikki,  Tosa  Diary,  2/">l 

Tosabo  Sh5shun,  bonze^  322 

Tosando,  mountain  road,  503 

Toshiiye  see  Maeda  Toshiiye 

Toshiyori-roju,  633 

Tosho-ji,  temple,  suicides  in 
its  cemetery  after  defeat  of 
Hojo,  385,  386 

Towers,  royal,  116,  126;  fire 
watch  tower,  108  (ill.) 

Toyohara  Tokimoto,  musi- 
cian, 267 

Toyohito  see  Kogon 

Toyokuni  Daimyo-jin,  temple 
of,  sacred  to  Hideyoshi, 
destroyed  by  leyasu,  570 

Tdyonari  see  Fujiwara  no 
Toyonari 

Toyotomi,  family,  revolt  of 
rdnin  (1651),  584;  decline  of 
influence,  594 

—  Hidetsugu       (1568-95), 
adopted  successor  of  Hideyo- 
shi, 504,  522;  Hideyoshi's  let- 
ter to,  516  f .n. ;  death,  522-3 

—  Hideyori  (1593-1615),  son 
of  Hideyoshi,  496,  522;  re- 
gent,   523;    Christians    join 
him     against     leyasu,     548; 
Ishida  favours,   558-9;  nai- 
daijin,       marries       leyasu's 
granddaughter,  562;  leyasu's 
estimate,  563;  opposes  leyasu, 


Toyo 

565;  refuses  to  surrender,  568; 
suicide,  570  t  ,1o 

Toyotomi  Hideyoshi(  1536-98), 
466,  475  (iU.)-7;  battle  of  Oke- 
hazama,  477-8;  in  Ise  and 
Kyoto,  481;  Sakai,  482;  war 
with  Asakura  and  Asai,  483- 
6;  against  Takeda  Katsuyori, 
487;  invades  Chugoku,  489- 
91;  plans  war  on  China,  445, 
489;  pea'ce  with  Mori,  491; 
Nobunaga,  492;  defeats 
Mitsuhide,  493 ;  councillor, 
494;  crushes  Takigawa  Kazu- 
masa  and  Shibuta  Katsuiye, 
495;  Yodogimi,  496;  Osaka 
castle,  496-7;  in  Komaki 
war,  497-8;  peace  with 
leyasu,  499; regent,  499,  506; 
crushes  remaining  enemies, 
500-4;  treatment  of  leyasu, 
504-5;  .  Buddhism,  505-6; 
palace,  506-7,  521;  tea- 
festivals,  wealth,  507-8 ;  inva- 
sion of  Korea,  509-18;  death, 
519,  523-4;  family,  522;  kills 
Hidetsugu,  522;  character, 
524;  legislation,  525-7;  Chris- 
tianity, 539-44;  tomb,  570 

—  Kunimatsu,  son  of  Hide- 
yori,  killed  by  leyasu,  570 

"Trade,  Chief  of,"  155 

Transportation,  early,  80; 
roads  in  Nara  epoch,  210; 
in  Heian,  281 ;  in  Muromachi, 
456 ;  improved  by  Nobunaga, 
492-3;  laws,  585;  Tokugawa 
improvements,  592;  road- 
commissioners,  635;  railway 
building,  694 

Treason  under  Daiho  code,  178 

Treasury  established  405  A.D., 
110;  three  in  Yuryaku's  reign, 
114;  burnt  in  1659,  603-4; 
see  Finance  Department 

Treaties  with  United  States, 
Russia,  Holland,  England, 
666;  commercial  treaty  with 
United  States,  667;  with 
Korea,  685;  with  China,  702; 
with  Russia  (Portsmouth), 
724-8;  with  China  (Peking), 
727 

Tree,  sacred,  of  Buddhist 
temples,  274;  tree  worship, 
65;  myths  of  tree  planting, 
14,  22,  31;  stories  of  huge 
trees,  70 

Trigrams,  in  divination,  66 

"True  Word,"  Shingon,  231, 
369 

Tsarevitch,  Russian  battleship 
at  Port  Arthur,  711 

Tsin  dynasty  (265-317)  and 
Chinese  migration,  102 

Tsuchi-gwno,  ' '  Earth-spiders ' ' 
or  "Pit  dwellers,"  34,  41-4; 
called  Wado  by  Chinese,  77 
Tsuchi  Mikado,  83d  Emperor 
(1199-1210),  335;  abdicates, 
341;  exile,  344 


781 

Tsugaru  in  16th  century  wars, 
471;  remains  of  Tatar  for- 
tress, 223 

—  strait,  controlled  by  Japan, 
703 

Tsugunawa  see  Fujiwara 
Tsugunawa 

Tsuguno,  architect,  126 

Tsuka,  Korean  prince,  mi- 
grates to  Japan,  102 ;  carpen- 
ters, 126 

Tsukiji,  in  Yedo,  naval  col- 
lege at,  669 

Tsukuda,  island,  642 

Tsukushi  see  Kyushu 

Tsunayoshi  see  Tokugawa 
Tsunayoshi 

Tsunehito,  Prince,  father  of 
Kokaku,  rank,  630-1 

Tsuneko,  consort  of  Kwazan, 
259 

Tsunenaga,  Prince  (1324-38), 
conspiracy  to  make  him  heir, 
389-90;  poisoned  by  Takauji, 
399 

Tsunesada,  Prince  (823-84), 
exiled  (843),  236  t  \o  m 

Tsure-zure-gusa,  "Weeds  of 
Tedium,"  367 

Tsuruga,  ancient  Kehi-no-ura, 
81,  .88.;  fortifications  (1280), 
361  - -.{  ..ci.f  RJtfj  ui  \ 

Tsurugaoka  hill  in  Kamakura, 
shrine  of  Hachiman,  305 

Tsushima,  islands,  in  early 
myth,  28;  silver  discovered 
(674)  and  gold  (701),  186; 
attacked  by  Toi  (1019),  262, 
by  Mongols  (1274),  359,  and 
(1281)  362;  attacked  by 
Koreans  in  1419,  443^4; 
Korean  trade,  444;  Chinese 
squadron  attacks,  445;  out- 
post of  Japan,  512;  Hakuseki 
wishes  to  limit  Korean  en- 
voys to,  608;  commerce,  610; 
commanding  strait,  703 ; 
Russian  attempts  upon,  704; 
battle  of,  Russian  fleet  de- 
feated by  Togo,  723-4 

Tsutsui  Junkei  (1549-84), 
deserts  Akechi  Mitsuhide  in 
battle  of  Yamazaki,  493; 
succession  to  Nobunaga,  494 

Tsuwata  Saburo,  suicide,  313 

Tsuying,  king  of  Pohai,  Korea, 
223 

203-Metre  Hill,  Port  Arthur, 
fighting  at,  720-1 

Uchida  leyoshi,  warrior,  313 

— •  Masanobu  (1619-51),  sui- 
cide, 582 

Uda,  59th  Emperor  (888-97) 
Prince  Sadami,  239-41 

Uda  Genji  of  Omi,  branch  of 
Minamoto,  265 

Ueda  castle,  560,  580 

Ueno  park,  Kiyomizu  temple, 
578;  hill  called  Toeizan,  583, 
599;  abbot  of,  candidate  for 
throne  in  1867,  678  N)i  ,* 


Uji 

Uesugi,  family,  favours  Tada- 
yoshi,  406;  overthrows  Ashi- 
kaga,  409;  kwanryo,  414;  two 
branches,  416;  quarrels,  419, 
431,  464;  join  against  Hojo, 
466;  shitsuji,  419;  governor- 
general  of  Kwanto,  420;  pa- 
tronize schools,  449;  against 
Mogami,  471;  Hideyoshi 
makes  peace  with,  500 

—  Akifusa,  shitsuji  to  Shige- 
uji,  425 

—  Akisada,  estates,  426 

— •  Akiyoshi,  avenges  his  father, 
406 

—  Fusaaki  (1432-66),  425 

—  Kagekatsu        (1555-1623), 
lieutenant    of    Hideyoshi    in 
Komaki  war,  497 , 500 ;  against 
Hojo,    503;    senior   minister, 
523;  with  Ishida  Katsushiga 
plots    against    leyasu,    558; 
open  break  with  leyasu,  559; 
fiefs  reduced  after  Sekigahara, 
561 

—  Kenshin,   originally  Nagao 
Kagetora.    (1530-78),    kwan- 
ryo, war  with  Hojo  and  Ta- 
keda,   466-7    (ill.),    checked 
between  Nobunaga  and  Shin- 
gen,  479;  military  art,  488 

—  Mochifusa,     sent      against 
Kamakura  by  Ashikaga  Yo- 
shinori  (1439),  420 

—  Mochitomo  (1416-67) 
fortifies    Kawagoe,    426 

—  Noriaki  (1306-68),  shitsuji, 
403,  415;  exile,  409 

—  Noriharu  (d.  1379),  suicide, 
415 

—  Norimasa  (1522-79),  driven 
from  Hirai  by  Ujiyasu,  467 

—  Norimoto  (1383-1418),  419 

—  Noritada  (1433-54),  shitsu- 
ji to  Shigeuji,  death,  425 

—  Norizane  (d.  1455),  plot  to 
kill,  419;  helps  defeat  Kama- 
kura forces  (1439),  420 

— •  Shigeyoshi  (d.  1349),  shitsu- 
ji, exiled,  404-5 

—  Tomomune,  shitsuji,   415- 
16 

—  Tomosada,  shitsuji,  403 

—  Ujinori,  419 

— Yoshinori  (d.  1378),  shitsuji, 
415,  416 

Uji,  families,  rank,  92-3; 
government,  96,  8,  establish- 
ed and  abolished  by  Emperor, 
96-7;  taxation,  124-5,  142; 
feudal  chiefs,  128;  the  Eight 
Great  Uji,  129-30;  opposed 
by  Shotoku,  140;  rank,  146; 
government,  164;  Jinshin, 
170;  Kami  elective,  172; 
princely  families,  205-6; 
academies,  206;  record,  233; 
territorial  names,  287 

Uji  river,  Yamashiro  province, 
battle  at,  300 
Uiyasu  see  Hojo  Ujiyasu.  Ib7 


Uk 

Ukhtonsky,  Rear-Admiral 
Prince,  commanding  Russian 
squadron  at  Port  Arthur,  718 

Ukita  Hideiye  (d.  1662),  sol- 
dier of  Hideyoshi,  497,  against 
Chospkabe,  600;  command  er- 
in-chief  in  Korea,  513,  516, 
517 ;  one  of  5  senior  ministers, 
523;  and  Hideyoshi's  laws, 
526;  against  leyasu,  559,  560; 
estates  forfeited,  561 

—  Naoiye     (1530-82),     turns 
from  M6ri  to  Nobunaga,  489 

Umako  see  Soga  Umako 

Umashimade,  ancestor  of 
Mononobe,  129 

Umeda    Genjiro,    pen-name 
"Umpin"     (1816-59),     pro- 
motes  Imperial   restoration, 
669 

Umetada  Akihisa,  metal- 
worker, 451 

Unclean,  eta  and  hinin,  in 
Kamakura  classification,  372 

Unebi,  Mt.,  tomb  of  Jimmu, 
24;  Soga  mansion,  148 

Ung-jin  (Paik-chhon-ku),  Jap- 
anese defeat  at,  (662),  167 

United  States,  Japanese  rela- 
tions with,  1837,  '46,  and 
'48,  663-4;  Perry,  664-5; 
Townsend  Harris,  666-7; 
Shimonoseki  affair,  674; 
Americans  in  education,  post- 
office,  agriculture,  etc.,  686- 
7;  intervention  in  Russo- 
Japanese  war,  724;  threats 
of  war,  730 

Unkei,  sculptor,  280 

Unzen,  volcano,  Christians 
tortured  in  solfataras,  553 

Upland,  onchi,  201,  207 

Urabe  Kanetomo  (15th  cen- 
tury), Shinto,  452-3 

—  Yoshida,    Shinto    doctrine 
of,  453 

Uraga,  English  refuse  for 
headquarters, 653-5;  Manhat- 
tan enters,  663;  Perry  in,  664 

Urup,  island,  Russians  in, 
(1792),  658 

Uryu  Sotokichi  (b.  1857), 
rear-admiral,  destroys  Rus- 
sian cruisers  at  Chemulpo,  712 

Usui  Pass  in  Yamato-dake's 
march,  identification  of,  86 

Usume,  female  Kami,  61 

Usuri,  won  by  Russia  (1860), 
704 

Utsonomiya  family,  one  of 
"8  Generals  of  Kwanto,"  425 

Valegnani,  Alexander  (1537- 
1606),  Jesuit  vice-general, 
visits  Kuchinotsu  in  1578, 
536;  embassy,  541 

Variag,  Russian  cruiser  at 
Chemulpo,  712 

Vehicles,  proto-historic,  126; 
in  Nara  epoch,  210 

"Vehicles"  of  Buddhism,  369 

Veil  in  ancient  costume,  68 


782 

Vendetta,  beginning  of  in 
Japan  (486  A.  D.),  118-19; 
(1193),  332,  378;  of  Ak6, 
606-7;  illegal  in  Kyoto, 
Yedo,  Osaka  and  Sumpu,  607 

Vermilion  pillars,  209;  stamp 
of  Taiko,  529,578 

Vilela,  Gaspard  (d.  1570), 
Portuguese  Jesuit,  in  Kyoto, 
537 

Village,  part  of  agata,  180; 
assemblies,  67;  chief,  637 

Vivero  y  Velasco,  Rodrigo, 
governor  of  Philippines, 
agreement  .  with  leyasu 
(1609),  652 

Vladivostok,  strategic  situa- 
tion, 704;  Russian  squadron 
at,  crushed  by  Kamimura, 
717;  objective  of  Rozhdes- 
tvensky,  723 

Volcanic  eruptions,  604,  619 

Wa,  "dwarf"  or  "subservi- 
ent," early  Chinese  name  for 
Japanese,  60,  83,  145  (f.n.) 

Wada  Yoshimori  (1147-1213) 
son  of  Yoritomo's  benefactor, 
333]  in  Bakufu  council,  336; 
betto  defeated  and  killed 
by  H5jo  Yoshitoki,  327;  338 

Wadded  garments,  first  men- 
tioned, in  643  A.D.,  156;  use 
prescribed,  585 

Wado,  Chinese  name  of  west- 
ern tribe  of  Japan,  77,  84 

Wado,  copper  era  (708-15), 
5,  186 

Wage,  in   1498,   438   f.n. 

Waka,  wife  of  Tasa,  taken 
from  him  by  Yuryaku,  117 

Waka-irutsako,  younger  son 
of  Ojin,  105 

Wake,  funeral  ceremony,  74 

Wake,  Prince,  burial  of,  74 

—  Kiyomaro    (733-99),    ban- 
ished,  199;  chooses  site  for 
new    capital   for   Kwammu, 
226 

Wakiya  Yoshiharu,  son  of 
Yoshisuke,  in  defeat  of 
Takauji,  407 

—  Yoshisuke  (d.  1340),  broth- 
er of  Nitta  Yoshisada  and 
provincial  governor,  388;  in 
command  of  Imperial  army 
against   the   Ashikaga,   392, 
399 

Wakizaka  Yasuharu  (1554- 
1626)  at  battle  of  Sekigahara, 
561 

Wang  Yang-ming  (1472-1529) 
philosophy  of,  officially  dis- 
placed by  Chutsz's,  613; 
Nakaye  T5ju  follows,  626; 
summary  of  system,  627-8; 
644 

Wani,  Korean  scribe  in  Japan, 
103,  109;  his  descendant, 
Wang-sin-i,  103,  153,  155 

War,  Department  of,  Hyobu- 
sho,  164,  179 


Yak 

War  God,  Hachiman,  Oracle 
of,  199 

War  Office,  Heisei-kan,  171 

Waseda  University,  Tokyo, 
founded  by  Okuma,  691 

Watanabe,  fleet  at,  before 
battle  of  Yashima,  316-17 

Watanabe  family,  branch  of 
Minamoto,  265 

Watarai,  temple  of,  in  Ise, 
princess  priest  of,  64 

Watazumi-no-Kuni,  Japanese 
intercourse  with,  84 

Watch,    in    capital,    180 

Water-supply  of  Yedo,  587 

Wave-men,  ronin,  565,  584, 
587 

Wax,  vegetable,  industry,  617 

Weaving  in  early  times,  67-68 ; 
early  taxes  paid  by,  80; 
development,  617 

Weights  and  measures,   155 

Weihaiwei,  taken  from  Chi- 
nese (1894),  701-2 

Wei  Records,  A.D.  211-265, 
on  Japanese  markets,  71 

Western  Army,  Yamana  forces 
in  Onin  war,  439 

Whale,  fossil  remains,  45  f.n. 

White,  mourning  colour,  212; 
colour  of  Minamoto,  301 

Wi-ju,  Korea,  515;  Russians 
at,  (1904),  713 

Winter  Campaign,  570 

Wistaria,  fujiwara,  168;  bark 
used  for  mourning  garments, 
213 

Witchcraft,  in  Nara  epoch,  196 

Wo  (Japan),  tributary  to 
Chinese  Kingdom  of  Yen,  60 

Woke,  see  Ninken 

Women,  use  phonetic  lan- 
guage, 3;  warriors,  3,  29,  30, 
79;  tribute  to  serpents  and 
marauders,  31 ;  prehistoric 
status,  75;  rulers,  85,  157; 
hostages,  86;  morality,  216, 
276-7;  literature,  249-50; 
property  rights,  350;  in  Toku- 
gawa  period,  643;  punish- 
ment of,  642;  shogun's 
harem,  636;  illustrations, 
612,  616,  660 

Wrestling  in  prehistoric  times, 
75;  first  recorded  match  (23 
B.C.),  82-3 ;  professional  sport, 
214;  (ill.),  375 

Wu,  Chinese  Emperor,  and 
Buddhist  propaganda,  131 

Wu-Ti,  Chinese  emperor,  con- 
queror of  Korea,  83 

Xavier,  St.  Francis  (1506-52), 
Jesuit  missionary,  lands  in 
Kagoshima  (1549),  530-1;  in 
Hirado,  Yamaguchi,  Kyoto, 
and  Bungo,  death,  531-2 

Yada  castle  in  Ise,  480 

Yae,  wife  of  Hideyoshi,  fol- 
lowed by  military  clique, 
522,  557 

Yaka,  mistress  of  Tenchi,  169 


Yak 

Yakami,  Princess,  of  Inaba, 
13,  marries  Great-Name 
Possessor,  14 

Yakami,  castle  in  Tamba,  490 

Yakushi,  Buddhist  god  of 
wisdom,  inscription  on  image 
of,  153;  y.-ji,  temple,  194  (ill.) 

Yalu  River,  Korea,  in  1592 
campaign,  513,  515;  Chinese 
cross,  (1894),  701;  Russians 
and  Japanese  on,  (1904), 
713;  Russians  defeated,  714 

Yama,  Indian  god,  25 

Yamabe,  Prince,  204;  see 
Kwammu 

—  Akahito,  poet,  214 
Yamabushi,  priests,  196 
Yamada  Tesshu,  on  Bushi,  386 
Yamaga      Soko       (1622-85), 

philosopher  of  bushido,  607-8 ; 
Chinese  teaching,  626 

Yamagata  Daini  (1725-67), 
executed,  621 ;  fore-runner  of 
Restoration,  622 

Yamaguchi,  Korean  envoys 
come  to,  443;  Xavier  in,  531, 
532;  Jesuits  leave,  533; 
Christians  in,  537 

Yamamoto  support  Southern 
Court,  400 

Yamana,  family,  joins  South- 
ern party,  407-8;  controls 
ten  provinces,  409,  411; 
turns  to  Northern  Court, 
410;  crushed,  411;  rehabili- 
tated, 421;  one  of  Five  Re- 
gent Houses,  416;  holdings, 
426;_Hosokawa,  427;  forces 
in  Onin  war,  Western  Army, 
429;  "province  holders."  436 

—  Mitsuyuki,  in  revolt  against 
Northern  Dynasty,  411 

—  Mochitoyo,    called    Sozen, 
"Red  Monk,"  (1404-73),  gets 
Harima,    421;   great   estate, 
426;  in  war  on  Hatakeyama, 
427;  forces  choice  of  Shiba 
Yoshikado  as  kwanryo,  428; 
deserts  Yoshimi,  429;  death, 
430 

—  Norikiyo  receives  province 
of  Mimasaka,  421 

—  Noriyuki,    captures   Shira- 
hita,  421 

—  Sozen  see  Yamana  Mochi- 
toyo 

—  Tokiuji    (d.    1372),     joins 
Ashikaga,  410 

— -  Ujikiyo  rebels  (1391) 
against  the  Ashikaga,  411 

Yamanobe,  Princess,  173 

Yamanouchi,  family  name 
taken  by  Uesugi_Yoshinori, 
416;  feud  with  Ogigayatsu, 
419,  464;  join  them  against 
Hojo,  466 

Yamashina,  Kamatari's  resi- 
dence, 192 

Yamashiro,  Prince,  candidate 
for  throne  in  629  and  641, 
146;  suicide  147-8 


783 

Yamashiro,  early  shrine,  64; 
campaign  from,  against 
Sujin,  79;  canal,  155;  mean- 
ing of  name,  225;  school  of 
painters  (604  A.D.),  155 

Yamato,  expedition  from  Kyu- 
shu against,  21-4;  meaning 
of  name,  29,  77,  as  used  by 
Chinese,  84;  kindred  race  at 
time  of  conquest,  24,  32,  76; 
retirement  to  Tsukushi,  32; 
culture,  49-54;  physiognomy, 
54,  58;  relations  with  Cau- 
casians, 55;  language,  56; 
school  of  painting,  452 

Yamato,  Prince,  human  sacri- 
fices at  burial  of  (2  A.D.),  50 

Yamato-dake  and  Susanoo's 
sword,  13,  37;  campaign 
against  Yemishi,  36-7 ; 
against  Kumaso,  40,  85-86; 
a  swan,  65 

Yamato  Genji,  branch  of 
Minamoto,  265 

—  Oguna,     earlier    name    of 
Yamato-dake,  40 

Yamazaki,  battle  of,  (1282), 
493 

—  Ansai,  follower  of  Chutsz, 
621;  forerunner  of  Restora- 
tion, 622 

Yanaida  Takasuke,  estates, 
426 

Yanagawa  Seigan,  Imperial 
restoration  movement,  670 

Yanagisawa  Yasuaki,  or 
Yoshiyasu,  (1658-1714), 
favourite  of  Tsunayoshi,  601- 
2,  603,  604,  J605;  dismissed 
by  lenobu,  608 

Yanamoto  Kataharu  in  civil 
war  of  1520  sqq.,  433 

Yang-chou,  taken  by  pirates 
(1556),  446  . 

Yangtzuling,  Russian  defeat 
at,  718  ^ 

Yashima,  battle,  (1185),  317- 
18 

Yashima,  Japanese  battleship 
lost  off  Port  Arthur,  717 

Yaso,  daughter  of  Emperor 
Reigen,  620 

Yasumaro  see  Ono  Yasumaro 

Year-period  (Nengo),  adoption 
of  Chinese,  645  A.D.,  161;  un- 
der two  dynasties,  398,  406 

Yedo,  fort  built  (1456),  426; 
capital  of  Kwanto,  504; 
Franciscan  mission,  545; 
Hidetada,  562;  Bakufu,  563; 
castle,  580;  nobles  must  reside 
in,  581-2;  rebuilt  after  fire, 
586;  art  centre,  601 ;  vendetta 
forbidden,  607;  tree  planting 
in,  612;  Kwanno  Chokuyo's 
school,  614;  fires,  614;  degen- 
eration, 18th  century,  619- 
20;  vagabonds,  626;  prison, 
642;  land  offered  to  foreign 
traders,  652;  called  Tokyo, 
682  f.n. 


Yot 

Yellow  Sea,  Japanese  victory 
over  Chinese  (1894),  701 

Yemishi,  early  name  of  Ainu, 
34;  Hirafu's  expedition,  35; 
description,  35-41;  Yamato- 
dake's  expedition,  36-7;  cap- 
tives called  Saekibe,  37;  re- 
volt in  Kazusa,  38;  language, 
Siberian  origin,  56;  migra- 
tion, 59;  revolts,  219-20,  222 

Yen,  Pechili,  60 

Yengi-shiki,  book  of  ceremo- 
nial law  (927  A.D.),  64 

Yen  Hui,  Chinese  painter,  450 

Yenisei,  Russian  mining-trans- 
port, sunk  by  mine  at  Port 
Arthur,  712 

Yenomoto  Takeaki,  Viscount 
(1839-1909),  admiral  to  the 
shogun,  tries  to  set  up  re- 

'  public  in  Yezo,  678 

Yezo,  pit-dwellers'  remains  in, 
42 ;  name  related  to  Yoso,  60; 
Yemishi  in,  219;  Russians 
and  Japanese  clash  in,  658-9; 
Yenomoto's  republic  in,  678 

Yi  Sun-sin,  Korean  admiral, 
defeats  Japanese  fleet,  515-16 

Yo-chang,  prince  of  Kudara, 
defeats  Koma  (553),  beaten 
by  Shiragi,  149 

Yod5  (Yamanouchi  Yodo) 
(1827-72),  feudatory  of  Tosa, 
memorial  to  shogun,  677 

Yodo,  estate  of,  522 

Yodo  or  Yodogimi,  daughter 
of  Asai  Nagamasa  and  moth- 
er of  Toyotomi  Hideypri, 
496;  civil  party  sides  with, 
522;  557;  against  leyasu, 
565;  566;  leyasu  promotes 
quarrel  between  Katagiri 
Katsumoto  and,  566-7;  in- 
trigue through  her  sister, 
568;  death,  570 

Yokohama,  opened  to  Ameri- 
can trade  (1858),  667 

Yoko-yama,  castle  of  Naga- 
masa, 484 

Yolang,  or  Pyong-yang, 
Korea,  83 

Yomei,  31st  Emperor  (586-7), 
135^;  Buddhism,  132 

Yomi,  hades,  compared  to 
Indian  Yama,  25;  identified 
with  Yomi-shima,  between 
Hoki  and  Izumo,  30 

Yorifusa  see  Tokugawa  Yori- 
fusa 

Yoriiye  see  Minamoto  Yoriiye 

Yorimasa  conspiracy  (1180), 
298-300 

Yorinobu  see  Tokugawa  Yori- 
nobu 

Yoritomo  see  Minamoto  Yori- 
tomo 

Yoritsune  see  Fujiwara  Yori- 
tsune 

Yoro,  year-period,  717-23, 
and  legislation  of  718,  176-84 

Yorozu,  story  of,  137 


Yos 

Yoshida  Kenko  (1283-1350), 
recluse  and  poet,  one  of  "four 
kings,"  367 

—  Shoin  (1831-60),  leader  of 
anti-foreign  and  Imperial 
movement,  670 

Yoshifusa  see  Fujiwara  Yoshi- 
fusa 

Yoshiiye  see  Minamoto  Yo- 
shiiye 

Yoshikage  see  Asakura  Yoshi- 
kage 

Yoshikawa,  adherents  :j(,f'6f 
Southern  Court,  400 

Yoshimasa  see  Ashikaga 
Yoshimasa 

Yoshimi  see  Ashikaga  Yoshi- 
mi 

— ,  nephew  of  Yoritomo,  376 

Yoshimine,  princely  uji,  205 

Yoshimitsu  see  Ashikaga 
Yoshimitsu 

Yoshimune  see  Tokugawa 
Yoshimune 

Yoshinaga  (Norinaga),  Prince, 
governor-general  of  O-U,  388; 
in  the  Ashikaga  revolt,  393; 
see  Go-Murakami 

Yoshinaka  see  Minamoto 
Yoshinaka 

Yoshinao  see  Tokugawa 
Yoshinao 

Yoshino,  in  Yamato,  Buddhist 
monastery  at,  rallying  place 
for  Furubito's  followers,  159; 
Prince  Oama  takes  refuge  at, 
170;  rendez-vous  of  Go- 
Daigo's  followers,  397;  in 
war  of  dynasties,  401,  402 


784 

Yoshino,  cruiser  lost  off  Port 
Arthur.  717 

Yoshinobu  see  Tokugawa 
Yoshinobu 

Yoshisada  see  Nitta  Yoshisada 

Yoshisuke  see  Wakiya  Yoshi- 
suke 

Yoshiteru  see  Murakami 
Yoshiteru 

Yoshitsune  see  Miriamoto  no 
Yoshitsune 

Yoso,  N.  E.  Korea,  cradle  of 
Yemishi,  60 

Y5zei,  57th  Emperor  (877- 
84),  238-9 

Yuasa  support  Southern 
Court,  400 

Yuge  no  Dokyo,  priest,  Ko- 
ken's  love  for,  198-9 

Yui  Shosetsu,  leader  in  revolt 
of  1651,  584 

Yuki,  branch  of  Fujiwara  in 
KwantS,  266;  persuade  Shi- 
genii  to  kill  Noritada,  425 

—  Munehiro,  administrator  in 
O-U,  388 

Yunglo,  Chinese  Emperor  and 
year-period,  1403-22,  called 
Eiraku  in  Japan,  418,  439, 
527 

Yura,  Strait  of,  28 

Yuryaku,  Emperor  (457-79), 
cruelty  of  his  reign,  112-4; 
and  Korea,  121;  death  of 
Hayato  at  his  tomb,  41; 
serpent  worship,  65;  3  prov- 
inces added  in  his  time,  87; 
punishes  Sakitsuya  for  lese- 
majeste,  97,  succession,  117 


Zun 

Yushima,  Yedo,  shrine,  599 

Yusho  see  Takayama 

YutahitOj  see  Kogon 

Yuzu  or  Yutsuki,  Chinese 
imperial  prince,  and  Chinese 
migration  to  Japan,  102 

ZejobS,  mathematician  and 
surveyor,  527 

Zekkai,  scholar,  adviser  of 
Yoshimitsu,  448,  44'.) 

Zen  (dhyand,  meditation), 
Buddhist  sect  of  contempla- 
tion, 286;  367;  and  Hojo 
Tokimune,  361;  the  soldier's 
creed,  371;  and  intercourse 
with  China,  417;  priests  and 
literature  and  art,  450;  tea 
ceremonial,  452;  favoured  by 
the  Ashikaga,  453;  great 
priests,  454;  five  temples  in 
Kyoto,  455 

Zenko-ji,  temple  in  Nagano 
with  battle  paintings,  467 

Zenkyo  see  Suye  Harukata 

Zenyu,  priest,  liaison  with 
Empress  Taka,  238 

Zojo-ji,  temple  of  Shiba,  Tok- 
yo, tomb  of  Hidetada,  581, 582 

Zoku  Nihongi  (or  Nihonki) 
Supplementary  Chronicles  of 
Japan,  697-791  (798),  4,  251 

—  Nihon  Koki,  Supplemen- 
tary Later  Chronicles,  824-50 
(869),  5,  251 

Zuisa,  Buddhist  priest,  envoy 
of  shogun  to  China,  445 

Zuniga,  Pedro  de  (d.  1622), 
Spanish  Dominican  and  mar- 
tyr, 552 


